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  • Title: The Works of Sir Thomas Browne
  • (Volume 3 of 3)
  • Author: Thomas Browne
  • Editor: Charles Sayle
  • Release Date: November 5, 2012 [EBook #39962]
  • Language: English
  • Character set encoding: UTF-8
  • *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WORKS OF SIR THOMAS BROWNE ***
  • Produced by Jonathan Ingram, KD Weeks and the Online
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  • Transcriber's Note
  • The role of marginal notes differs from text to text in this collection.
  • Please see the Transcriber's Notes for how they are rendered in this
  • text version.
  • Superscripted letters are indicated with a carat '^' as in 'K^t'. Where
  • multiple characters are superscripted, { } are used, as in 'M^{rs.}'
  • Italics are used freely, and have been rendered using _underscore_
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  • Please consult the more detailed notes at the end of this text.
  • THE ENGLISH LIBRARY
  • THE WORKS OF
  • SIR THOMAS BROWNE
  • VOLUME III
  • THE WORKS OF
  • SIR THOMAS BROWNE
  • Edited by
  • CHARLES SAYLE
  • VOLUME III
  • EDINBURGH
  • JOHN GRANT
  • 1907
  • PREFATORY NOTE
  • In concluding the present edition of Sir Thomas Browne's works,
  • attention may be drawn to the reprint of the _Hydriotaphia_, from the
  • first edition of 1658. The copy collated was the one preserved in the
  • Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. In this, in addition to the
  • corrections made at the time of publication on the printed label
  • attached, there are a few others made by a contemporary hand, which
  • deserve consideration. Among these is the excision of a sentence
  • hitherto preserved in the text, and now relegated to the margin (p.
  • 205). If further sanction were needed for the change indicated, it may
  • be gathered from the inscription on the title-page, 'Ex dono Auctoris.'
  • The text of the _Christian Morals_ of 1716 has been collated with the
  • copy in the same Library.
  • For the account of Birds and Fishes found in Norfolk (pp. 513-539),
  • Professor Alfred Newton generously placed his annotated copy at the
  • disposal of the editor. As those actual pages were in the press,
  • Professor Newton passed away, and Death has deprived us of the pleasure
  • of placing this volume in his hands. In this edition Professor Newton's
  • readings have been in the main followed, with the additional help of the
  • valuable recension, published by Mr. Thomas Southwell of Norwich, in
  • 1902, to which every serious student of this treatise must always refer.
  • For further assistance in questions of identification, I am again
  • indebted to the kindness of Mr. W. Aldis Wright; and for one correction
  • to Mr. A. R. Waller.
  • Sir Thomas Browne's Latin treatises and his correspondence are not
  • included in these volumes. It was the determination of the original
  • publisher of this edition that they should be omitted; and indeed they
  • do not form the most characteristic part of Sir Thomas Browne's work.
  • His erudition, and the resources from which he drew, his amazing
  • industry, his marvellous diction, and natural piety--all these are
  • apparent to the general reader of his English text; and it is to such
  • that the present edition of Sir Thomas Browne's works, as they
  • originally appeared, will primarily appeal.
  • C. S.
  • _16th June 1907._
  • CONTENTS
  • Page
  • PREFATORY NOTE BY THE EDITOR, v
  • PSEUDODOXIA EPIDEMICA--
  • THE SEVENTH BOOK:
  • 1. Of the Forbidden Fruit, 1
  • 2. That a Man hath one Rib less then a Woman, 5
  • 3. Of Methuselah, 8
  • 4. That there was no Rain-bow before the Flood, 11
  • 5. Of Sem, Ham, and Japhet, 15
  • 6. That the Tower of Babel was erected against a Second Deluge, 17
  • 7. Of the Mandrakes of Leah, 19
  • 8. Of the three Kings of Collein, 25
  • 9. Of the food of John Baptist, Locust and Wild Honey, 27
  • 10. That John Evangelist should not die, 29
  • 11. More compendiously of some others, 36
  • 12. Of the Cessation of Oracles, 39
  • 13. Of the death of Aristotle, 42
  • 14. Of the Wish of Philoxenus, 49
  • 15. Of the Lake Asphaltites, 52
  • 16. Of divers other Relations, 56
  • 17. Of some others, 65
  • 18. More briefly of some others, 74
  • 19. Of some Relations whose truth we fear, 81
  • HYDRIOTAPHIA AND THE GARDEN OF CYRUS (1658), 87
  • Epistle to Thomas Le Gros, 89
  • Epistle to Nicholas Bacon, 93
  • HYDRIOTAPHIA, 97
  • THE GARDEN OF CYRUS, 145
  • The Stationer to the Reader, 211
  • CERTAIN MISCELLANY TRACTS (1684), 213
  • The Publisher to the Reader, 215
  • 1. Observations upon several Plants mentioned in Scripture, 218
  • 2. Of Garlands and Coronary or Garden-plants, 281
  • 3. Of the Fishes eaten by Our Saviour, 286
  • 4. An Answer to certain Queries relating to
  • Fishes, Birds, Insects, 289
  • 5. Of Hawks and Falconry, 294
  • 6. Of Cymbals, etc., 301
  • 7. Of Ropalic or Gradual Verses, etc., 304
  • 8. Of Languages, and particularly of the Saxon Tongue, 307
  • 9. Of Artificial Hills, Mounts or Burrows, 322
  • 10. Of Troas, etc., 326
  • 11. Of the Answers of Apollo at Delphos to Crœsus, 333
  • 12. A Prophecy concerning several Nations, 342
  • 13. Musæum Clausum, or Bibliotheca Abscondita, 350
  • A LETTER TO A FRIEND (1690), 367
  • POSTHUMOUS WORKS (1712), 395
  • Repertorium, or some Account of the
  • Tombs and Monuments in the Cathedral
  • Church of Norwich in 1680, 397
  • MISCELLANIES:
  • 1. An Account of Island, _alias_ Ice-land, in 1662, 427
  • 2. Concerning some Urnes found in Brampton-Field,
  • in Norfolk, in 1667, 430
  • 3. Concerning too nice Curiosity, 437
  • 4. Upon reading Hudibras, 438
  • CHRISTIAN MORALS (1716), 439
  • Dedication, 441
  • Preface, 442
  • CHRISTIAN MORALS, 443
  • NOTES ON CERTAIN BIRDS FOUND IN NORFOLK, 513
  • NOTES ON CERTAIN FISHES AND MARINE ANIMALS FOUND
  • IN NORFOLK, 526
  • ON THE OSTRICH, 540
  • BOULIMIA CENTENARIA, 544
  • UPON THE DARK MIST, 27TH NOVEMBER 1674, 545
  • ACCOUNT OF A THUNDERSTORM AT NORWICH, 1665, 548
  • ON DREAMS, 550
  • OBSERVATIONS ON GRAFTING, 555
  • CORRIGENDA, 559
  • INDEX, 561
  • PLATES
  • EN SUM QUOD DIGITIS QUINQUE, _to face page_ 97
  • QUID QUINCUNCE SPECIOSIUS, " 147
  • THE SEVENTH BOOK
  • Concerning many Historical Tenents generally received, and some deduced
  • from the history of holy Scripture.
  • CHAPTER I
  • Of the Forbidden Fruit.
  • [Sidenote: _Opinions, of what kind the forbidden fruit was._]
  • That the Forbidden fruit of Paradise was an Apple, is commonly believed,
  • confirmed by Tradition, perpetuated by Writings, Verses, Pictures; and
  • some have been so bad _Prosodians_, as from thence to derive the Latine
  • word _malum_, because that fruit was the first occasion of evil; wherein
  • notwithstanding determinations are presumptuous, and many I perceive are
  • of another belief. For some have, conceived it a Vine; in the mystery of
  • whose fruit lay the expiation of the transgression: _Goropius Becanus_
  • reviving the conceit of _Barcephas_, peremptorily concludeth it to be
  • the _Indian_ Fig-tree; and by a witty Allegory labours to confirm the
  • same. Again, some fruits pass under the name of _Adams_ apples, which in
  • common acception admit not that appellation; the one described by
  • _Mathiolus_ under the name of _Pomum Adami_, a very fair fruit, and not
  • unlike a Citron, but somewhat rougher, chopt and cranied, vulgarly
  • conceived the marks of _Adams_ teeth. Another, the fruit of that plant
  • which _Serapion_ termeth _Musa_, but the Eastern Christians commonly the
  • Apples of Paradise; not resembling an apple in figure, and in taste a
  • Melon or Cowcomber. Which fruits although they have received
  • appellations suitable unto the tradition, yet can we not from thence
  • infer they were this fruit in question: No more then _Arbor vitæ_, so
  • commonly called, to obtain its name from the tree of life in Paradise,
  • or _Arbor Judæ_, to be the same which supplied the gibbet unto _Judas_.
  • Again, There is no determination in the Text; wherein is only
  • particulared that it was the fruit of a tree good for food, and
  • pleasant unto the eye, in which regards many excell the Apple; and
  • therefore learned men do wisely conceive it inexplicable; and _Philo_
  • puts determination unto despair, when he affirmeth the same kind of
  • fruit was never produced since. Surely were it not requisite to have
  • been concealed, it had not passed unspecified; nor the tree revealed
  • which concealed their nakedness, and that concealed which revealed it;
  • for in the same chapter mention is made of fig-leaves. And the like
  • particulars, although they seem uncircumstantial, are oft set down in
  • holy Scripture; so is it specified that _Elias_ sat under a juniper
  • tree, _Absalom_ hanged by an Oak, and _Zacheus_ got up into a Sycomore.
  • And although to condemn such Indeterminables unto him that demanded on
  • what hand _Venus_ was wounded, the Philosopher thought it a sufficient
  • resolution to re-inquire upon what leg King _Philip_ halted; and the
  • _Jews_ not undoubtedly resolved of the Sciatica-side of _Jacob_ [SN:
  • Jacobs _Sciatica_, see _Gen._ 32. 25, 31, 32.], do cautelously in their
  • diet abstain from the sinews of both: yet are there many nice
  • particulars which may be authentically determined. That _Peter_ cut off
  • the right ear of _Malchus_, is beyond all doubt. That our Saviour eat
  • the Passover in an upper room, we may determine from the Text. And some
  • we may concede which the Scripture plainly defines not. That the Dyal of
  • _Ahaz_ was placed upon the West side of the Temple, we will not deny, or
  • contradict the description of _Adricomius_. That _Abrahams_ servant put
  • his hand under his right thigh, we shall not question; and that the
  • Thief on the right hand was saved, and the other on the left reprobated,
  • to make good the Method of the last judicial dismission, we are ready to
  • admit. But surely in vain we enquire of what wood was _Moses_ rod, or
  • the tree that sweetned the waters. Or though tradition or humane
  • History might afford some light, whether the Crown of thorns was made of
  • Paliurus; Whether the cross of Christ were made of those four woods in
  • the Distick of _Durantes_ [SN: Pes ceorus est, truncus cupressus, oliva
  • supremum, palmaq; transversum Christi sunt in cruce lignum.], or only of
  • Oak, according unto _Lipsius_ and _Goropius_, we labour not to
  • determine. For though hereof prudent Symbols and pious Allegories be
  • made by wiser Conceivers; yet common heads will flie unto superstitious
  • applications, and hardly avoid miraculous or magical expectations.
  • Now the ground or reason that occasioned this expression by an Apple,
  • might be the community of this fruit, and which is often taken for any
  • other. So the Goddess of Gardens is termed _Pomona_; so the Proverb
  • expresseth it to give Apples unto _Alcinous; so_ the fruit which _Paris_
  • decided was called an Apple; so in the garden of _Hesperides_ (which
  • many conceive a fiction drawn from Paradise) we read of golden Apples
  • guarded by the Dragon. And to speak strictly in this appellation, they
  • placed it more safely then any other; for beside the great variety of
  • Apples, the word in Greek comprehendeth Orenges, Lemmons, Citrons,
  • Quinces; and as _Ruellius_ defineth [SN: _Ruel._ de stirpium natura.],
  • such fruits as have no stone within, and a soft covering without;
  • excepting the Pomegranate. And will extend much farther in the acception
  • of _Spigelius_ [SN: Isagoge in rem Herbariam.], who comprehendeth all
  • round fruits under the name of apples, not excluding Nuts and Plumbs.
  • It hath been promoted in some constructions from a passage in the
  • _Canticle_ [SN: _Can._ 8.], as it runs in the vulgar translation, _Sub
  • arbore malo suscitavi te, ibi corrupta est mater tua, ibi violata est
  • genetrix tua_; Which words notwithstanding parabolically intended, admit
  • no literal inference, and are of little force in our translation, I
  • raised thee under an Apple-tree, there thy mother brought thee forth,
  • there she brought thee forth that bare thee. So when from a basket of
  • summer fruits or apples, as the vulgar rendreth them, God by _Amos_
  • foretold the destruction of his people, we cannot say they had any
  • reference unto the fruit of Paradise, which was the destruction of man;
  • but thereby was declared the propinquity of their desolation, and that
  • their tranquility was of no longer duration then those horary or soon
  • decaying fruits of Summer. Nor when it is said in the same translation
  • [SN: Fructus horæi.], _Poma desiderii animæ tuæ discesserunt à te_, the
  • apples that thy soul lusted after are departed from thee, is there any
  • allusion therein unto the fruit of Paradise. But thereby is threatned
  • unto _Babylon_, that the pleasures and delights of their Palate should
  • forsake them. And we read in _Pierius_, that an Apple was the
  • Hieroglyphick of Love, and that the Statua of _Venus_ was made with one
  • in her hand. So the little Cupids in the figures of _Philostratus_ [SN:
  • _Philostrat._ figur. 6. De amoribus.] do play with apples in a garden;
  • and there want not some who have symbolized the Apple of Paradise unto
  • such constructions.
  • Since therefore after this fruit, curiosity fruitlesly enquireth, and
  • confidence blindly determineth, we shall surcease our Inquisition;
  • rather troubled that it was tasted, then troubling our selves in its
  • decision; this only we observe, when things are left uncertain, men will
  • assure them by determination. Which is not only verified concerning the
  • fruit, but the Serpent that perswaded; many defining the kind or species
  • thereof. [SN: _Opinions of what kind the Serpent was_, etc.] So
  • _Bonaventure_ and _Comestor_ affirm it was a Dragon, _Eugubinus_ a
  • Basilisk, _Delrio_ a Viper, and others a common snake. Wherein men still
  • continue the delusion of the Serpent, who having deceived _Eve_ in the
  • main, sets her posterity on work to mistake in the circumstance, and
  • endeavours to propagate errors at any hand. And those he surely most
  • desireth which concern either God or himself; for they dishonour God
  • who is absolute truth and goodness; but for himself, who is extreamly
  • evil, and the worst we can conceive, by aberration of conceit they may
  • extenuate his depravity, and ascribe some goodness unto him.
  • CHAPTER II
  • That a Man hath one Rib less then a Woman.
  • That a Man hath one Rib less then a Woman, is a common conceit derived
  • from the History of _Genesis_, wherein it stands delivered, that _Eve_
  • was framed out of a Rib of _Adam_; whence 'tis concluded the sex of man
  • still wants that rib our Father lost in _Eve_. And this is not only
  • passant with the many, but was urged against _Columbus_ in an Anatomy of
  • his at _Pisa_, where having prepared the Sceleton of a woman that
  • chanced to have thirteen ribs on one side, there arose a party that
  • cried him down, and even unto oaths affirmed, this was the rib wherein a
  • woman exceeded. Were this true, it would ocularly silence that dispute
  • out of which side _Eve_ was framed; it would determine the opinion of
  • _Oleaster_, that she was made out of the ribs of both sides, or such as
  • from the expression of the Text [SN: Os ex ossibus meis.] maintain there
  • was a plurality of ribs required; and might indeed decry the parabolical
  • exposition of _Origen_, _Cajetan_, and such as fearing to concede a
  • monstrosity, or mutilate the integrity of _Adam_, preventively conceive
  • the creation of thirteen ribs.
  • [Sidenote: _How many ribs commonly in men and women._]
  • But this will not consist with reason or inspection. For if we survey
  • the Sceleton of both sexes, and therein the compage of bones, we shall
  • readily discover that men and women have four and twenty ribs, that is,
  • twelve on each side, seven greater annexed unto the Sternon, and five
  • lesser which come short thereof. Wherein if it sometimes happen that
  • either sex exceed, the conformation is irregular, deflecting from the
  • common rate or number, and no more inferrible upon mankind, then the
  • monstrosity of the son of _Rapha_, or the vitious excess in the number
  • of fingers and toes. And although some difference there be in figure and
  • the female _os inominatum_ be somewhat more protuberant, to make a
  • fairer cavity for the Infant; the coccyx sometime more reflected to give
  • the easier delivery, and the ribs themselves seem a little flatter, yet
  • are they equal in number. And therefore while _Aristotle_ doubteth the
  • relations made of Nations, which had but seven ribs on a side, and yet
  • delivereth, that men have generally no more than eight; as he rejecteth
  • their history, so can we not accept of his Anatomy.
  • Again, Although we concede there wanted one rib in the Sceleton of
  • _Adam_, yet were it repugnant unto reason and common observation that
  • his posterity should want the same. For we observe that mutilations are
  • not transmitted from father unto son; the blind begetting such as can
  • see, men with one eye children with two, and cripples mutilate in their
  • own persons do come out perfect in their generations. For the seed
  • conveyeth with it not only the extract and single Idea of every part,
  • whereby it transmits their perfections or infirmities; but double and
  • over again; whereby sometimes it multipliciously delineates the same, as
  • in Twins, in mixed and numerous generations. Parts of the seed do seem
  • to contain the Idea and power of the whole; so parents deprived of
  • hands, beget manual issues, and the defect of those parts is supplied by
  • the Idea of others. So in one grain of corn appearing similary and
  • insufficient for a plural germination, there lyeth dormant the
  • virtuality of many other; and from thence sometimes proceed above an
  • hundred ears. And thus may be made out the cause of multiparous
  • productions; for though the seminal materials disperse and separate in
  • the matrix, the formative operator will not delineate a part, but
  • endeavour the formation of the whole; effecting the same as far as the
  • matter will permit, and from dividing materials attempt entire
  • formations. And therefore, though wondrous strange, it may not be
  • impossible what is confirmed at _Lausdun_ concerning the Countess of
  • _Holland_, nor what _Albertus_ reports of the birth of an hundred and
  • fifty. And if we consider the magnalities of generation in some things,
  • we shall not controvert its possibilities in others: nor easily question
  • that great work, whose wonders are only second unto those of the
  • Creation, and a close apprehension of the one, might perhaps afford a
  • glimmering light, and crepusculous glance of the other.
  • CHAPTER III
  • Of _Methuselah_.
  • What hath been every where opinioned by all men, and in all times, is
  • more then paradoxical to dispute; and so that _Methuselah_ was the
  • longest liver of all the posterity of _Adam_, we quietly believe: but
  • that he must needs be so, is perhaps below paralogy to deny. For hereof
  • there is no determination from the Text; wherein it is only particulared
  • he was the longest Liver of all the Patriarchs whose age is there
  • expressed; but that he out-lived all others, we cannot well conclude.
  • For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the flood, the Text
  • expresseth that _Enoch_ was the shortest Liver; who saw but three
  • hundred sixty-five years. But to affirm from hence, none of the rest,
  • whose age is not expressed, did die before that time, is surely an
  • illation whereto we cannot assent.
  • Again, Many persons there were in those days of longevity, of whose age
  • notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture; as of the race of
  • _Cain_, the wives of the nine Patriarchs, with all the sons and
  • daughters that every one begat: whereof perhaps some persons might
  • out-live _Methuselah_; the Text intending only the masculine line of
  • _Seth_, conduceable unto the Genealogy of our Saviour, and the
  • antediluvian Chronology. And therefore we must not contract the lives of
  • those which are left in silence by _Moses_; for neither is the age of
  • _Abel_ expressed in the Scripture, yet is he conceived far elder then
  • commonly opinioned; and if we allow the conclusion of his Epitaph as
  • made by _Adam_, and so set down by _Salian, Posuit mœrens pater, cui
  • à filio justius positum foret, Anno ab ortu rerum 130. Ab Abele nato
  • 129_, we shall not need to doubt. Which notwithstanding _Cajetan_ and
  • others confirm, nor is it improbable, if we conceive that _Abel_ was
  • born in the second year of _Adam_, and _Seth_ a year after the death of
  • _Abel_: for so it being said, that _Adam_ was an hundred and thirty
  • years old when he begat _Seth_, _Abel_ must perish the year before,
  • which was one hundred twenty nine.
  • And if the account of _Cain_ extend unto the Deluge, it may not be
  • improbable that some thereof exceeded any of _Seth_. Nor is it unlikely
  • in life, riches, power and temporal blessings, they might surpass them
  • in this world, whose lives related unto the next. For so when the seed
  • of _Jacob_ was under affliction and captivity, that of _Ismael_ and
  • _Esau_ flourished and grew mighty, there proceeding from the one twelve
  • Princes, from the other no less then fourteen Dukes and eight Kings. And
  • whereas the age of _Cain_ and his posterity is not delivered in the
  • Text, some do salve it from the secret method of Scripture, which
  • sometimes wholly omits, but seldom or never delivers the entire duration
  • of wicked and faithless persons, as is observable in the history of
  • _Esau_, and the Kings of _Israel_ and _Judah_. And therefore when
  • mention is made that _Ismael_ lived 137 years, some conceive he adhered
  • unto the faith of _Abraham_; for so did others who were not descended
  • from _Jacob_; for _Job_ is thought to be an _Idumean_, and of the seed
  • of _Esau_. [SN: _Job thought by some to be of the race of_ Esau.]
  • Lastly (although we rely not thereon) we will not omit that conceit
  • urged by learned men, that _Adam_ was elder then _Methuselah_; inasmuch
  • as he was created in the perfect age of man, which was in those days 50
  • or 60 years, for about that time we read that they begat children; so
  • that if unto 930 we add 60 years, he will exceed _Methuselah_. And
  • therefore if not in length of days, at least in old age he surpassed
  • others; he was older then all, who was never so young as any. For though
  • he knew old age, he was never acquainted with puberty, youth or
  • Infancy; and so in a strict account he begat children at one year old.
  • And if the usual compute will hold, that men are of the same age which
  • are born within compass of the same year, _Eve_ was as old as her
  • husband and parent _Adam_, and _Cain_ their son coetaneous unto both.
  • Now that conception, that no man did ever attain unto a thousand years,
  • because none should ever be one day old in the sight of the Lord, unto
  • whom according to that of _David_, A thousand years are but one day,
  • doth not advantage _Methuselah_. And being deduced from a popular
  • expression, which will not stand a _Metaphysical_ and strict
  • examination, is not of force to divert a serious enquirer. For unto God
  • a thousand years are no more then one moment, and in his sight
  • _Methuselah_ lived no nearer one day then _Abel_, for all parts of time
  • are alike unto him, unto whom none are referrible; and all things
  • present, unto whom nothing is past or to come. And therefore, although
  • we be measured by the Zone of time, and the flowing and continued
  • instants thereof, do weave at last a line and circle about the eldest:
  • yet can we not thus commensurate the sphere of _Trismegistus_; or sum up
  • the unsuccessive and stable duration of God.
  • CHAPTER IV
  • That there was no Rain-bow before the Flood.
  • That there shall no Rain-bow appear forty years before the end of the
  • world, and that the preceding drought unto that great flame shall
  • exhaust the materials of this Meteor, was an assertion grounded upon no
  • solid reason: but that there was not any in sixteen hundred years, that
  • is, before the flood, seems deduceable from holy Scripture, _Gen._ 9. I
  • do set my bow in the clouds, and it shall be for a token of a Covenant
  • between me and the earth. From whence notwithstanding we cannot conclude
  • the nonexistence of the Rain-bow; nor is that Chronology naturally
  • established, which computeth the antiquity of effects arising from
  • physical and setled causes, by additionall impositions from voluntary
  • determinators. Now by the decree of reason and Philosophy, the Rain-bow
  • hath its ground in Nature, as caused by the rays of the Sun, falling
  • upon a roride and opposite cloud: whereof some reflected, others
  • refracted, beget that semi-circular variety we generally call the
  • Rain-bow; which must succeed upon concurrence of causes and subjects
  • aptly predisposed. And therefore, to conceive there was no Rain-bow
  • before, because God chose this out as a token of the Covenant, is to
  • conclude the existence of things from their signalities, or of what is
  • objected unto the sense, a coexistence with that which is internally
  • presented unto the understanding. With equall reason we may infer there
  • was no water before the institution of Baptism, nor bread and wine
  • before the holy Eucharist.
  • [Sidenote: _That there is a Rain-bow of the Moon._]
  • Again, while men deny the antiquity of one Rain-bow, they anciently
  • concede another. For, beside the solary Iris which God shewed unto
  • _Noah_, there is another Lunary, whose efficient is the Moon, visible
  • only in the night, most commonly at full Moon, and some degrees above
  • the Horizon. Now the existence hereof men do not controvert, although
  • effected by a different Luminary in the same way with the other. And
  • probably appeared later, as being of rare appearance and rarer
  • observation, and many there are which think there is no such thing in
  • Nature. And therefore by casual spectators they are lookt upon like
  • prodigies, and significations made, not signified by their natures.
  • Lastly, We shall not need to conceive God made the Rain-bow at this
  • time, if we consider that in its created and predisposed nature, it was
  • more proper for this signification then any other Meteor or celestial
  • appearancy whatsoever. Thunder and lightning had too much terrour to
  • have been tokens of mercy; Comets or blazing Stars appear too seldom to
  • put us in mind of a Covenant to be remembred often: and might rather
  • signifie the world should be once destroyed by fire, then never again by
  • water. The Galaxia or milky Circle had been more probable; for (beside
  • that unto the latitude of thirty, it becomes their Horizon twice in four
  • and twenty hours, and unto such as live under the Æquator, in that space
  • the whole Circle appeareth) part thereof is visible unto any situation;
  • but being only discoverable in the night, and when the ayr is clear, it
  • becomes of unfrequent and comfortless signification. A fixed Star had
  • not been visible unto all the Globe, and so of too narrow a signality in
  • a Covenant concerning all. But Rain-bows are seen unto all the world,
  • and every position of sphere. Unto our own elevation they may appear in
  • the morning, while the Sun hath attained about forty five degrees above
  • the Horizon (which is conceived the largest semi-diameter of any Iris)
  • and so in the afternoon when it hath declined unto that altitude again;
  • which height the Sun not attaining in winter, rain-bows may happen with
  • us at noon or any time. Unto a right position of sphere they may appear
  • three hours after the rising of the Sun, and three before its setting;
  • for the Sun ascending fifteen degrees an hour, in three attaineth forty
  • five of altitude. Even unto a parallel sphere, and such as live under
  • the pole, for half a year some segments may appear at any time and
  • under any quarter, the Sun not setting, but walking round about them.
  • [Sidenote: _The natural signification of the rain-bow._]
  • But the propriety of its Election most properly appeareth in the natural
  • signification and prognostick of it self; as containing a mixt signality
  • of rain and fair weather. For being in a roride cloud and ready to drop,
  • it declareth a pluvious disposure in the air; but because when it
  • appears the Sun must also shine, there can be no universal showrs, and
  • consequently no Deluge. Thus when the windows of the great deep were
  • open, in vain men lookt for the Rain-bow: for at that time it could not
  • be seen, which after appeared unto _Noah_. It might be therefore
  • existent before the flood, and had in nature some ground of its
  • addition. Unto that of nature God superadded an assurance of his
  • Promise, that is, never to hinder its appearance, or so to replenish the
  • heavens again, as that we should behold it no more. And thus without
  • disparaging the promise, it might rain at the same time when God shewed
  • it unto _Noah_; thus was there more therein then the heathens
  • understood, when they called it the _Nuncia_ of the gods, and the laugh
  • of weeping Heaven [SN: Risus plorantis Olympi.]; and thus may it be
  • elegantly said; I put my bow, not my arrow in the clouds, that is, in
  • the menace of rain the mercy of fair weather.
  • Cabalistical heads, who from that expression in _Esay_ [SN: _Isa._ 34.
  • 4.], do make a book of heaven, and read therein the great concernments
  • of earth, do literally play on this, and from its semicircular figure,
  • resembling the Hebrew letter כ Caph, whereby is signified
  • the uncomfortable number of twenty, at which years _Joseph_ was sold,
  • which _Jacob_ lived under _Laban_, and at which men were to go to war:
  • do note a propriety in its signification; as thereby declaring the
  • dismal Time of the Deluge. And Christian conceits do seem to strain as
  • high, while from the irradiation of the Sun upon a cloud, they apprehend
  • the mysterie of the Sun of Righteousness in the obscurity of flesh; by
  • the colours green and red, the two destructions of the world by fire and
  • water; or by the colours of blood and water, the mysteries of Baptism,
  • and the holy Eucharist.
  • Laudable therefore is the custom of the _Jews_, who upon the appearance
  • of the Rain-bow, do magnifie the fidelity of God in the memory of his
  • Covenant; according to that of _Syracides_, look upon the Rain-bow, and
  • praise him that made it. And though some pious and Christian pens have
  • only symbolized the same from the mysterie of its colours, yet are there
  • other affections which might admit of Theological allusions. Nor would
  • he find a more improper subject, that should consider that the colours
  • are made by refraction of Light, and the shadows that limit that light;
  • that the Center of the Sun, the Rain-bow, and the eye of the Beholder
  • must be in one right line, that the spectator must be between the Sun
  • and the Rain-bow; that sometime there appear, sometime one reversed.
  • With many others, considerable in Meteorological Divinity, which would
  • more sensibly make out the Epithite of the Heathens [SN: Thaumancias.];
  • and the expression of the son of _Syrach_. Very beautifull is the
  • Rain-bow, it compasseth the heaven about with a glorious circle, and the
  • hands of the most High have bended it.
  • CHAPTER V
  • Of _Sem_, _Ham_ and _Japhet_.
  • Concerning the three sons of _Noah_, _Sem_, _Ham_ and _Japhet_, that the
  • order of their nativity was according to that of numeration, and
  • _Japhet_ the youngest son, as most believe, as _Austin_ and others
  • account, the sons of _Japhet_, and _Europeans_ need not grant: nor will
  • it so well concord unto the letter of the Text, and its readiest
  • interpretations. For so is it said in our Translation, _Sem_ the father
  • of all the sons of _Heber_ the brother of _Japhet_ the elder: so by the
  • Septuagint, and so by that of _Tremelius_. And therefore when the Vulgar
  • reads it, _Fratre Japhet majore_, the mistake as _Junius_ observeth,
  • might be committed by the neglect of the Hebrew account; which
  • occasioned _Jerom_ so to render it, and many after to believe it. Nor is
  • that Argument contemptible which is deduced from their Chronology: for
  • probable it is that _Noah_ had none of them before, and begat them from
  • that year when it is said he was five hundred years old, and begat
  • _Sem_, _Ham_ and _Japhet_. Again it is said he was six hundred years old
  • at the flood, and that two years after _Sem_ was but an hundred;
  • therefore _Sem_ must be born when _Noah_ was five hundred and two, and
  • some other before in the year of five hundred and one.
  • Now whereas the Scripture affordeth the priority of order unto _Sem_, we
  • cannot from thence infer his primogeniture. For in _Sem_ the holy line
  • was continued: and therefore however born, his genealogy was most
  • remarkable. So is it not unusuall in holy Scripture to nominate the
  • younger before the elder: so is it said, That _Tarah_ begat
  • _Abraham_[SN: _Gen._ 11.], _Nachor_ and _Haram_: whereas _Haram_ was the
  • eldest. So _Rebecca_ [SN: _Gen._ 28.] is termed the mother of _Jacob_
  • and _Esau_. Nor is it strange the younger should be first in
  • nomination, who have commonly had the priority in the blessings of God,
  • and been first in his benediction. [SN: _In divine benedictions the
  • younger often preferred._] So _Abel_ was accepted before _Cain_, _Isaac_
  • the younger preferred before _Ishmael_ the elder, _Jacob_ before _Esau_,
  • _Joseph_ was the youngest of twelve, and _David_ the eleventh son and
  • minor cadet of _Jesse_.
  • Lastly, though _Japhet_ were not elder then _Sem_, yet must we not
  • affirm that he was younger then _Cham_, for it is plainly delivered,
  • that after _Sem_ and _Japhet_ had covered _Noah_, he awaked, and knew
  • what his youngest son had done unto him υἱὸς ὁ νεὡτερος, is
  • the expression of the Septuagint, _Filius minor_ of _Jerom_, and
  • _minimus_ of _Tremelius_. And upon these grounds perhaps _Josephus_ doth
  • vary from the Scripture enumeration, and nameth them _Sem_, _Japhet_ and
  • _Cham_; which is also observed by the _Annian Berosus_; _Noah cum tribus
  • filiis, Semo, Japeto, Cham_. And therefore although in the priority of
  • _Sem_ and _Japhet_, there may be some difficulty, though _Cyril_,
  • _Epiphanius_ and _Austin_ have accounted _Sem_ the elder, and _Salian_
  • the _Annalist_, and _Petavius_ the Chronologist contend for the same,
  • yet _Cham_ is more plainly and confessedly named the youngest in the
  • Text.
  • [Sidenote: _That_ Noah _and_ Saturn _were the same person_.]
  • And this is more conformable unto the Pagan history and Gentile account
  • hereof, unto whom _Noah_ was _Saturn_, whose symbol was a ship, as
  • relating unto the Ark, and who is said to have divided the world between
  • his three sons. _Ham_ is conceived to be _Jupiter_, who was the youngest
  • son: worshipped by the name of _Hamon_, which was the _Egyptian_ and
  • _African_ name for _Jupiter_, who is said to have cut off the genitals
  • of his father, derived from the history of _Ham_, who beheld the
  • nakednes of his, and by no hard mistake might be confirmed from the Text
  • [SN: _Gen._ 9. 22.], as _Bochartus_ [SN: _Reading_ Veiaggod et abscidit,
  • _for_ Veiegged et nunciavit. Bochartus de Geographia sacrâ.] hath well
  • observed.
  • CHAPTER VI
  • That the Tower of _Babel_ was erected against a second Deluge.
  • An opinion there is of some generality, that our fathers after the flood
  • attempted the Tower of _Babel_ to secure themselves against a second
  • Deluge. Which however affirmed by _Josephus_ and others, hath seemed
  • improbable unto many who have discoursed hereon. For (beside that they
  • could not be ignorant of the Promise of God never to drown the world
  • again, and had the Rain-bow before their eyes to put them in mind
  • thereof) it is improbable from the nature of the Deluge; which being not
  • possibly causable from natural showers above, or watery eruptions below,
  • but requiring a supernatural hand, and such as all acknowledg
  • irresistible; must needs disparage their knowledg and judgment in so
  • succesless attempts.
  • Again, They must probably hear, and some might know, that the waters of
  • the flood ascended fifteen cubits above the highest mountains. Now, if
  • as some define, the perpendicular altitude of the highest mountains be
  • four miles; or as others, but fifteen furlongs, it is not easily
  • conceived how such a structure could be effected. Although we allowed
  • the description of _Herodotus_ concerning the Tower of _Belus_; whose
  • lowest story was in height and bredth one furlong, and seven more built
  • upon it; abating that of the Annian _Berosus_, the traditional relation
  • of _Jerom_, and fabulous account of the _Jews_. Probable it is that
  • what they attempted was feasible, otherwise they had been amply fooled
  • in fruitless success of their labours, nor needed God to have hindred
  • them, saying, Nothing will be restrained from them, which they begin to
  • do.
  • [Sidenote: _History of the world._]
  • It was improbable from the place, that is a plain in the land of
  • _Shinar_. And if the situation of _Babylon_ were such at first as it was
  • in the days of _Herodotus_, it was rather a feat of amenity and
  • pleasure, than conducing unto this intention. It being in a very great
  • plain, and so improper a place to provide against a general Deluge by
  • Towers and eminent structures, that they were fain to make provisions
  • against particular and annual inundations by ditches and trenches, after
  • the manner of _Egypt_. And therefore Sir _Walter Raleigh_ accordingly
  • objecteth: If the Nations which followed _Nimrod_, still doubted the
  • surprise of a second flood, according to the opinions of the ancient
  • _Hebrews_, it soundeth ill to the ear of Reason, that they would have
  • spent many years in that low and overflown valley of _Mesopotamia_. And
  • therefore in this situation, they chose a place more likely to have
  • secured them from the worlds destruction by fire, then another Deluge of
  • water: and as _Pierius_ observeth, some have conceived that this was
  • their intention.
  • Lastly, The reason is delivered in the Text. Let us build us a City and
  • a Tower, whose top may reach unto heaven, and let us make us a name,
  • lest we be scattered abroad upon the whole earth; as we have already
  • began to wander over a part. These were the open ends proposed unto the
  • people; but the secret design of _Nimrod_ was to settle unto himself a
  • place of dominion, and rule over his Brethren, as it after succeeded,
  • according to the delivery of the Text, the beginning of his kingdom was
  • _Babel_.
  • CHAPTER VII
  • Of the Mandrakes of _Leah_.
  • We shall not omit the Mandrakes of _Leah_, according to the History of
  • _Genesis_. And _Reuben_ went out in the daies of Wheat-harvest, and
  • found Mandrakes in the field, and brought them unto his mother _Leah_;
  • then _Rachel_ said unto _Leah_, give me, I pray thee, of thy sons
  • Mandrakes: and she said unto her, is it a small matter that thou hast
  • taken my husband, and wouldest thou take my sons Mandrakes also? and
  • _Rachel_ said, Therefore he shall lie with thee this night for thy sons
  • Mandrakes. From whence hath arisen a common conceit, that _Rachel_
  • requested these plants as a medicine of fecundation, or whereby she
  • might become fruitfull. Which notwithstanding is very questionable, and
  • of incertain truth.
  • For first from the comparison of one Text with another, whether the
  • Mandrakes here mentioned, be the same plant which holds that name with
  • us, there is some cause to doubt. The word is used in another place of
  • Scripture [SN: _Cant._ 7.], when the Church inviting her beloved into
  • the fields, among the delightfull fruits of Grapes and Pomegranates, it
  • is said, The Mandrakes give a smell, and at our gates are all manner of
  • pleasant fruits. Now instead of a smell of Delight, our Mandrakes afford
  • a papaverous and unpleasant odor, whether in the leaf or apple, as is
  • discoverable in their simplicity or mixture. The same is also dubious
  • from the different interpretations: for though the Septuagint and
  • _Josephus_ do render it the Apples of Mandrakes in this Text, yet in the
  • other of the _Canticles_, the _Chaldy_ Paraphrase termeth it Balsame. R.
  • _Solomon_, as _Drusius_ observeth, conceives it to be that plant the
  • _Arabians_ named Jesemin. _Oleaster_, and _Georgius Venetus_, the Lilly,
  • and that the word _Dudaim_ may comprehend any plant that hath a good
  • smell, resembleth a womans breast, and flourisheth in wheat harvest.
  • _Tremelius_ interprets the same for any amiable flowers of a pleasant
  • and delightfull odor: but the _Geneva_ Translators have been more wary
  • then any: for although they retain the word Mandrake in the Text, they
  • in effect retract it in the Margin: wherein is set down the word in the
  • original is _Dudaim_, which is a kind of fruit or Flower unknown.
  • [Sidenote: _The vegetables in H. Scripture how variously expounded._]
  • Nor shall we wonder at the dissent of exposition, and difficulty of
  • definition concerning this Text, if we perpend how variously the
  • vegetables of Scripture are expounded, and how hard it is in many places
  • to make out the _species_ determined. Thus are we at variance concerning
  • the plant that covered _Jonas_; which though the Septuagint doth render
  • Colocynthis, the _Spanish_ Calabaca, and ours accordingly a Gourd: yet
  • the vulgar translates it Hedera or Ivy; and as _Grotius_ observeth,
  • _Jerom_ thus translated it, not as the same plant, but best apprehended
  • thereby. The Italian of _Diodati_, and that of _Tremelius_ have named it
  • _Ricinus_, and so hath ours in the Margin, for _palma Christi_ is the
  • same with _Ricinus_. The _Geneva_ Translators have herein been also
  • circumspect, for they have retained the Original word _Kikaion_, and
  • ours hath also affixed the same unto the Margin.
  • Nor are they indeed alwayes the same plants which are delivered under
  • the same name, and appellations commonly received amongst us. So when it
  • is said of _Solomon_, that he writ of plants from the Cedar of Lebanus,
  • unto the Hysop that groweth upon the wall, that is, from the greatest
  • unto the smallest, it cannot be well conceived our common Hysop; for
  • neither is that the least of vegetables, nor observed to grow upon wals;
  • but rather as _Lemnius_ well conceiveth, some kind of the capillaries,
  • which are very small plants, and only grow upon wals and stony places.
  • Nor are the four species in the holy oyntment, Cinnamon, Myrrhe, Calamus
  • and Cassia, nor the other in the holy perfume, Frankincense, Stacte,
  • Onycha and Galbanum, so agreeably expounded unto those in use with us,
  • as not to leave considerable doubts behind them. Nor must that perhaps
  • be taken for a simple unguent, which _Matthew_ only termeth a precious
  • oyntment; but rather a composition as _Mark_ and _John_ imply by pistick
  • _Nard_ [SN: _V._ Mathioli. Epist.], that is faithfully dispensed, and
  • may be that famous composition described by _Dioscorides_, made of oyl
  • of Ben, Malabathrum, Juncus Odoratus, Costus, Amomum, Myrrhe, Balsam and
  • Nard; which _Galen_ affirmeth to have been in use with the delicate
  • Dames of _Rome_; and that the best thereof was made at _Laodicea_; from
  • whence by Merchants it was conveyed unto other parts. But how to make
  • out that Translation concerning the Tithe of Mint, Anise and Cumin, we
  • are still to seek; for we find not a word in the Text that can properly
  • be rendred Anise; the Greek being ἄνηθον, which the Latines
  • call _Anethum_, and is properly Englished Dill. Lastly, What meteor that
  • was, that fed the _Israelites_ so many years, they must rise again to
  • inform us. Nor do they make it out [SN: _V._ Doctissimum Chrysostom.
  • Magnenum de Manna.], who will have it the same with our Manna; nor will
  • any one kind thereof, or hardly all kinds we read of, be able to answer
  • the qualities thereof, delivered in the Scripture; that is, to fall upon
  • the ground, to breed worms, to melt with the Sun, to taste like fresh
  • oyl, to be grounded in Mils, to be like Coriander seed, and of the
  • colour of Bdellium.
  • Again, It is not deducible from the Text or concurrent sentence of
  • Comments, that _Rachel_ had any such intention, and most do rest in the
  • determination of _Austin_, that she desired them for rarity, pulchritude
  • or suavity. Nor is it probable she would have resigned her bed unto
  • _Leah_, when at the same time she had obtained a medicine to fructifie
  • her self. And therefore _Drusius_ who hath expresly and favourable
  • treated hereof, is so far from conceding this intention, that he plainly
  • concludeth, _Hoc quo modo illis in mentem venerit conjicere nequeo_; how
  • this conceit fell into mens minds, it cannot fall into mine; for the
  • Scripture delivereth it not, nor can it be clearly deduced from the
  • Text.
  • Thirdly, If _Rachel_ had any such intention, yet had they no such
  • effect, for she conceived not many years after of _Joseph_; whereas in
  • the mean time _Leah_ had three children, _Isachar_, _Zebulon_ and
  • _Dinah_.
  • Lastly, Although at that time they failed of this effect, yet is it
  • mainly questionable whether they had any such vertue either in the
  • opinions of those times, or in their proper nature. That the opinion was
  • popular in the land of _Canaan_, it is improbable, and had _Leah_
  • understood thus much, she would not surely have parted with fruits of
  • such a faculty; especially unto _Rachel_, who was no friend unto her. As
  • for its proper nature, the Ancients have generally esteemed in Narcotick
  • or stupefactive, and it is to be found in the list of poysons, set down
  • by _Dioscorides_, _Galen_, _Ætius_, _Ægineta_, and several Antidotes
  • delivered by them against it. It was I confess from good Antiquity, and
  • in the days of _Theophrastus_ accounted a philtre, or plant that
  • conciliates affection; and so delivered by _Dioscorides_. And this
  • intent might seem most probable, had they not been the wives of holy
  • _Jacob_: had _Rachel_ presented them unto him, and not requested them
  • for her self.
  • Now what _Dioscorides_ affirmeth in favour of this effect, that the
  • grains of the apples of Mandrakes mundifie the matrix, and applied with
  • Sulphur, stop the fluxes of women, he overthrows again by qualities
  • destructive unto conception; affirming also that the juice thereof
  • purgeth upward like Hellebore; and applied in pessaries provokes the
  • menstruous flows, and procures abortion. _Petrus Hispanus_, or Pope
  • _John_ the twentieth speaks more directly in his _Thesaurus pauperum_:
  • wherein among the receits of fecundation, he experimentally commendeth
  • the wine of Mandrakes given with _Triphera magna_. But the soul of the
  • medicine may lie in _Triphera magna_, an excellent composition, and for
  • this effect commended by _Nicolaus_. And whereas _Levinus Lemnius_ that
  • eminent Physitian doth also concede this effect, it is from manifest
  • causes and qualities elemental occasionally producing the same. For he
  • imputeth the same unto the coldness of that simple, and is of opinion
  • that in hot climates, and where the uterine parts exceed in heat, by the
  • coldness hereof they may be reduced into a conceptive constitution, and
  • Crasis accommodable unto generation; whereby indeed we will not deny the
  • due and frequent use may proceed unto some effect, from whence
  • notwithstanding we cannot infer a fertilitating condition or property of
  • fecundation. For in this way all vegetables do make fruitful according
  • unto the complexion of the Matrix; if that excel in heat, plants
  • exceeding in cold do rectifie it; if it be cold, simples that are hot
  • reduce it; if dry moist, if moist dry correct it; in which division all
  • plants are comprehended. But to distinguish thus much is a point of Art,
  • and beyond the Method of _Rachels_ or feminine Physick. Again, Whereas
  • it may be thought that _Mandrakes_ may fecundate, since _Poppy_ hath
  • obtained the Epithite of fruitful, and that fertility was
  • Hieroglyphically described by _Venus_ with an head of _Poppy_ in her
  • hand; the reason hereof was the multitude of seed within it self, and no
  • such multiplying in humane generation. And lastly, whereas they may seem
  • to have this quality, since _Opium_ it self is conceived to extimulate
  • unto venery, and for that intent is sometimes used by _Turks_,
  • _Persians_, and most oriental Nations; although _Winclerus_ doth seem to
  • favour the conceit, yet _Amatus Lusitanus_, and _Rodericus à Castro_ are
  • against it; _Garcias ab horto_ refutes it from experiment; and they
  • speak probably who affirm the intent and effect of eating Opium [SN:
  • _Opium, of what effect in venery._], it not so much to invigorate
  • themselves in coition, as to prolong the Act, and spin out the motions
  • of carnality.
  • CHAPTER VIII
  • Of the three Kings of _Collein_.
  • [Sidenote: _Three magi or wise men_ (Mat. 2.) _What manner of Kings they
  • were._]
  • A common conceit there is of the three Kings of _Collein_, conceived to
  • be the wise men that travelled unto our Saviour by the direction of the
  • Star, Wherein (omitting the large Discourses of _Baronius_, _Pineda_ and
  • _Montacutius_,) that they might be Kings, beside the Ancient Tradition
  • and Authority of many Fathers, the Scripture also implieth. The Gentiles
  • shall come to thy light, and Kings to the brightness of thy rising. The
  • Kings of _Tharsis_ and the Isles, the Kings of _Arabia_ and _Saba_ shall
  • offer gifts, which places most Christians and many _Rabbins_ interpret
  • of the _Messiah_. Not that they are to be conceived potent monarchs, or
  • mighty Kings; but Toparks, Kings of Cities or narrow Territories; such
  • as were the Kings of _Sodom_ and _Gomorrah_, the Kings of _Jericho_ and
  • _Ai_, the one and thirty which _Joshuah_ subdued, and such as some
  • conceive the Friends of _Job_ to have been.
  • But although we grant they were Kings, yet can we not be assured they
  • were three. For the Scripture maketh no mention of any number; and the
  • numbers of their presents, Gold, Myrrhe and Frankincense, concludeth not
  • the number of their persons; for these were the commodities of their
  • Country, and such as probably the Queen of _Sheba_ in one person had
  • brought before unto _Solomon_. So did not the sons of _Jacob_ divide the
  • present unto _Joseph_, but are conceived to carry one for them all,
  • according to the expression of their Father--Take of the best fruits of
  • the land in your vessels, and carry down the man a present. And
  • therefore their number being uncertain, what credit is to be given unto
  • their names, _Gasper_,_ Melchior_, _Balthazar_, what to the charm
  • thereof against the falling sickness [SN: Gaspar fert myrrham, _etc._],
  • or what unto their habits, complexions, and corporal accidents, we must
  • rely on their uncertain story, and received pourtraits of _Collein_.
  • Lastly, Although we grant them Kings, and three in number, yet could we
  • not conceive that they were Kings of _Collein_. For though _Collein_
  • were the chief City of the _Ubii_, then called _Ubiopolis_, and
  • afterwards _Agrippina_, yet will no History inform us there were three
  • Kings thereof. Beside, these being rulers in their Countries, and
  • returning home, would have probably converted their subjects: but
  • according unto _Munster_, their conversion was not wrought until seventy
  • years after by _Maternus_ a disciple of _Peter_. And lastly, it is said
  • that the wise men came from the East; but _Collein_ is seated West-ward
  • from _Jerusalem_; for _Collein_ hath of longitude thirty four degrees,
  • but _Jerusalem_ seventy two.
  • [Sidenote: _And why of_ Collein.]
  • The ground of all was this. These wise men or Kings, were probably of
  • _Arabia_, and descended from _Abraham_ by _Keturah_, who apprehending
  • the mystery of this Star, either by the Spirit of God, the prophesie of
  • _Balaam_, the prophesie which _Suetonius_ mentions, received and
  • constantly believed through all the East, that out of Jury one should
  • come that should rule the whole world: or the divulged expectation of
  • the _Jews_ from the expiring prediction of _Daniel_: were by the same
  • conducted unto _Judea_, returned unto their Country, and were after
  • baptized by _Thomas_. From whence about three hundred years after, by
  • _Helena_ the Empress their bodies were translated to _Constantinople_.
  • From thence by _Eustatius_ unto Millane, and at last by _Renatus_ the
  • Bishop unto _Collein_: where they are believed at present to remain,
  • their monuments shewn unto strangers, and having lost their _Arabian_
  • titles, are crowned Kings of _Collein_.
  • CHAPTER IX
  • Of the food of _John Baptist_, Locusts and Wild-honey.
  • Concerning the food of _John Baptist_ in the wilderness, Locusts and
  • Wild-honey, lest popular opiniatrity should arise, we will deliver the
  • chief opinions. The first conceiveth the Locusts here mentioned to be
  • that fruit which the Greeks name κεράτιον mentioned by _Luke_ in the
  • diet of the Prodigal son, the Latins _Siliqua_, and some _Panis Sancti
  • Johannis_; included in a broad Cod, and indeed a taste almost as
  • pleasant as Honey. But this opinion doth not so truly impugn that of the
  • Locusts: and might rather call into controversie the meaning of
  • Wild-honey.
  • [Sidenote: _Opinions concerning_ ἀκρίδες, _or the Locusts of S._ John
  • _Baptist_.]
  • The second affirmeth that they were the tops or tender crops of trees:
  • for so _Locusta_ also signifieth: which conceit is plausible in Latin,
  • but will not hold in Greek, wherein the word is ἀκρίδες, except for
  • ἀκρίς, we read ἀκρόδυα, or ἀκρέμονες, which signifie the
  • extremities of trees, of which belief have divers been: more confidently
  • _Isidore Peleusiota_, who in his Epistles plainly affirmeth they think
  • unlearnedly who are of another belief. And this so wrought upon
  • _Baronius_, that he concludeth in neutrality; _Hæc cum scribat Isidorus
  • definiendum nobis non est et totum relinquimus lectoris arbitrio;
  • nam constat Græcam dictionem_ ἀκρίδες, _et Locustam, insecti genus,
  • et arborum summitates significare. Sed fallitur_, saith Montacutius,
  • _nam constat contrarium_, Ἀκρίδα _apud nullum authorem classicum_
  • Ἀκρόδρυα _significare_. But above all _Paracelsus_ with most animosity
  • promoteth this opinion, and in his book _de melle_, spareth not his
  • Friend Erasmus. _Hoc à nonnullis ita explicatur ut dicant Locastus aut
  • cicadas Johanni pro cibo fuisse; sed hi stultitiam dissimulare non
  • possunt, veluti Jeronimus, Erasmus, et alii Prophetæ Neoterici in
  • Latinitate immortui._
  • [Sidenote: _The more probable what._]
  • A third affirmeth that they were properly Locusts: that is, a
  • sheath-winged and six-footed insect, such as is our Grashopper. And this
  • opinion seems more probable than the other. For beside the authority of
  • _Origen_, _Jerom_, _Chrysostom_, _Hillary_ and _Ambrose_ to confirm it:
  • this is the proper signification of the word, thus used in Scripture by
  • the Septuagint, Greek vocabularies thus expound it. _Suidas_ on the word
  • Ακρὶς observes it to be that animal whereon the Baptist fed in the
  • desert; in this sense the word is used by _Aristotle_, _Dioscorides_,
  • _Galen_, and several humane Authors. And lastly, there is no absurdity
  • in this interpretation, or any solid reason why we should decline it, it
  • being a food permitted unto the _Jews_, whereof four kinds are reckoned
  • up among clean meats. Beside, not only the _Jews_, but many other
  • Nations long before and since, have made an usual food thereof. That the
  • _Æthiopians_, _Mauritanians_ and _Arabians_ did commonly eat them, is
  • testified by _Diodorus_, _Strabo_, _Solinus_, _Ælian_ and _Pliny_: that
  • they still feed on them is confirmed by _Leo_, _Cadamustus_ and others.
  • _John_ therefore as our Saviour saith, came neither eating nor drinking:
  • that is, far from the diet of _Jerusalem_ and other Riotous places: but
  • fared coursly and poorly according unto the apparel he wore, that is of
  • Camels hair: the place of his abode, the wilderness; and the doctrin he
  • preached, humiliation and repentance.
  • CHAPTER X
  • That _John_ the Evangelist should not die.
  • The conceit of the long-living, or rather not dying of _John_ the
  • Evangelist, although it seem inconsiderable, and not much weightier than
  • that of _Joseph_ the wandring _Jew_: yet being deduced from Scripture,
  • and abetted by Authors of all times, it shall not escape our enquiry. It
  • is drawn from the speech of our Saviour unto _Peter_ after the
  • prediction of his Martyrdom; _Peter_ saith unto Jesus [SN: _John_ 21.].
  • Lord what shall this man do? Jesus saith unto him, If I will that he
  • tarry until I come, what is that to thee? Follow thou me; then went this
  • saying abroad among the brethren, that this disciple should not die.
  • Now the belief hereof hath been received either grosly and in the
  • general, that is not distinguishing the manner or particular way of this
  • continuation, in which sense probably the grosser and undiscerning party
  • received it. Or more distinctly apprehending the manner of his
  • immortality; that is, that _John_ should never properly die, but be
  • translated into Paradise, there to remain with _Enoch_ and _Elias_ until
  • about the coming of Christ; and should be slain with them under
  • Antichrist, according to that of the Apocalyps. I will give power unto
  • my two witnesses, and they shall prophesie a thousand two hundred and
  • threescore days cloathed in sack-cloth, and when they shall have
  • finished their Testimony, the beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless
  • pit, shall make war against them, and shall overcome them, and kill
  • them. Hereof, as _Baronius_ observeth, within three hundred years after
  • Christ, _Hippolytus_ the Martyr was the first assertor, but hath been
  • maintained by _Metaphrastes_, by _Freculphus_, but especially by
  • _Georgius Trapezuntius_, who hath expresly treated upon this Text, and
  • although he lived but in the last Century, did still affirm that _John_
  • was not yet dead.
  • The same is also hinted by the learned Italian Poet _Dante_, who in his
  • Poetical survey of Paradise, meeting with the soul of St. _John_, and
  • desiring to see his body; received answer from him that his body was in
  • earth, and there should remain with other bodys, until the number of the
  • blessed were accomplished.
  • _In terra è terra il mio corpo, et saragli
  • Tanto con gli altri, che l' numero nostro
  • Con l' eterno proposito s' agguagli._
  • As for the gross opinion that he should not die, it is sufficiently
  • refuted by that which first occasioned it, that is the Scripture it
  • self, and no further off than the very subsequent verse: Yet Jesus said
  • unto him, he should not die, but if I will that he tarry till I come,
  • What is that to thee? And this was written by _John_ himself, whom the
  • opinion concerned; and as is conceived many years after, when _Peter_
  • had suffered and fulfilled the prophesie of Christ.
  • For the particular conceit, the foundation is weak, nor can it be made
  • out from the Text alledged in the Apocalyps: for beside that therein two
  • persons are only named, no mention is made of _John_, a third Actor in
  • this Tragedy. [SN: _The death of St._ John _Evangelist, where and
  • when._] The same is also overthrown by History, which recordeth not only
  • the death of _John_, but assigneth the place of his burial, that is
  • _Ephesus_, a City in _Asia_ minor, whither after he had been banished
  • into _Patmos_ by _Domitian_, he returned in the reign of Nerva, there
  • deceased, and was buried in the days of _Trajan_. And this is testified
  • by _Jerom_[SN: De Scriptor. Ecclesiast.], by _Tertullian_ [SN: De
  • Anima.], by _Chrysostom_ and _Eusebius_, in whose days his Sepulchre was
  • to be seen; and by a more ancient Testimony alleadged also by him, that
  • is of _Polycrates_ Bishop of _Ephesus_, not many successions after
  • _John_; whose words are these in an Epistle unto _Victor_ Bishop of
  • _Rome, Johannes ille qui supra pectus Domini recumbebat, Doctor optimus,
  • apud Ephesum dormivit_; many of the like nature are noted by _Baronius_,
  • _Jansenius_, _Estius_, _Lipellous_, and others.
  • Now the main and primitive ground of this error, was a gross mistake in
  • the words of Christ, and a false apprehension of his meaning;
  • understanding that positively which was but conditionally expressed, or
  • receiving that affirmatively which was but concessively delivered. For
  • the words of our Saviour run in a doubtful strain, rather reprehending
  • than satisfying the curiosity of _Peter_; as though he should have said,
  • Thou hast thy own doom, why enquirest thou after thy Brothers? What
  • relief unto thy affliction, will be the society of anothers? Why pryest
  • thou into the secrets of Gods will? If he stay until I come, what
  • concerneth it thee, who shalt be sure to suffer before that time? And
  • such an answer probably he returned, because he fore-knew _John_ should
  • not suffer a violent death, but go unto his grave in peace. Which had
  • _Peter_ assuredly known, it might have cast some water on his flames,
  • and smothered those fires which kindled after unto the honour of his
  • Master.
  • [Sidenote: _Of all the Apostles St._ John _only is thought to have
  • suffered a natural death: And why?_]
  • Now why among all the rest _John_ only escaped the death of a Martyr,
  • the reason is given; because all others fled away or withdrew themselves
  • at his death, and he alone of the Twelve beheld his passion on the
  • Cross. Wherein notwithstanding, the affliction that he suffered could
  • not amount unto less than Martyrdom: for if the naked relation, at least
  • the intentive consideration of that Passion, be able still, and at this
  • disadvantage of time, to rend the hearts of pious Contemplators; surely
  • the near and sensible vision thereof must needs occasion Agonies beyond
  • the comprehension of flesh; and the trajections of such an object more
  • sharply pierce the Martyred soul of _John_, than afterward did the nails
  • the crucified body of _Peter_.
  • Again, They were mistaken in the Emphatical apprehension, placing the
  • consideration upon the words, If I will: whereas it properly lay in
  • these, when I come. Which had they apprehended as some have since, that
  • is, not for his ultimate and last return, but his coming in Judgment and
  • destruction upon the _Jews_; or such a coming, as it might be said, that
  • that generation should not pass before it was fulfilled; they needed
  • not, much less need we suppose such diuturnity. For after the death of
  • _Peter_, _John_ lived to behold the same fulfilled by _Vespasian_: nor
  • had he then his _Nunc dimittis_, or went out like unto _Simeon_; but old
  • in accomplisht obscurities, and having seen the expire of _Daniels_
  • prediction, as some conceive, he accomplished his Revelation.
  • But besides this original and primary foundation, divers others have
  • made impressions according unto different ages and persons by whom they
  • were received. For some established the conceit in the disciples and
  • brethren, which were contemporary unto him, or lived about the same time
  • with him; and this was first the extraordinary affection our Saviour
  • bare unto this disciple, who hath the honour to be called the disciple
  • whom Jesus loved. Now from hence they might be apt to believe their
  • Master would dispense with his death, or suffer him to live to see him
  • return in glory, who was the only Apostle that beheld him to die in
  • dishonour. Another was the belief and opinion of those times, that
  • Christ would suddenly come; for they held not generally the same opinion
  • with their successors, or as descending ages after so many Centuries;
  • but conceived his coming would not be long after his passion, according
  • unto several expressions of our Saviour grosly understood, and as we
  • find the same opinion not long after reprehended by St. _Paul_ [SN:
  • _Thes._ 2.]: and thus conceiving his coming would not be long, they
  • might be induced to believe his favorite should live unto it. [SN:
  • _Saint_ John, _how long surviving our B. Saviour._] Lastly, the long
  • life of _John_ might much advantage this opinion; for he survived the
  • other twelve, he was aged 22 years when he was called by Christ, and 25
  • that is the age of Priesthood at his death, and lived 93 years, that is
  • 68 after his Saviour, and died not before the second year of _Trajan_.
  • Now having out lived all his fellows, the world was confirmed he might
  • live still, and even unto the coming of his Master.
  • The grounds which promoted it in succeeding ages, were especially two.
  • The first his escape of martyrdom: for whereas all the rest suffered
  • some kind of forcible death, we have no history that he suffered any;
  • and men might think he was not capable thereof: For as History
  • informeth, by the command of _Domitian_ he was cast into a Caldron of
  • burning oyl, and came out again unsinged. Now future ages apprehending
  • he suffered no violent death, and finding also the means that tended
  • thereto could take no place, they might be confirmed in their opinion
  • that death had no power over him, that he might live always who could
  • not be destroyed by fire, and was able to resist the fury of that
  • element which nothing shall resist. The second was a corruption crept
  • into the Latin Text, reading for _Si, Sic eum manere volo_; whereby the
  • answer of our Saviour becometh positive, or that he will have it so;
  • which way of reading was much received in former ages, and is still
  • retained in the vulgar Translation; but in the Greek and original the
  • word is ἐάν, signifying _Si_ or if, which is very different from οὕτως,
  • and cannot be translated for it: and answerable hereunto is the
  • translation of _Junius_, and that also annexed unto the Greek by the
  • authority of _Sixtus Quintus_.
  • The third confirmed it in ages farther descending, and proved a
  • powerfull argument unto all others following; because in his tomb at
  • _Ephesus_ there was no corps or relique thereof to be found; whereupon
  • arose divers doubts, and many suspitious conceptions; some believing he
  • was not buried, some that he was buried but risen again, others that he
  • descended alive into his tomb, and from thence departed after. But all
  • these proceeded upon unveritable grounds, as _Baronius_ hath observed;
  • who alledgeth a letter of _Celestine_ Bishop of _Rome_, unto the Council
  • of _Ephesus_, wherein he declareth the reliques of _John_ were highly
  • honoured by that City; and by a passage also of _Chrysostome_ in the
  • Homilies of the Apostles, That _John_ being dead, did cures in
  • _Ephesus_, as though he were still alive. And so I observe that
  • _Esthius_ discussing this point concludeth hereupon, _Quod corpus ejus
  • nunquam reperiatur, hoc non dicerent si veterum scripta diligenter
  • perlustrassent_.
  • Now that the first ages after Christ, those succeeding, or any other
  • should proceed into opinions so far divided from reason, as to think of
  • immortality after the fall of _Adam_, or conceit a man in these later
  • times should out-live our fathers in the first; although it seem very
  • strange, yet is it not incredible. For the credulity of men hath been
  • deluded into the like conceits; and as _Ireneus_ and _Tertullian_
  • mention, one _Menander_ a _Samaritan_ obtained belief in this very
  • point; whose doctrin it was, that death should have no power on his
  • disciples, and such as received his baptism should receive immortality
  • therewith. Twas surely an apprehension very strange; nor usually falling
  • either from the absurdities of Melancholy or vanities of ambition. Some
  • indeed have been so affectedly vain, as to counterfeit Immortality, and
  • have stoln their death, in a hope to be esteemed immortal; and others
  • have conceived themselves dead; but surely few or none have fallen upon
  • so bold an errour, as not to think that they could die at all. The
  • reason of those mighty ones, whose ambition could suffer them to be
  • called gods, would never be flattered into immortality; but the proudest
  • thereof have by the daily dictates of corruption convinced the
  • impropriety of that appellation. And surely although delusion may run
  • high, and possible it is that for a while a man may forget his nature,
  • yet cannot this be durable. For the inconcealable imperfections of our
  • selves, or their daily examples in others, will hourly prompt us our
  • corruption, and loudly tell us we are the sons of earth.
  • CHAPTER XI
  • More compendiously of some others.
  • Many others there are which we resign unto Divinity, and perhaps
  • deserve not controversie. Whether _David_ were punished only for pride
  • of heart in numbring the people, as most do hold, or whether as
  • _Josephus_ and many maintain, he suffered also for not performing the
  • Commandment of God concerning capitation; that when the people were
  • numbred, for every head they should pay unto God a shekell, we shall not
  • here contend. Surely, if it were not the occasion of this plague, we
  • must acknowledge the omission thereof was threatned with that
  • punishment, according to the words of the Law [SN: Exod. 30.]. When thou
  • takest the sum of the children of _Israel_, then shall they give every
  • man a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, that there be no plague amongst
  • them. Now how deeply hereby God was defrauded in the time of _David_,
  • and opulent State of Israel, will easily appear by the sums of former
  • lustrations. For in the first [SN: Exod. 38.], the silver of them that
  • were numbred was an hundred Talents, and a thousand seven hundred
  • three-score and fifteen shekels; a Bekah for every man, that is, half a
  • shekel, after the shekel of the sanctuary; for every one from twenty
  • years old and upwards, for six hundred thousand, and three thousand and
  • five hundred and fifty men. Answerable whereto we read in _Josephus_,
  • _Vespasian_ ordered that every man of the _Jews_ should bring into the
  • Capital two dragms; which amounts unto fifteen pence, or a quarter of an
  • ounce of silver with us: and is equivalent unto a Bekah, or half a
  • shekel of the Sanctuary. [SN: _What the Attick dragm is. What the
  • didrachmum and the stater_, Mat. 17. 27.] For an Attick dragm is seven
  • pence halfpeny or a quarter of a shekel, and a didrachmum or double
  • dragm, is the word for Tribute money, or half a shekel; and a stater the
  • money found in the fishes mouth was two Didrachmums, or an whole shekel,
  • and tribute sufficient for our Saviour and for _Peter_.
  • We will not question the Metamorphosis of _Lots_ wife, or whether she
  • were transformed into a real statua of Salt: though some conceive that
  • expression Metaphorical, and no more thereby then a lasting and durable
  • column, according to the nature of Salt, which admitteth no corruption:
  • in which sense the Covenant of God is termed a Covenant of Salt; and it
  • is also said, God gave the Kingdom unto _David_ for ever, or by a
  • Covenant of Salt.
  • That _Absalom_ was hanged by the hair of the head, and not caught up by
  • the neck, as _Josephus_ conceiveth, and the common argument against long
  • hair affirmeth, we are not ready to deny. Although I confess a great and
  • learned party there are of another opinion; although if he had his
  • Morion or Helmet on, I could not well conceive it; although the
  • translation of _Jerom_ or _Tremelius_ do not prove it, and our own seems
  • rather to overthrow it.
  • [Sidenote: _How_ Judas _might die_.]
  • That _Judas_ hanged himself, much more, that he perished thereby, we
  • shall not raise a doubt. Although _Jansenius_ discoursing the point,
  • produceth the testimony of _Theophylact_ and _Euthimius_, that he died
  • not by the Gallows, but under a cart wheel, and _Baronius_ also
  • delivereth, this was the opinion of the _Greeks_, and derived as high as
  • _Papias_, one of the Disciples of _John_. Although also how hardly the
  • expression of _Matthew_ is reconcilable unto that of _Peter_, and that
  • he plainly hanged himself, with that, that falling head-long he burst
  • asunder in the midst, with many other, the learned _Grotius_ plainly
  • doth acknowledge. And lastly, Although as he also urgeth, the word
  • ἀπήγξατο in _Matthew_, doth not only signifie suspension or pendulous
  • illaqueation, as the common picture discribeth it, but also suffocation,
  • strangulation or interception of breath, which may arise from grief,
  • despair, and deep dejection of spirit [SN: Strangulat inclusus dolor.],
  • in which sense it is used in the History of _Tobit_ concerning _Sara_,
  • ἐλυπήθη σφόδρα ὥστε ἀπάγξασθαι. _Ita tristata est ut strangulatione
  • premeretur_, saith _Junius_; and so might it happen from the horrour of
  • mind unto _Judas_. So do many of the _Hebrews_ affirm, that _Achitophel_
  • was also strangled, that is, not from the rope, but passion. For the
  • Hebrew and Arabick word in the Text, not only signifies suspension, but
  • indignation, as _Grotius_ hath also observed.
  • Many more there are of indifferent truths, whose dubious expositions
  • worthy Divines and Preachers do often draw into wholesome and sober uses
  • whereof we shall not speak; with industry we decline such Paradoxes, and
  • peaceably submit unto their received acceptions.
  • CHAPTER XII
  • Of the Cessation of Oracles.
  • That Oracles ceased or grew mute at the coming of Christ, is best
  • understood in a qualified sense, and not without all latitude, as though
  • precisely there were none after, nor any decay before. For (what we must
  • confess unto relations of Antiquity) some pre-decay is observable from
  • that of _Cicero_, urged by _Baronius_; _Cur isto modo jam oracula
  • Delphis non eduntur, non modo nostra ætate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit
  • esse contemptius_. That during his life they were not altogether dumb,
  • is deduceable from _Suetonius_ in the life of _Tiberius_, who attempting
  • to subvert the Oracles adjoyning unto _Rome_, was deterred by the Lots
  • or chances which were delivered at _Preneste_. After his death we meet
  • with many; _Suetonius_ reports, that the Oracle of _Antium_ forewarned
  • _Caligula_ to beware of _Cassius_, who was one that conspired his death.
  • _Plutarch_ enquiring why the Oracles of _Greece_ ceased, excepteth that
  • of _Lebadia_: and in the same place _Demetrius_ affirmeth the Oracles of
  • _Mopsus_ and _Amphilochus_ were much frequented in his days. In brief,
  • Histories are frequent in examples, and there want not some even to the
  • reign of _Julian_.
  • What therefore may consist with history, by cessation of Oracles with
  • _Montacutius_ we may understand their intercision, not abscission or
  • consummate desolation; their rare delivery, not total dereliction, and
  • yet in regard of divers Oracles, we may speak strictly, and say there
  • was a proper cessation. Thus may we reconcile the accounts of times, and
  • allow those few and broken divinations, whereof we read in story and
  • undeniable Authors. For that they received this blow from Christ, and no
  • other causes alledged by the heathens, from oraculous confession they
  • cannot deny; whereof upon record there are some very remarkable. The
  • first that Oracle of _Delphos_ delivered unto _Augustus_.
  • _Me puer Hebræus Divos Deus ipse gubernans
  • Cedere sede jubet, tristemq; redire sub orcum;
  • Aris ergo dehinc tacitus discedito nostris._
  • An Hebrew child, a God all gods excelling,
  • To hell again commands me from this dwelling.
  • Our Altars leave in silence, and no more
  • A Resolution e're from hence implore.
  • A second recorded by _Plutarch_, of a voice that was heard to cry unto
  • Mariners at the sea, _Great Pan is dead_; which is a relation very
  • remarkable, and may be read in his defect of Oracles. A third reported
  • by _Eusebius_ in the life of his magnified _Constantine_, that about
  • that time _Apollo_ mourned, declaring his Oracles were false and that
  • the righteous upon earth did hinder him from speaking truth. And a
  • fourth related by _Theodoret_, and delivered by _Apollo Daphneus_ unto
  • _Julian_ upon his _Persian_ expedition, that he should remove the bodies
  • about him before he could return an answer, and not long after his
  • Temple was burnt with lightning.
  • All which were evident and convincing acknowledgements of that Power
  • which shut his lips, and restrained that delusion which had reigned so
  • many Centuries. But as his malice is vigilant, and the sins of men do
  • still continue a toleration of his mischiefs, he resteth not, nor will
  • he ever cease to circumvent the sons of the first deceived. [SN: _The
  • devils retreat when expelled the Oracles._] And therefore expelled from
  • Oracles and solemn Temples of delusion, he runs into corners, exercising
  • minor trumperies, and acting his deceits in Witches, Magicians,
  • Diviners, and such inferiour seducers. And yet (what is deplorable)
  • while we apply our selves thereto, and affirming that God hath left to
  • speak by his Prophets, expect in doubtfull matters a resolution from
  • such spirits, while we say the devil is mute, yet confess that these can
  • speak; while we deny the substance, yet practise the effect and in the
  • denied solemnity maintain the equivalent efficacy; in vain we cry that
  • Oracles are down; _Apollos_ Altar still doth smoak; nor is the fire of
  • _Delphos_ out unto this day.
  • Impertinent it is unto our intention to speak in general of Oracles, and
  • many have well performed it. The plainest of others was that of _Apollo
  • Delphicus_ recorded by _Herodotus_, and delivered unto _Crœsus_; who
  • as a trial of their omniscience sent unto distant Oracles; and so
  • contrived with the Messengers, that though in several places, yet at the
  • same time they should demand what _Crœsus_ was then a doing. Among
  • all others the Oracle of _Delphos_ only hit it, returning answer, he was
  • boyling a Lamb with a Tortoise, in a brazen vessel, with a cover of the
  • same metal. The stile is haughty in Greek, though somewhat lower in
  • Latine.
  • _Æquoris est spatium et numerus mihi notus arenæ
  • Mutum percipio, fantis nihil audio vocem.
  • Venit ad hos sensus nidor testudinis acris,
  • Quæ semel agninâ coquitur cum carne labete,
  • Aere infra strato, et stratum cui desuper æs est._
  • I know the space of Sea, the number of the sand,
  • I hear the silent, mute I understand.
  • A tender Lamb joined with Tortoise flesh,
  • Thy Master King of _Lydia_ now doth dress.
  • The scent thereof doth in my nostrils hover,
  • From brazen pot closed with brazen cover.
  • Hereby indeed he acquired much wealth and more honour, and was reputed
  • by _Crœsus_ as a Diety: and yet not long after, by a vulgar fallacy
  • he deceived his favourite and greatest friend of Oracles into an
  • irreparable overthrow by _Cyrus_. And surely the same success are likely
  • all to have that rely or depend upon him. 'Twas the first play he
  • practised on mortality; and as time hath rendred him more perfect in the
  • Art, so hath the inveterateness of his malice more ready in the
  • execution. 'Tis therefore the soveraign degree of folly, and a crime not
  • only against God, but also our own reasons, to expect a favour from the
  • devil; whose mercies are more cruel than those of _Polyphemus_; for he
  • devours his favourites first, and the nearer a man approacheth, the
  • sooner he is scorched by _Moloch_. In brief, his favours are deceitfull
  • and double-headed, he doth apparent good, for real and convincing evil
  • after it; and exalteth us up to the top of the Temple, but to humble us
  • down from it.
  • CHAPTER XIII
  • Of the death of _Aristotle_.
  • [Sidenote: _What an_ Euripus _is generally_.]
  • That _Aristotle_ drowned himself in _Euripus_, as despairing to resolve
  • the cause of its reciprocation, or ebb and flow seven times a day, with
  • this determination, _Si quidem ego non capio te, tu capies me_, was the
  • assertion of _Procopius_, _Nazianzen_, _Justin Martyr_, and is generally
  • believed amongst us. Wherein, because we perceive men have but an
  • imperfect knowledge, some conceiving _Euripus_ to be a River, others not
  • knowing where or in what part to place it; we first advertise, it
  • generally signifieth any strait, fret, or channel of the Sea, running
  • between two shoars, as _Julius Pollux_ hath defined it; as we read of
  • _Euripus Hellespontiacus_, _Pyrrhæus_, and this whereof we treat,
  • _Euripus Euboicus_ or _Chalcidicus_, that is, a narrow passage of Sea
  • dividing _Attica_, and the Island of _Eubœa_, now called _Golfo de
  • Negroponte_, from the name of the Island and chief City thereof; famous
  • in the wars of _Antiochus_, and taken from the _Venetians_ by _Mahomet_
  • the Great.
  • [Sidenote: _Touching the death of_ Aristotle.]
  • Now that in this _Euripe_ or fret of _Negropont_, and upon the occasion
  • mentioned, _Aristotle_ drowned himself, as many affirm, and almost all
  • believe, we have some room to doubt. For without any mention of this, we
  • find two ways delivered of his death by _Diogenes Laertius_, who
  • expresly treateth thereof; the one from _Eumolus_ and _Phavorimus_, that
  • being accused of impiety for composing an Hymn unto _Hermias_ (upon
  • whose Concubine he begat his son _Nichomachus_) he withdrew into
  • _Chalcis_, where drinking poison he died; the Hymn is extant in
  • _Laertius_, and the fifteenth book of _Athenæus_. Another by
  • _Apollodorus_, that he died at _Chalcis_ of a natural death and
  • languishment of stomach, in his sixty third, or great Climacterical
  • year; and answerable hereto is the account of _Suidas_ and _Censorinus_.
  • And if that were clearly made out, which _Rabbi Ben Joseph_ affirmeth,
  • he found in an _Egyptian_ book of _Abraham Sapiens Perizol_; that
  • _Aristotle_ acknowledged all that was written in the Law of _Moses_, and
  • became at last a Proselyte [SN: _Licetus_ de quæsitis, epist.]; it would
  • also make improbable this received way of his death.
  • Again, Beside the negative of Authority, it is also deniable by reason;
  • nor will it be easie to obtrude such desperate attempts upon
  • _Aristotle_, from unsatisfaction of reason, who so often acknowledged
  • the imbecillity thereof. Who in matters of difficulty, and such which
  • were not without abstrusities, conceived it sufficient to deliver
  • conjecturalities. And surely he that could sometimes sit down with high
  • improbabilities, that could content himself, and think to satisfie
  • others, that the variegation of Birds was from their living in the Sun,
  • or erection made by deliberation of the Testicles; would not have been
  • dejected unto death with this. He that was so well acquainted with ἢ
  • ὅτι, and πότερον _utrum_, and _An Quia_, as we observe in the Queries of
  • his Problems: with ἴσως and ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ, _fortasse_ and _plerumque_, as
  • is observable through all his Works: had certainly rested with
  • probabilities, and glancing conjectures in this: Nor would his
  • resolutions have ever run into that mortal Antanaclasis, and desperate
  • piece of Rhetorick, to be compriz'd in that he could not comprehend. Nor
  • is it indeed to be made out that he ever endeavoured the particular of
  • _Euripus_, or so much as to resolve the ebb and flow of the Sea. For, as
  • _Vicomercatus_ and others observe, he hath made no mention hereof in his
  • Works, although the occasion present it self in his Meteors, wherein he
  • disputeth the affections of the Sea: nor yet in his Problems, although
  • in the twenty-third Section, there be no less than one and forty Queries
  • of the Sea. Some mention there is indeed in a Work of the propriety of
  • Elements, ascribed unto _Aristotle_: which notwithstanding is not
  • reputed genuine, and was perhaps the same whence this was urged by
  • _Plutarch_. [SN: De placitis Philosophorum.]
  • Lastly, the thing it self whereon the opinion dependeth, that is, the
  • variety of the flux and the reflux of _Euripus_, or whether the same do
  • ebb and flow seven times a day, is not incontrovertible. For though
  • _Pomponius Mela_, and after him _Solinus_ and _Pliny_ have affirmed it,
  • yet I observe _Thucydides_, who speaketh often of _Eubœa_, hath
  • omitted it. _Pausanias_ an ancient Writer, who hath left an exact
  • description of _Greece_, and in as particular a way as _Leandro_ of
  • _Italy_, or _Cambden_ of great _Britain_, describing not only the
  • Country Towns, and Rivers; but Hills, Springs and Houses, hath left no
  • mention hereof. _Æschines_ in _Ctesiphon_ only alludeth unto it; and
  • _Strabo_ that accurate Geographer speaks warily of it, that is, ὡς φασὶ,
  • and as men commonly reported. And so doth also _Maginus,
  • Velocis ac varii fluctus est mare, ubi quater in die, aut septies, ut
  • alii dicunt, reciprocantur æstus. Botero_ more plainly, _Il mar cresce e
  • cala con un impeto mirabile quatra volte il di, ben che communimente si
  • dica sette volte_, etc. This Sea with wondrous impetuosity ebbeth and
  • floweth four times a day, although it be commonly said seven times, and
  • generally opinioned, that _Aristotle_ despairing of the reason, drowned
  • himself therein. In which description by four times a day, it exceeds
  • not in number the motion of other Seas, taking the words properly, that
  • is, twice ebbing and twice flowing in four and twenty hours. And is no
  • more than what _Thomaso Porrcacchi_ affirmeth in his description of
  • famous Islands, that twice a day it hath such an impetuous flood, as is
  • not without wonder. _Livy_ speaks more particularly, _Haud facile
  • infestior classi statio est et fretum ipsum Euripi, non septies die
  • (ficut fama fert) temporibus certis reciprocat, sed temere in modum
  • venti, nunc hunc nunc illuc verso mari, velut monte præcipiti devolutus
  • torrens rapitur_. There is hardly a worse harbour, the fret or channel
  • of _Euripus_ not certainly ebbing or flowing seven times a day,
  • according to common report: but being uncertainly, and in the manner of
  • a wind carried hither and thither, is whirled away as a torrent down a
  • hill. But the experimental testimony of _Gillius_ is most considerable
  • of any: who having beheld the course thereof, and made enquiry of
  • Millers that dwelt upon its shore, received answer, that it ebbed and
  • flowed four times a day, that is, every six hours, according to the Law
  • of the Ocean: but that indeed sometimes it observed not that certain
  • course. And this irregularity, though seldom happening, together with
  • its unruly and tumultuous motion, might afford a beginning unto the
  • common opinion. Thus may the expression in _Ctesiphon_ be made out: And
  • by this may _Aristotle_ be interpreted, when in his Problems he seems to
  • borrow a Metaphor from _Euripus_: while in the five and twentieth
  • Section he enquireth, why in the upper parts of houses the air doth
  • Euripize, that is, is whirled hither and thither.
  • A later and experimental testimony is to be found in the travels of
  • Monsieur _Duloir_; who about twenty years ago, remained sometime at
  • _Negroponte_, or old _Chalcis_, and also passed and repassed this
  • _Euripus_; who thus expresseth himself. I wonder much at the Error
  • concerning the flux and reflux of _Euripus_; and I assure you that
  • opinion is false. I gave a Boat-man a Crown, to set me in a convenient
  • place, where for a whole day I might observe the same. It ebbeth and
  • floweth by six hours, even as it doth at _Venice_, but the course
  • thereof is vehement.
  • Now that which gave life unto the assertion, might be his death at
  • _Chalcis_, the chief City of _Eubœa_, and seated upon _Euripus_,
  • where 'tis confessed by all he ended his days. That he emaciated and
  • pined away in the too anxious enquiry of its reciprocations, although
  • not drowned therein, as _Rhodiginus_ relateth, some conceived, was a
  • half confession thereof not justifiable from Antiquity. Surely the
  • Philosophy of flux and reflux was very imperfect of old among the Greeks
  • and Latins; nor could they hold a sufficient theory thereof, who only
  • observed the Mediterranean, which in some places hath no ebb, and not
  • much in any part. Nor can we affirm our knowledg is at the height, who
  • have now the Theory of the Ocean and narrow Seas beside. While we refer
  • it unto the Moon, we give some satisfaction for the Ocean, but no
  • general salve for Creeks, and Seas which know no flood; nor resolve why
  • it flows three or four foot at _Venice_ in the bottom of the Gulf, yet
  • scarce at all at _Ancona_, _Durazzo_, or _Corcyra_, which lie but by the
  • way. And therefore old abstrusities have caused new inventions; and some
  • from the Hypotheses of _Copernicus_, or the Diurnal and annual motion of
  • the earth, endeavour to salve flows and motions of these Seas,
  • illustrating the same by water in a boal, that rising or falling to
  • either side, according to the motion of the vessel; the conceit is
  • ingenuous, salves some doubts, and is discovered at large by _Galileo_.
  • [SN: Rog. Bac. doctis, Cabeus Met. 2.]
  • [Sidenote: _How the Moon may cause the ebbing and flowing of the Sea._]
  • [Sidenote: _Why Rivers and Lakes ebb and flow not. Why some Seas flow
  • higher than others, and continue longer._]
  • But whether the received principle and undeniable action of the Moon may
  • not be still retained, although in some difference of application, is
  • yet to be perpended [SN: Rog. Bac. doctis, Cabeus Met. 2.]; that is, not
  • by a simple operation upon the surphace or superiour parts, but
  • excitation of the nitro-sulphureous spirits, and parts disposed to
  • intumescency at the bottom; not by attenuation of the upper part of the
  • Sea, (whereby ships would draw more water at the flow than at the ebb)
  • but inturgescencies caused first at the bottom, and carrying the upper
  • part before them: subsiding and falling again, according to the Motion
  • of the Moon from the Meridian, and languor of the exciting cause: and
  • therefore Rivers and Lakes who want these fermenting parts at the
  • bottom, are not excited unto æstuations; and therefore some Seas flow
  • higher than others, according to the Plenty of these spirits, in their
  • submarine constitutions. And therefore also the periods of flux and
  • reflux are various, nor their increase or decrease equal: according to
  • the temper of the terreous parts at the bottom: who as they are more
  • hardly or easily moved, do variously begin, continue or end their
  • intumescencies.
  • [Sidenote: _Whence the violent flows proceed in some Estuaries and
  • Rivers._]
  • From the peculiar disposition of the earth at the bottom, wherein quick
  • excitations are made, may arise those Agars and impetuous flows in some
  • æstuaries and Rivers, as is observable about _Trent_ and _Humber_ in
  • _England_; which may also have some effect in the boisterous tides of
  • _Euripus_, not only from ebullitions at the bottom, but also from the
  • sides and lateral parts, driving the streams from either side, which
  • arise or fall according to the motion in those parts, and the intent or
  • remiss operation of the first exciting causes, which maintain their
  • activities above and below the Horizon; even as they do in the bodies of
  • plants and animals, and in the commotion of _Catarrhes_.
  • However therefore _Aristotle_ died, what was his end, or upon what
  • occasion, although it be not altogether assured, yet that his memory and
  • worthy name shall live, no man will deny, nor grateful Scholar doubt,
  • and if according to the Elogy of _Solon_, a man may be only said to be
  • happy after he is dead, and ceaseth to be in the visible capacity of
  • beatitude, or if according unto his own Ethicks, sense is not essential
  • unto felicity, but a man may be happy without the apprehension thereof;
  • surely in that sense he is pyramidally happy; nor can he ever perish but
  • in the Euripe of Ignorance, or till the Torrent or Barbarism
  • overwhelmeth all.
  • [Sidenote: Homers _death_.]
  • A like conceit there passeth of _Melisigenes, alias Homer_, the Father
  • Poet, that he pined away upon the Riddle of the fishermen. But
  • _Herodotus_ who wrote his life hath cleared this point; delivering, that
  • passing from _Samos_ unto Athens, he went sick ashore upon the Island
  • _Ios_, where he died, and was solemnly interred upon the Sea side; and
  • so decidingly concludeth, _Ex hac ægritudine extremum diem clausit
  • Homerus in Io, non, ut arbitrantur aliqui, Ænigmatis perplexitate
  • enectus, sed morbo_.
  • CHAPTER XIV
  • Of the Wish of _Philoxenus_.
  • That Relation of _Aristotle_, and conceit generally received concerning
  • _Philoxenus_, who wished the neck of a Crane, that thereby he might take
  • more pleasure in his meat, although it pass without exception, upon
  • enquiry I find not only doubtful in the story, but absurd in the desire
  • or reason alledged for it. For though his Wish were such as is
  • delivered, yet had it not perhaps that end, to delight his gust in
  • eating; but rather to obtain advantage thereby in singing, as is
  • declared by _Mirandula_. _Aristotle_ (saith he) in his Ethicks and
  • Problems, accuseth _Philoxenus_ of sensuality, for the greater pleasure
  • of gust desiring the neck of a Crane; which desire of his, assenting
  • unto _Aristotle_, I have formerly condemned: But since I perceive that
  • _Aristotle_ for this accusation hath been accused by divers Writers. For
  • _Philoxenus_ was an excellent Musician, and desired the neck of a Crane,
  • not for any pleasure at meat; but fancying thereby an advantage in
  • singing or warbling, and dividing the notes in musick. And many Writers
  • there are which mention a Musician of that name, as _Plutarch_ in his
  • book against usury, and _Aristotle_ himself in the eighth of his
  • Politicks, speaks of one _Philoxenus_ a Musician, that went off from the
  • Dorick Dithyrambicks unto the Phrygian Harmony.
  • Again, Be the story true or false, rightly applied or not, the intention
  • is not reasonable, and that perhaps neither one way nor the other. For
  • if we rightly consider the Organ of tast, we shall find the length of
  • the neck to conduce but little unto it. For the tongue being the
  • instrument of tast, and the tip thereof the most exact distinguisher, it
  • will not advantage the gust to have the neck extended; Wherein the
  • Gullet and conveying parts are only seated, which partake not of the
  • nerves of gustation, or appertaining unto sapor, but receive them only
  • from the sixth pair; whereas the nerves of tast descend from the third
  • and fourth propagations, and so diffuse themselves into the tongue. And
  • therefore Cranes, Herns and Swans have no advantage in taste beyond
  • Hawks, Kites, and others of shorter necks.
  • Nor, if we consider it, had Nature respect unto the taste in the
  • different contrivance of necks, but rather unto the parts contained, the
  • composure of the rest of the body, and the manner whereby they feed.
  • Thus animals of long legs, have generally long necks; that is, for the
  • conveniency of feeding, as having a necessity to apply their mouths unto
  • the earth. So have Horses, Camels, Dromedaries long necks, and all tall
  • animals, except the Elephant, who in defect thereof is furnished with a
  • Trunk, without which he could not attain the ground. So have Cranes,
  • Herns, Storks and Shovelards long necks: and so even in Man, whose
  • figure is erect, the length of the neck followeth the proportion of
  • other parts: and such as have round faces or broad chests and shoulders,
  • have very seldom long necks. For, the length of the face twice exceedeth
  • that of the neck, and the space betwixt the throat-pit and the navell,
  • is equall unto the circumference thereof. Again, animals are framed with
  • long necks, according unto the course of their life or feeding: so many
  • with short legs have long necks, because they feed in the water, as
  • Swans, Geese, Pelicans, and other fin-footed animals. But Hawks and
  • birds of prey have short necks and trussed leggs; for that which is long
  • is weak and flexible, and a shorter figure is best accomodated unto
  • that intention. Lastly, the necks of animals do vary, according to the
  • parts that are contained in them, which are the weazon and the gullet.
  • Such as have no weazon and breath not, have scarce any neck, as most
  • sorts of fishes; and some none at all, as all sorts of pectinals, Soals,
  • Thornback, Flounders; and all crustaceous animals, as Crevises, Crabs
  • and Lobsters.
  • All which considered, the Wish of _Philoxenus_ will hardly consist with
  • reason. More excusable had it been to have wished himself an Ape, which
  • if common conceit speak true, is exacter in taste then any. Rather some
  • kind of granivorous bird then a Crane, for in this sense they are so
  • exquisite that upon the first peck of their bill, they can distinguish
  • the qualities of hard bodies; which the sense of man discerns not
  • without mastication. Rather some ruminating animal, that he might have
  • eat his meat twice over; or rather, as _Theophilus_ observed in
  • _Athenæus_, his desire had been more reasonable, had he wished himself
  • an Elephant, or an Horse; for in these animals the appetite is more
  • vehement, and they receive their viands in large and plenteous manner.
  • And this indeed had been more sutable, if this were the same
  • _Philoxenus_ whereof _Plutarch_ speaketh who was so uncivilly greedy,
  • that to engross the mess, he would preventively deliver his nostrils in
  • the dish.
  • As for the musical advantage, although it seem more reasonable, yet do
  • we not observe that Cranes and birds of long necks have any musical, but
  • harsh and clangous throats. But birds that are canorous, and whose notes
  • we most commend, are of little throats and short necks, as Nightingales,
  • Finches, Linnets, Canary birds and Larks. And truly, although the
  • weazon, throtle and tongue be the instruments of voice, and by their
  • agitations do chiefly concurr unto these delightfull modulations, yet
  • cannot we distinctly and peculiarly assign the cause unto any
  • particular formation; and I perceive the best thereof, the nightingale,
  • hath some disadvantage in the tongue; which is not accuminate and
  • pointed as in the rest, but seemeth as it were cut off, which perhaps
  • might give the hint unto the fable of _Philomela_, and the cutting off
  • her tongue by _Tereus_.
  • CHAPTER XV
  • Of the Lake Asphaltites.
  • Concerning the Lake _Asphaltites_, the Lake of _Sodom_, or the dead Sea,
  • that heavy bodies cast therein sink not, but by reason of a salt and
  • bituminous thickness in the water float and swim above, narrations
  • already made are of that variety, we can hardly from thence deduce a
  • satisfactory determination; and that not only in the story it self, but
  • in the cause alledged. As for the story, men deliver it variously: some
  • I fear too largely, as _Pliny_, who affirmeth that bricks will swim
  • therein. _Mandevil_ goeth farther, that Iron swimmeth, and feathers
  • sink. _Munster_ in his Cosmography hath another relation, although
  • perhaps derived from the Poem of _Tertullian,_ that a candle Burning
  • swimmeth, but if extinguished sinketh. Some more moderately, as
  • _Josephus_, and many others: affirming only that living bodies float,
  • nor peremptorily averring they cannot sink, but that indeed they do not
  • easily descend. Most traditionally, as _Galen_, _Pliny_, _Solinus_ and
  • _Strabo_, who seems to mistake the Lake _Serbonis_ for it. Few
  • experimentally, most contenting themselves in the experiment of
  • _Vespasian_, by whose command some captives bound were cast therein, and
  • found to float as though they could have swimmed: divers
  • contradictorily, or contrarily, quite overthrowing the point.
  • _Aristotle_ in the second of his Meteors speaks lightly thereof, ὥσπερ
  • μυθολογοῦσι, which word is variously rendred, by some as a fabulous
  • account, by some as a common talk. _Biddulphus_ divideth the common
  • accounts of _Judea_ in three parts, the one saith he, are apparent
  • Truths, the second apparent falshoods, the third are dubious or between
  • both; in which form he ranketh the relation of this Lake.[SN: Biddulphi
  • intinerarium Anglice.] But _Andrew Thevet_ in his Cosmography doth
  • ocularly overthrow it; for he affirmeth, he saw an Ass with his Saddle
  • cast therein and drowned. Now of these relations so different or
  • contrary unto each other, the second is most moderate and safest to be
  • embraced, which saith, that living bodies swim therein, that is, they do
  • not easily sink: and this, untill exact experiment further determine,
  • may be allowed, as best consistent with this quality, and the reasons
  • alledged for it.
  • As for the cause of this effect, common opinion conceives it to be the
  • salt and bituminous thickness of the water. This indeed is probable, and
  • may be admitted as far as the second opinion concedeth. For certain it
  • is that salt water will support a greater burden then fresh; and we see
  • an egg will descend in salt water, which will swim in brine. But that
  • Iron should float therein, from this cause is hardly granted; for heavy
  • bodies will only swim in that liquor, wherein the weight of their bulk
  • exceedeth not the weight of so much water as it occupieth or taketh up.
  • But surely no water is heavy enough to answer the ponderosity of Iron,
  • and therefore that metal will sink in any kind thereof, and it was a
  • perfect Miracle which was wrought this way by _Elisha_. Thus we perceive
  • that bodies do swim or sink in different liquors, according unto the
  • tenuity or gravity of those liquors which are to support them. So salt
  • water beareth that weight which will sink in vineger, vineger that which
  • will fall in fresh water, fresh water that which will sink in spirits of
  • Wine, and that will swim in spirits of Wine which will sink in clear
  • oyl; as we made experiment in globes of wax pierced with light sticks to
  • support them. So that although it be conceived an hard matter to sink in
  • oyl, I believe a man should find it very difficult, and next to flying,
  • to swim therein. And thus will Gold sink in Quick-silver, wherein Iron
  • and other metals swim; for the bulk of Gold is only heavier then that
  • space of Quick-silver which it containeth: and thus also in a solution
  • of one ounce of Quick-silver in two of _Aqua fortis_, the liquor will
  • bear Amber, Horn, and the softer kinds of stones, as we have made triall
  • in each.
  • But a private opinion there is which crosseth the common conceit,
  • maintained by some of late, and alleadged of old by _Strabo_, that the
  • floating of bodies in this Lake proceeds not from the thickness of the
  • water, but a bituminous ebullition from the bottom, whereby it wafts up
  • bodies injected, and suffereth them not easily to sink. The verity
  • thereof would be enquired by ocular exploration, for this way is also
  • probable. So we observe, it is hard to wade deep in baths where springs
  • arise; and thus sometime are bals made to play upon a spouting stream.
  • And therefore, until judicious and ocular experiment confirm or
  • distinguish the assertion, that bodies do not sink herein at all, we do
  • not yet believe; that they not easily, or with more difficulty descend
  • in this than other water, we shall readily assent. But to conclude an
  • impossibility from a difficulty, or affirm whereas things not easily
  • sink, they do not drown at all; beside the fallacy, is a frequent
  • addition in humane expression, and an amplification not unusual as well
  • in opinions as relations; which oftentimes give indistinct accounts of
  • proximities, and without restraint transcend from one another. Thus,
  • forasmuch as the torrid Zone was conceived exceeding hot, and of
  • difficult habitation, the opinions of men so advanced its constitution,
  • as to conceive the same unhabitable, and beyond possibility for man to
  • live therein. Thus, because there are no Wolves in _England_, nor have
  • been observed for divers generations, common people have proceeded into
  • opinions, and some wise men into affirmations, they will not live
  • therein, although brought from other Countries. Thus most men affirm,
  • and few here will believe the contrary, that there be no Spiders in
  • _Ireland_; but we have beheld some in that Country; and though but few,
  • some Cob-webs we behold in Irish wood in _England_. Thus the Crocodile
  • from an egg growing up to an exceeding magnitude, common conceit, and
  • divers Writers deliver, it hath no period of encrease, but groweth as
  • long as it liveth. And thus in brief, in most apprehensions the conceits
  • of men extend the considerations of things, and dilate their notions
  • beyond the propriety of their natures.
  • In the Mapps of the dead Sea or Lake of _Sodom_, we meet with the
  • destroyed Cities, and in divers the City of _Sodom_ placed about the
  • middle, or far from the shore of it; but that it could not be far from
  • _Segor_, which was seated under the mountains neer the side of the Lake,
  • seems inferrible from the sudden arrival of _Lot_, who coming from
  • _Sodom_ at day break, attained _Segor_ at Sun rising; and therefore
  • _Sodom_ to be placed not many miles from it, and not in the middle of
  • the Lake, which is accounted about eighteen miles over; and so will
  • leave about nine miles to be passed in too small a space of time.
  • CHAPTER XVI
  • Of divers other Relations.
  • 1. The relation of _Averroes_, and now common in every mouth, of the
  • woman that conceived in a bath, by attracting the sperm or seminal
  • effluxion of a man admitted to bath in some vicinity unto her, I have
  • scarce faith to believe; and had I been of the Jury, should have hardly
  • thought I had found the father in the person that stood by her. 'Tis a
  • new and unseconded way in History to fornicate at a distance, and much
  • offendeth the rules of Physick, which say, there is no generation
  • without a joynt emission, nor only a virtual, but corporal and carnal
  • contaction. And although _Aristotle_ and his adherents do cut off the
  • one, who conceive no effectual ejaculation in women, yet in defence of
  • the other they cannot be introduced. For, if as he believeth, the
  • inordinate longitude of the organ, though in its proper recipient, may
  • be a means to inprolificate the seed; surely the distance of place, with
  • the commixture of an aqueous body, must prove an effectual impediment,
  • and utterly prevent the success of a conception. And therefore that
  • conceit concerning the daughters of _Lot_, that they were impregnated
  • by their sleeping father, or conceived by seminal pollution received at
  • distance from him, will hardly be admitted. [SN: _Generations by the
  • Devil very improbable._] And therefore what is related of devils, and
  • the contrived delusions of spirits, that they steal the seminal
  • emissions of man, and transmit them into their votaries in coition, is
  • much to be suspected; and altogether to be denied, that there ensue
  • conceptions thereupon; however husbanded by Art, and the wisest menagery
  • of that most subtile imposter. And therefore also that our magnified
  • _Merlin_ was thus begotten by the devil, is a groundless conception; and
  • as vain to think from thence to give the reason of his prophetical
  • spirit. For if a generation could succeed, yet should not the issue
  • inherit the faculties of the devil, who is but an auxiliary, and no
  • univocal Actor; Nor will his nature substantially concur to such
  • productions.
  • And although it seems not impossible, that impregnation may succeed from
  • seminal spirits, and vaporous irradiations containing the active
  • principle, without material and gross immissions; as it happeneth
  • sometimes in imperforated persons, and rare conceptions of some much
  • under pubertie or fourteen. As may be also conjectured in the coition of
  • some insects, wherein the female makes intrusion into the male; and from
  • the continued ovation in Hens, from one single tread of a cock, and
  • little stock laid up near the vent, sufficient for durable
  • prolification. And although also in humane generation the gross and
  • corpulent seminal body may return again, and the great business be acted
  • by what it caryeth with it: yet will not the same suffice to support the
  • story in question, wherein no corpulent immission is acknowledged;
  • answerable unto the fable of the _Talmudists_, in the storie of
  • _Benzira_, begotten in the same manner on the daughter of the Prophet
  • _Jeremie_.
  • 2. The Relation of _Lucillius_, and now become common, concerning
  • _Crassus_ the grand-father of _Marcus_ the wealthy _Roman_, that he
  • never laughed but once in all his life, and that was at an Ass eating
  • thistles, is something strange. For, if an indifferent and unridiculous
  • object could draw his habitual austereness unto a smile, it will be hard
  • to believe he could with perpetuity resist the proper motives thereof.
  • [SN: _Laughter. What kind of Passion it is._] For the act of Laughter
  • which is evidenced by a sweet contraction of the muscles of the face,
  • and a pleasant agitation of the vocal Organs, is not meerly voluntary,
  • or totally within the jurisdiction of our selves: but as it may be
  • constrained by corporal contaction in any, and hath been enforced in
  • some even in their death, so the new unusual or unexpected jucundities,
  • which present themselves to any man in his life, at some time or other
  • will have activity enough to excitate the earthiest soul, and raise a
  • smile from most composed tempers. Certainly the times were dull when
  • these things happened, and the wits of those Ages short of these of
  • ours; when men could maintain such immutable faces, as to remain like
  • statues under the flatteries of wit and persist unalterable at all
  • efforts of Jocularity. The spirits in hell, and _Pluto_ himself, whom
  • _Lucian_ makes to laugh at passages upon earth, will plainly condemn
  • these Saturnines, and make ridiculous the magnified _Heraclitus_, who
  • wept preposterously, and made a hell on earth; for rejecting the
  • consolations of life, he passed his days in tears, and the uncomfortable
  • attendments of hell.
  • 3. The same conceit there passeth concerning our blessed Saviour, and is
  • sometimes urged as an high example of gravity. And this is opinioned,
  • because in holy Scripture it is recorded he sometimes wept, but never
  • that he laughed. Which howsoever granted, it will be hard to conceive
  • how he passed his younger years and child-hood without a smile, if as
  • Divinity affirmeth, for the assurance of his humanity unto men, and the
  • concealment of his Divinity from the devil, he passed this age like
  • other children, and so proceeded untill he evidenced the same. And
  • surely herein no danger there is to affirm the act or performance of
  • that, whereof we acknowledge the power and essential property; and
  • whereby indeed he most nearly convinced the doubt of his humanity. Nor
  • need we be afraid to ascribe that unto the incarnate Son, which
  • sometimes is attributed unto the uncarnate Father; of whom it is said,
  • He that dwelleth in the heavens shall laugh the wicked to scorn. For a
  • laugh there is of contempt or indignation, as well as of mirth and
  • Jocosity; and that our Saviour was not exempted from the ground hereof,
  • that is, the passion of anger, regulated and rightly ordered by reason,
  • the schools do not deny: and besides the experience of the
  • money-changers and Dove-sellers in the Temple, is testified by St.
  • _John_, when he saith, the speech of _David_ [SN: Zelus domus tuæ
  • comedit me.] was fulfilled in our Saviour.
  • Now the Alogie of this opinion consisteth in the illation; it being not
  • reasonable to conclude from Scripture negatively in points which are not
  • matters of faith, and pertaining unto salvation. And therefore although
  • in the description of the creation there be no mention of fire,
  • Christian Philosophy did not think it reasonable presently to annihilate
  • that element, or positively to decree there was no such thing at all.
  • Thus whereas in the brief narration of _Moses_ there is no record of
  • wine before the flood, we cannot satisfactorily conclude that _Noah_ was
  • the first that ever tasted thereof. [SN: _Only in the vulgar Latin._
  • Judg. 9. 53.] And thus because the word _Brain_ is scarce mentioned
  • once, but _Heart_ above an hundred times in holy Scripture; Physitians
  • that dispute the principality of parts are not from hence induced to
  • bereave the animal Organ of its priority. Wherefore the Scriptures being
  • serious, and commonly omitting such Parergies, it will be unreasonable
  • from hence to condemn all Laughter, and from considerations
  • inconsiderable to discipline a man out of his nature. For this is by a
  • rustical severity to banish all urbanity; whose harmless and confined
  • condition, as it stands commended by morality, so is it consistent with
  • Religion, and doth not offend Divinity.
  • 4. The custom it is of Popes to change their name at their creation; and
  • the Author thereof is commonly said to be _Bocca di porco_, or swines
  • face; who therefore assumed the stile of _Sergius_ the second, as being
  • ashamed so foul a name should dishonour the chair of _Peter_; wherein
  • notwithstanding, from _Montacutius_ and others I find there may be some
  • mistake. For _Massonius_ who writ the lives of Popes, acknowledgeth he
  • was not the first that changed his name in that Sea; nor as _Platina_
  • affirmeth, have all his Successors precisely continued that custom; for
  • _Adrian_ the sixt, and _Marcellus_ the second, did still retain their
  • Baptismal denomination. Nor is it proved, or probable, that _Sergius_
  • changed the name of _Bocca di Porco_, for this was his sirname or
  • gentilitious appellation: nor was it the custom to alter that with the
  • other; but be commuted his Christian name _Peter_ for _Sergius_,
  • because he would seem to decline the name of _Peter_ the second. A
  • scruple I confess not thought considerable in other Seas, whose
  • Originals and first Patriarchs have been less disputed; nor yet perhaps
  • of that reality as to prevail in points of the same nature. For the
  • names of the Apostles, Patriarchs and Prophets have been assumed even to
  • affectation; the name of Jesus hath not been appropriate; but some in
  • precedent ages have born that name, and many since have not refused the
  • Christian name of _Emmanuel_. Thus are there few names more frequent
  • then _Moses_ and _Abraham_ among the _Jews_; The _Turks_ without scruple
  • affect the name of _Mahomet_, and with gladness receive so honourable
  • cognomination.
  • And truly in humane occurrences there ever have been many well directed
  • intentions, whose rationalities will never bear a rigid examination, and
  • though in some way they do commend their Authors, and such as first
  • began them, yet have they proved insufficient to perpetuate imitation in
  • such as have succeeded them. Thus was it a worthy resolution of
  • _Godfrey_, and most Christians have applauded it, That he refused to
  • wear a Crown of Gold where his Saviour had worn one of thorns. Yet did
  • not his Successors durably inherit that scruple, but some were anointed,
  • and solemnly accepted the Diadem of regality. Thus _Julius_, _Augustus_
  • and _Tiberius_ with great humility or popularity refused the name of
  • _Imperator_, but their Successors have challenged that title, and retain
  • the same even in its titularity. And thus to come nearer our subject,
  • the humility of _Gregory_ the Great would by no means admit the stile of
  • universal Bishop; but the ambition of _Boniface_ made no scruple
  • thereof, nor of more queasie resolutions have been their Successors ever
  • since.
  • [Sidenote: Turkish _History_.]
  • 5. That _Tamerlane_ was a _Scythian_ Shepherd, from Mr. _Knolls_ and
  • others, from _Alhazen_ a learned _Arabian_ who wrote his life, and was
  • Spectator of many of his exploits, we have reasons to deny. Not only
  • from his birth, for he was of the blood of the _Tartarian_ Emperours,
  • whose father _Og_ had for his possession the Country of _Sagathy_; which
  • was no slender Territory, but comprehended all that tract wherein were
  • contained _Bactriana_, _Sogdiana_, _Margiana_, and the nation of the
  • _Massagetes_, whose capital City was _Samarcand_; a place though now
  • decaid, of great esteem and trade in former ages. But from his regal
  • Inauguration, for it is said, that being about the age of fifteen, his
  • old father resigned the Kingdom and men of war unto him. And also from
  • his education, for as the storie speaks it, he was instructed in the
  • _Arabian_ learning, and afterward exercised himself therein. Now
  • _Arabian_ learning was in a manner all the liberal Sciences, especially
  • the Mathematicks, and natural Philosophy; wherein not many ages before
  • him there flourished _Avicenna_, _Averroes_, _Avenzoar_, _Geber_,
  • _Almanzor_ and _Alhazen_, cognominal unto him that wrote his History,
  • whose Chronology indeed, although it be obscure, yet in the opinion of
  • his Commentator, he was contemporary unto _Avicenna_, and hath left
  • sixteen books of Opticks, of great esteem with ages past, and textuary
  • unto our days.
  • Now the ground of this mistake was surely that which the Turkish
  • Historian declareth. Some, saith he, of our Historians will needs have
  • _Tamerlane_ to be the Son of a Shepherd. But this they have said, not
  • knowing at all the custom of their Country; wherein the principal
  • revenews of the King and Nobles consisteth in cattle; who despising gold
  • and silver, abound in all sorts thereof. And this was the occasion that
  • some men call them Shepherds, and also affirm this Prince descended from
  • them. Now, if it be reasonable, that great men whose possessions are
  • chiefly in cattle, should bear the name of Shepherds, and fall upon so
  • low denominations; then may we say that _Abraham_ was a Shepherd,
  • although too powerful for four Kings: that _Job_ was of that condition,
  • who beside Camels and Oxen had seven thousand Sheep: and yet is said to
  • be the greatest man in the East. Thus was _Mesha_ King of _Moab_ a
  • Shepherd, who annually paid unto the Crown of _Israel_ an hundred
  • thousand Lambs, and as many Rams. Surely it is no dishonourable course
  • of life which _Moses_ and _Jacob_ have made exemplary: 'tis a profession
  • supported upon the natural way of acquisition, and though contemned by
  • the _Egyptians_, much countenanced by the Hebrews, whose sacrifices
  • required plenty of Sheep and Lambs. And certainly they were very
  • numerous; for, at the consecration of the Temple, beside two and twenty
  • thousand Oxen, King _Solomon_ sacrificed an hundred and twenty thousand
  • Sheep: and the same is observable from the daily provision of his house:
  • which was ten fat Oxen, twenty Oxen out of the pastures, and an hundred
  • Sheep, beside row Buck, fallow Deer, and fatted Fowls. [SN: _Description
  • of the Turkish Seraglio, since printed. The daily provision of the
  • Seraglio._] Wherein notwithstanding (if a punctual relation thereof do
  • rightly inform us) the grand Seignior doth exceed: the daily provision
  • of whose Seraglio in the reign of _Achmet_, beside Beeves, consumed two
  • hundred Sheep, Lambs and Kids when they were in season one hundred,
  • Calves ten, Geese fifty, Hens two hundred, Chickens one hundred, Pigeons
  • an hundred pair.
  • And therefore this mistake concerning the noble _Tamerlane_, was like
  • that concerning _Demosthenes_, who is said to be the Son of a
  • Black-smith, according to common conceit, and that handsome expression
  • of _Juvenal_.
  • _Quem pater ardentis massæ fuligine lippus,
  • A carbone et forcipibus, gladiosq; parante
  • Incude, et luteo Vulcano ad Rhetora misit._
  • _Thus Englished by Sir_ Robert _Stapleton_.
  • Whom's Father with the smoaky forg half blind,
  • From blows on sooty Vulcans anvil spent.
  • In ham'ring swords, to study Rhet'rick sent.
  • But _Plutarch_ who writ his life hath cleared this conceit, plainly
  • affirming he was most nobly descended, and that this report was raised,
  • because his father had many slaves that wrought Smiths work, and brought
  • the profit unto him.
  • CHAPTER XVII
  • Of some others.
  • 1. We are sad when we read the story of _Belisarius_ that worthy
  • Chieftain of _Justinian_; who, after his Victories over _Vandals_,
  • _Goths_, _Persians_, and his Trophies in three parts of the World, had
  • at last his eyes put out by the Emperour, and was reduced to that
  • distress, that he begged relief on the high-way, in that uncomfortable
  • petition, _Date obolum Belisario_. And this we do not only hear in
  • Discourses, Orations and Themes, but find it also in the leaves of
  • _Petrus Crinitus_, _Volaterranus_, and other worthy Writers.
  • But, what may somewhat consolate all men that honour vertue, we do not
  • discover the latter Scene of his Misery in Authors of Antiquity, or such
  • as have expresly delivered the stories of those times. For, _Suidas_ is
  • silent herein, _Cedrenus_ and _Zonaras_, two grave and punctual Authors,
  • delivering only the confiscation of his goods, omit the History of his
  • mendication. _Paulus Diaconus_ goeth farther, not only passing over this
  • act, but affirming his goods and dignities were restored. _Agathius_ who
  • lived at the same time, declareth he suffered much from the envy of the
  • Court: but that he descended thus deep into affliction, is not to be
  • gathered from his pen. The same is also omitted by _Procopius_ a
  • contemporary and professed enemy unto _Justinian_ and _Belisarius_, who
  • hath left an opprobrious book [SN: Ἀνέκδοτα, _or_ Arcana historia.]
  • against them both.
  • And in this opinion and hopes we are not single, but _Andreas Alciatus_
  • the Civilian in his _Parerga_, and _Franciscus de Cordua_ in his
  • _Didascalia_, have both declaratorily confirmed the same, which is also
  • agreeable unto the judgment of _Nicolaus Alemannus_, in his notes upon
  • the bitter History of _Procopius_. Certainly sad and Tragical stories
  • are seldom drawn within the circle of their verities; but as their
  • Relators do either intend the hatred or pitty of the persons, so are
  • they set forth with additional amplifications. Thus have some suspected
  • it hath happened unto the story of _Oedipus_; and thus do we conceive it
  • hath fared with that of _Judas_, who having sinned beyond aggravation,
  • and committed one villany which cannot be exasperated by all other: is
  • also charged with the murther of his reputed brother, parricide of his
  • father, and Incest with his own mother, as _Florilegus_ or _Matthew_ of
  • _Westminster_ hath at large related. And thus hath it perhaps befallen
  • the noble _Belisarius_; who, upon instigation of the Empress, having
  • contrived the exile, and very hardly treated Pope _Serverius_, Latin
  • pens, as a judgment of God upon this fact, have set forth his future
  • sufferings: and omitting nothing of amplification, they have also
  • delivered this: which notwithstanding _Johannes_ the Greek makes
  • doubtful, as may appear from his Iambicks in _Baronius_, and might be a
  • mistake or misapplication, translating the affliction of one man upon
  • another, for the same befell unto _Johannes Cappadox_, contemporary unto
  • _Belisarius_, and in great favour with _Justinian_; who being afterward
  • banished into _Egypt_, was fain to beg relief on the high-way. [SN:
  • Procop. Bell. Persic. 1. Ἀρτον ἠ ὀβολὸν αἰτεῖσθαι.]
  • 2. That _fluctus Decumanus_, or the tenth wave is greater and more
  • dangerous than any other, some no doubt will be offended if we deny; and
  • hereby we shall seem to contradict Antiquity; for, answerable unto the
  • litteral and common acception, the same is averred by many Writers, and
  • plainly described by Ovid.
  • _Qui venit hic fluctus, fluctus supereminet omnes,
  • Posterior nono est, undecimoq; prior._
  • Which notwithstanding is evidently false; nor can it be made out by
  • observation either upon the shore or the Ocean, as we have with
  • diligence explored in both. And surely in vain we expect a regularity in
  • the waves of the Sea, or in the particular motions thereof, as we may in
  • its general reciprocations whose causes are constant, and effects
  • therefore correspondent. Whereas its fluctuations are but motions
  • subservient; which winds, storms, shores, shelves, and every
  • interjacency irregulates. With semblable reason we might expect a
  • regularity in the winds; whereof though some be statary, some
  • anniversary, and the rest do tend to determinate points of heaven, yet
  • do the blasts and undulary breaths thereof maintain no certainty in
  • their course; nor are they numerally feared by Navigators.
  • Of affinity hereto is that conceit of _Ovum Decumanum_, so called,
  • because the tenth egg is bigger than any other, according unto the
  • reason alledged by _Festus, Decumana ova dicuntur, quia ovum decimum
  • majus nascitur_. For the honour we bear unto the Clergy, we cannot but
  • wish this true: but herein will be found no more of verity than in the
  • other: and surely few will assent hereto without an implicite credulity,
  • or Pythagorical submission unto every conception of number.
  • For, surely the conceit is numeral, and though not in the sense
  • apprehended, relateth unto the number of ten, as _Franciscus Sylvius_
  • hath most probably declared. For, whereas amongst simple numbers or
  • Digits, the number of ten is the greatest: therefore whatsoever was the
  • greatest in every kind, might in some sense be named from this number.
  • Now, because also that which was the greatest, was metaphorically by
  • some at first called _Decumanus_; therefore whatsoever passed under this
  • name, was literally conceived by others to respect and make good this
  • number.
  • The conceit is also Latin; for the Greeks to express the greatest wave,
  • do use the number of three, that is, the word τρικυμία, which is a
  • concurrence of three waves in one, whence arose the proverb, τρικυμία
  • κακῶν, or a trifluctuation of evils, which _Erasmus_ doth render,
  • _Malorum fluctus Decumanus_. And thus, although the terms be very
  • different, yet are they made to signifie the self-same thing; the number
  • of ten to explain the number of three, and the single number of one wave
  • the collective concurrence of more.
  • 3. The poyson of _Parysatis_ reported from _Ctesias_ by _Plutarch_ in
  • the life of _Artaxerxes_, whereby anointing a knife on the one side, and
  • therewith dividing a bird; with the one half she poysoned _Statira_, and
  • safely fed her self on the other, was certainly a very subtile one, and
  • such as our ignorance is well content it knows not. But surely we had
  • discovered a poyson that would not endure _Pandoraes_ box, could we be
  • satisfied in that which for its coldness nothing could contain but an
  • Asses hoof, and wherewith some report that _Alexander_ the great was
  • poysoned. Had men derived so strange an effect from some occult or
  • hidden qualities, they might have silenced contradiction; but ascribing
  • it unto the manifest and open qualities of cold, they must pardon our
  • belief, who perceive the coldest and most Stygian waters may be included
  • in glasses; and by _Aristotle_ who saith, that glass is the perfectest
  • work of Art, we understand they were not then to be invented.
  • And though it be said that poyson will break a Venice glass, yet have we
  • not met with any of that nature. Were there a truth herein, it were the
  • best preservative for Princes and persons exalted unto such fears: and
  • surely far better than divers now in use. And though the best of China
  • dishes, and such as the Emperour doth use, be thought by some of
  • infallible vertue unto this effect; yet will they not, I fear, be able
  • to elude the mischief of such intentions. [SN: _In what sense God
  • Almighty hath created all things double._] And though also it be true,
  • that God made all things double, and that if we look upon the works of
  • the most High, there are two and two, one against another; that one
  • contrary hath another, and poyson is not without a poyson unto it self;
  • yet hath the curse so far prevailed, or else our industry defected that
  • poysons are better known than their Antidotes, and some thereof do
  • scarce admit of any. And lastly, although unto every poyson men have
  • delivered many Antidotes, and in every one is promised an equality unto
  • its adversary, yet do we often find they fail in their effects: Moly
  • will not resist a weaker cup then that of Circe; a man may be poysoned
  • in a Lemnian dish; without the miracle of _John_, there is no confidence
  • in the earth of _Paul_ [SN: Terra Melitea.]; and if it be meant that no
  • poyson could work upon him, we doubt the story, and expect no such
  • success from the diet of _Mithridates_.
  • A story there passeth of an Indian King, that sent unto _Alexander_ a
  • fair woman fed with Aconites and other poysons, with this intent, either
  • by converse or copulation complexionally to destroy him. For my part,
  • although the design were true, I should have doubted the success. For,
  • though it be possible that poysons may meet with tempers whereto they
  • may become Aliments, and we observe from fowls that feed on fishes, and
  • others fed with garlick and onyons, that simple aliments are not alwayes
  • concocted beyond their vegetable qualities; and therefore that even
  • after carnall conversion, poysons may yet retain some portion of their
  • natures; yet are they so refracted, cicurated and subdued, as not to
  • make good their first and destructive malignities. And therefore the
  • Stork that eateth Snakes, and the Stare that feedeth upon Hemlock,
  • though no commendable aliments, are not destructive poysons. For,
  • animals that can innoxiously digest these poysons, become antidotall
  • unto the poyson digested. And therefore whether their breath be
  • attracted, or their flesh ingested, the poysonous reliques go still
  • along with their Antidote: whose society will not permit their malice to
  • be destructive. And therefore also animals that are not mischieved by
  • poysons which destroy us, may be drawn into Antidote against them; the
  • blood or flesh of Storks against the venom of Serpents, the Quail
  • against Hellebore, and the diet of Starlings against the drought of
  • _Socrates_ [SN: _Hemlock._]. Upon like grounds are some parts of Animals
  • Alexipharmacall unto others; and some veins of the earth, and also whole
  • regions, not only destroy the life of venemous creatures, but also
  • prevent their productions. For though perhaps they contain the seminals
  • of Spiders and Scorpions, and such as in other earths by suscitiation of
  • the Sun may arise unto animation; yet lying under command of their
  • Antidote, without hope of emergency they are poysoned in their matrix by
  • powers easily hindring the advance of their originals, whose confirmed
  • forms they are able to destroy.
  • 5. The story of the wandring Jew is very strange, and will hardly obtain
  • belief; yet is there a formall account thereof set down by _Mathew
  • Paris_, from the report of an Armenian Bishop; who came into this
  • kingdom about four hundred years ago, and had often entertained this
  • wanderer at his Table. That he was then alive, was first called
  • _Cartaphilus_, was keeper of the Judgement Hall, whence thrusting out
  • our Saviour with expostulation of his stay, was condemned to stay untill
  • his return [SN: Vade quid moraris? Ego vado, tu autem morare donec
  • venio.]; was after baptized by _Ananias_, and by the name of _Joseph_;
  • was thirty years old in the dayes of our Saviour, remembred the Saints
  • that arised with him, the making of the Apostles Creed, and their
  • several peregrinations. Surely were this true, he might be an happy
  • arbitrator in many Christian controversies; but must impardonably
  • condemn the obstinacy of the Jews, who can contemn the Rhetorick of such
  • miracles, and blindly behold so living and lasting conversions.
  • 6. Clearer confirmations must be drawn for the history of Pope _Joan_,
  • who succeeded _Leo_ the fourth, and preceeded _Benedict_ the third, then
  • many we yet discover. And since it is delivered with _aiunt_ and
  • _ferunt_ by many; since the learned _Leo Allatius_ [SN: Confutatio
  • fabulæ de Joanna Papissa cum Nihusio.] hath discovered, that ancient
  • copies of _Martinus Polonus_, who is chiefly urged for it, had not this
  • story in it; since not only the stream of Latine Historians have omitted
  • it, but _Photius_ the Patriarch, _Metrophanes Smyrnæus_, and the
  • exasperated Greeks have made no mention of it, but conceded _Benedict_
  • the third to bee Successor unto _Leo_ the fourth; he wants not grounds
  • that doubts it.
  • Many things historicall which seem of clear concession, want not
  • affirmations and negations, according to divided pens: as is notoriously
  • observable in the story of _Hildebrand_ or _Gregory_ the seventh,
  • repugnantly delivered by the Imperiall and Papal party. In such divided
  • records partiality hath much depraved history, wherein if the equity of
  • the reader do not correct the iniquity of the writer, he will be much
  • confounded with repugnancies, and often find in the same person, _Numa_
  • and _Nero_. In things of this nature moderation must intercede; and so
  • charity may hope, that Roman Readers will construe many passages in
  • _Bolsech_, _Fayus_, _Schlusselberg_ and _Cochlæus_. [SN: _Of_ Luther,
  • Calvin, Beza.]
  • 7. Every ear is filled with the story of Frier _Bacon_ [SN: Rog. Bacon.
  • minor ita. Oxoniensis vir doctissimus.], that made a brazen head to
  • speak these words, _Time is_, Which though there want not the like
  • relations, is surely too literally received, and was but a mystical
  • fable concerning the Philosophers great work, wherein he eminently
  • laboured: implying no more by the copper head, then the vessel wherein
  • it was wrought, and by the words it spake, then the opportunity to be
  • watched, about the _Tempus ortus_, or birth of the mystical child, or
  • Philosophical King of _Lullius_: the rising of the _Terra foliata_ of
  • _Arnoldus_, when the earth sufficiently impregnated with the water,
  • ascendeth white and splendent. Which not observed, the work is
  • irrecoverably lost; according to that of _Petrus Bonus [SN: Margarita
  • pretiosa.]. Ibi est operis perfectio aut annihilatio; quoniam ipsa die,
  • immo horâ, oriuntur elementa simplicia depurata, quæ egent statim
  • compositione, antequam volent ab igne._
  • Now letting slip this critical opportunity, he missed the intended
  • treasure. Which had he obtained, he might have made out the tradition of
  • making a brazen wall about _England_. That is, the most powerfull
  • defence, and strongest fortification which Gold could have effected.
  • 8. Who can but pitty the vertuous _Epicurus_, who is commonly conceived
  • to have placed his chief felicity in pleasure and sensual delights, and
  • hath therefore left an infamous name behind him? How true, let them
  • determine who read that he lived seventy years, and wrote more books
  • then any Philosopher but _Chrysippus_, and no less then three hundred,
  • without borrowing from any Author. That he was contented with bread and
  • water, and when he would dine with _Jove_, and pretend unto epulation,
  • he desired no other addition then a piece of _Cytheridian_ cheese. That
  • shall consider the words of _Seneca, Non dico, quod pleriq; nostrorum,
  • sectam Epicuri flagitiorum magistrum esse: sed illud dico, malè audit
  • infamis est, et immerito_. Or shall read his life, his Epistles, his
  • Testament in _Laertius_, who plainly names them Calumnies, which are
  • commonly said against them.
  • The ground hereof seems a mis-apprehension of his opinion, who placed
  • his Felicity not in the pleasures of the body, but the mind, and
  • tranquility thereof, obtained by wisdom and vertue, as is clearly
  • determined in his Epistle unto _Menœceus_. Now how this opinion was
  • first traduced by the _Stoicks_, how it afterwards became a common
  • belief, and so taken up by Authors of all ages, by _Cicero_, _Plutarch_,
  • _Clemens_, _Ambrose_ and others, the learned Pen of _Gassendus_ hath
  • discovered. [SN: De vita et moribus Epicuri.]
  • CHAPTER XVIII
  • More briefly of some others.
  • Other relations there are, and those in very good Authors, which though
  • we do not positively deny, yet have they not been unquestioned by some,
  • and at least as improbable truths have been received by others. Unto
  • some it hath seemed incredible what _Herodotus_ reporteth of the great
  • Army of _Xerxes_, that drank whole rivers dry. And unto the Author
  • himself it appeared wondrous strange, that they exhausted not the
  • provision of the Countrey, rather then the waters thereof. For as he
  • maketh the account, and _Budeus de Asse_ correcting the mis-compute of
  • _Valla_, delivereth it; if every man of the Army had had a chenix of
  • Corn a day, that is, a sextary and half; or about two pints and a
  • quarter, the Army had daily expended ten hundred thousand and forty
  • Medimna's, or measures containing six Bushels. Which rightly considered,
  • the _Abderites_ had reason to bless the Heavens, that _Xerxes_ eat but
  • one meal a day; and _Pythius_ his noble Host, might with less charge and
  • possible provision entertain both him and his Army. And yet may all be
  • salved, if we take it hyperbolically, as wise men receive that
  • expression in _Job_, concerning _Behemoth_ or the Elephant; Behold, he
  • drinketh up a river and hasteth not, he trusteth that he can draw up
  • _Jordan_ into his mouth.
  • 2. That _Annibal_ eat or brake through the Alps with Vinegar, may be too
  • grosly taken and the Author of his life annexed unto _Plutarch_
  • affirmeth only, he used this artifice upon the tops of some of the
  • highest mountains. For as it is vulgarly understood, that he cut a
  • passage for his Army through those mighty mountains, it may seem
  • incredible, not only in the greatness of the effect, but the quantity of
  • the efficient and such as behold them, may think an Ocean of Vinegar too
  • little for that effect. 'Twas a work indeed rather to be expected from
  • earthquakes and inundations, then any corrosive waters, and much
  • condemneth the Judgement of _Xerxes_, that wrought through Mount _Athos_
  • with Mattocks.
  • 3. That _Archimedes_ burnt the ships of _Marcellus_, with speculums of
  • parabolical figures, at three furlongs, or as some will have it, at the
  • distance of three miles, sounds hard unto reason, and artificial
  • experience: and therefore justly questioned by _Kircherus_ [SN: De luce
  • et umbra.], who after long enquiry could find but one made by _Manfredus
  • Septalius_ that fired at fifteen paces. And therefore more probable it
  • is, that the ships were nearer the shore, or about some thirty paces: at
  • which distance notwithstanding the effect was very great. But whereas
  • men conceive the ships were more easily set on flame by reason of the
  • pitch about them, it seemeth no advantage. Since burning glasses will
  • melt pitch or make it boyle, not easily set it on fire.
  • 4. The story of the _Fabii_, whereof three hundred and six marching
  • against the _Veientes_, were all slain, and one child alone to support
  • the family remained; is surely not to be paralleld, nor easie to be
  • conceived, except we can imagine, that of three hundred and six, but one
  • had children below the service of war; that the rest were all unmarried,
  • or the wife but of one impregnated.
  • 5. The received story of _Milo_, who by daily lifting a Calf, attained
  • an ability to carry it being a Bull, is witty conceit, and handsomly
  • sets forth the efficacy of Assuefaction. But surely the account had been
  • more reasonably placed upon some person not much exceeding in strength,
  • and such a one as without the assistance of custom could never have
  • performed that act; which some may presume that _Milo_ without precedent
  • artifice or any other preparative, had strength enough to perform. For
  • as relations declare, he was the most pancratical man of _Greece_, and
  • as _Galen_ reporteth, and _Mercurialis_ in his Gymnasticks representeth,
  • he was able to persist erect upon an oyled plank, and not to be removed
  • by the force or protrusion of three men. And if that be true which
  • _Atheneus_ reporteth, he was little beholding to custom for this
  • ability. For in the Olympick games, for the space of a furlong, he
  • carried an Ox of four years upon his shoulders; and the same day he
  • carried it in his belly: for as it is there delivered he eat it up
  • himself. Surely he had been a proper guest at _Grandgousiers_ feast, and
  • might have matcht his throat that eat six pilgrims for a Salad. [SN: In
  • Rabelais.]
  • 6. It much disadvantageth the Panegyrick of _Synesius_ [SN: _Who writ in
  • the praise of baldness._], and is no small disparagement unto baldness,
  • if it be true what is related by _Ælian_ concerning _Æschilus_, whose
  • bald-pate was mistaken for a rock, and so was brained by a Tortoise
  • which an _Æagle_ let fall upon it. Certainly it was a very great mistake
  • in the perspicacy of that Animal. [SN: _An argument or instance against
  • the motion of the earth._] Some men critically disposed, would from
  • hence confute the opinion of _Copernicus_, never conceiving how the
  • motion of the earth below should not wave him from a knock
  • perpendicularly directed from a body in the air above.
  • 7. It crosseth the Proverb, and _Rome_ might well be built in a day; if
  • that were true which is traditionally related by _Strabo_; that the
  • great Cities _Anchiale_ and _Tarsus_, were built by _Sardanapalus_ both
  • in one day, according to the inscription of his monument, _Sardanapalus
  • Anacyndaraxis filius, Anchialem et Tarsum unâ die edificavi, Tu autem
  • hospes Ede, Lude, Bibe_, etc. Which if strictly taken, that is, for the
  • finishing thereof, and not only for the beginning; for an artificial or
  • natural day, and not one of _Daniels_ weeks, that is, seven whole years;
  • surely their hands were very heavy that wasted thirteen years in the
  • private house of _Solomon_: It may be wondred how forty years were spent
  • in the erection of the Temple of _Jerusalem_, and no less than an
  • hundred in that famous one of _Ephesus_. Certainly it was the greatest
  • Architecture of one day, since that great one of six; an Art quite lost
  • with our Mechanicks, a work not to be made out, but like the wals of
  • _Thebes_, and such an Artificer as _Amphion_.
  • [Sidenote: _The Syracusia or King_ Hiero's _Galleon, of what Bulk_.]
  • 8. It had been a sight only second unto the Ark to have beheld the great
  • _Syracusia_, or mighty ship of _Hiero_, described in _Athenæus_; and
  • some have thought it a very large one, wherein were to be found ten
  • stables for horses, eight Towers, besides Fish-ponds, Gardens,
  • Tricliniums, and many fair rooms paved with Agath, and precious Stones.
  • But nothing was impossible unto _Archimedes_, the learned Contriver
  • thereof; nor shall we question his removing the earth, when he finds an
  • immoveable base to place his Engine upon it.
  • 9. That the _Pamphilian_ Sea gave way unto _Alexander_ in his intended
  • March toward _Persia_, many have been apt to credit, and _Josephus_ is
  • willing to believe, to countenance the passage of the _Israelites_
  • through the Red Sea. But _Strabo_ who writ before him delivereth another
  • account; that the Mountain _Climax_ adjoyning to the _Pamphilian_ Sea,
  • leaves a narrow passage between the Sea and it, which passage at an ebb
  • and quiet Sea all men take; but _Alexander_ coming in the Winter, and
  • eagerly pursuing his affairs, would not wait for the reflux or return of
  • the Sea; and so was fain to pass with his Army in the water, and march
  • up to the navel in it.
  • [Sidenote: _A List of some historical Errata's in this and the following
  • Sections._]
  • 10. The relation of _Plutarch_ of a youth of _Sparta_, that suffered a
  • Fox concealed under his robe to tear out his bowels, before he would
  • either by voice or countenance betray his theft; and the other of the
  • Spartan Lad, that with the same resolution suffered a coal from the
  • Altar to burn his arm, although defended by the Author that writes his
  • life, is I perceive mistrusted by men of Judgment, and the Author with
  • an _aiunt_, is made to salve himself. Assuredly it was a noble Nation
  • that could afford an hint to such inventions of patience, and upon whom,
  • if not such verities, at least such verisimilities of fortitude were
  • placed. Were the story true, they would have made the only Disciples for
  • _Zeno_ and the _Stoicks_, and might perhaps have been perswaded to laugh
  • in _Phaleris_ his Bull.
  • 11. If any man shall content his belief with the speech of _Balaams_
  • Ass, without a belief of that of _Mahomets_ Camel, or _Livies_ Ox: If
  • any man make a doubt of _Giges_ ring in _Justinus_, or conceives he must
  • be a _Jew_ that believes the Sabbatical river in _Josephus._ If any man
  • will say he doth not apprehend how the tayl of an _African_ Weather
  • out-weigheth the body of a good Calf, that is, an hundred pound,
  • according unto _Leo Africanus_, or desires before belief, to behold such
  • a creature as is the Ruck in _Paulus Venetus_, for my part I shall not
  • be angry with his incredulity.
  • 12. If any one shall receive as stretcht or fabulous accounts what is
  • delivered of _Cocles_, _Scævola_ and _Curtius_, the sphere of
  • _Archimedes_, the story of the _Amazons_, the taking of the City of
  • _Babylon_, not known to some therein three days after; that the nation
  • was deaf which dwelt at the fall of _Nilus_, the laughing and weeping
  • humour of _Heraclitus_ and _Democritus_, with many more, he shall not
  • want some reason and the authority of _Lancelotti_. [SN: Farsalloni
  • Historici.]
  • 13. If any man doubt of the strange Antiquities delivered by Historians,
  • as of the wonderful corps of _Antæus_ untombed a thousand years after
  • his death by _Sertorius_. Whether there were no deceit in those
  • fragments of the Ark so common to be seen in the days of _Berosus_;
  • whether the Pillar which _Josephus_ beheld long ago, _Tertullian_ long
  • after, and _Bartholomeus de Saligniaco_, and _Borchardus_ long since, be
  • the same with that of _Lots_ wife; whether this were the hand of _Paul_,
  • or that which is commonly shewn the head of _Peter_, if any doubt, I
  • shall not much dispute with their suspicions. If any man shall not
  • believe the Turpentine Tree, betwixt _Jerusalem_ and _Bethlem_, under
  • which the Virgin suckled our Saviour, as she passed between those
  • Cities; or the fig-tree of _Bethany_ shewed to this day, whereon
  • _Zacheus_ ascended to behold our Saviour; I cannot tell how to enforce
  • his belief, nor do I think it requisite to attempt it. [SN: _To compel
  • Religion, somewhat contrary to Reason._] For, as it is no reasonable
  • proceeding to compel a religion, or think to enforce our own belief upon
  • another, who cannot without the concurrence of Gods spirit have any
  • indubitable evidence of things that are obtruded: So is it also in
  • matters of common belief; whereunto neither can we indubitably assent,
  • without the co-operation of our sense or reason, wherein consists the
  • principles of perswasion. For, as the habit of Faith in Divinity is an
  • Argument of things unseen, and a stable assent unto things inevident,
  • upon authority of the Divine Revealer: So the belief of man which
  • depends upon humane testimony is but a staggering assent unto the
  • affirmative, not without some fear of the negative. And as there is
  • required the Word of God, or infused inclination unto the one, so must
  • the actual sensation of our senses, at least the non-opposition of our
  • reasons procure our assent and acquiescence in the other. So when
  • _Eusebius_ an holy Writer affirmeth, there grew a strange and unknown
  • plant near the statue of Christ, erected by his Hæmorrhoidal patient in
  • the Gospel, which attaining unto the hem of his vesture, acquired a
  • sudden faculty to cure all diseases. Although he saith he saw the
  • statue in his days, yet hath it not found in many men so much as humane
  • belief? Some believing, others opinioning, a third suspective it might
  • be otherwise. For indeed, in matters of belief the understanding
  • assenting unto the relation, either for the authority of the person, or
  • the probability of the object, although there may be a confidence of the
  • one, yet if there be not a satisfaction in the other, there will arise
  • suspensions; nor can we properly believe until some argument of reason,
  • or of our proper sense convince or determine our dubitations.
  • And thus it is also in matters of certain and experimented truth: for if
  • unto one that never heard thereof, a man should undertake to perswade
  • the affections of the Load-stone, or that Jet and Amber attracteth
  • straws and light bodies, there would be little Rhetorick in the
  • authority of _Aristotle_, _Pliny_, or any other. Thus although it be
  • true that the string of a Lute or Viol will stir upon the stroak of an
  • Unison or Diapazon in another of the same kind; that Alcanna being
  • green, will suddenly infect the nails and other parts with a durable
  • red; that a Candle out of a Musket will pierce through an Inch-board, or
  • an urinal force a nail through a Plank; yet can few or none believe thus
  • much without a visible experiment. Which notwithstanding fals out more
  • happily for knowledge; for these relations leaving unsatisfaction in the
  • Hearers, do stir up ingenuous dubiosities unto experiment, and by an
  • exploration of all, prevent delusion in any.
  • CHAPTER XIX
  • Of some Relations whose truth we fear.
  • Lastly, As there are many Relations whereto we cannot assent, and make
  • some doubt thereof, so there are divers others whose verities we fear,
  • and heartily wish there were no truth therein.
  • 1. It is an unsufferable affront unto filiall piety, and a deep
  • discouragement unto the expectation of all aged Parents, who shall but
  • read the story of that barbarous Queen, who after she had beheld her
  • royall Parents ruin, lay yet in the arms of his assassine, and carowsed
  • with him in the skull of her father. For my part, I should have doubted
  • the operation of antimony, where such a potion would not work; 'twas an
  • act me thinks beyond Anthropophagy, and a cup fit to be served up only
  • at the table of _Atreus_.
  • 2. While we laugh at the story of _Pygmaleon_, and receive as a fable
  • that he fell in love with a statue; we cannot but fear it may be true,
  • what is delivered by _Herodotus_ concerning _Egyptian_ Pollinctors, or
  • such as annointed the dead; that some thereof were found in the act of
  • carnality with them. From wits that say 'tis more then incontinency for
  • _Hylas_ to sport with _Hecuba_, and youth to flame in the frozen
  • embraces of age, we require a name for this: wherein _Petronius_ or
  • _Martial_ cannot relieve us. [SN: _Who tied dead and living bodies
  • together._] The tyrannie of _Mezentius_ did never equall the vitiosity
  • of this _Incubus_, that could embrace corruption, and make a Mistress of
  • the grave; that could not resist the dead provocations of beauty, whose
  • quick invitements scarce excuse submission. Surely, if such depravities
  • there be yet alive, deformity need not despair; nor will the eldest
  • hopes be ever superannuated, since death hath spurs, and carcasses have
  • been courted.
  • 3. I am heartily sorry, and wish it were not true, what to the dishonour
  • of Christianity is affirmed of the _Italian_, who after he had inveigled
  • his enemy to disclaim his faith for the redemption of his life, did
  • presently poyniard him, to prevent repentance, and assure his eternal
  • death. The villany of this Christian exceedeth the persecution of
  • Heathens, whose malice was never so Longimanous [SN: _Long-handed._] as
  • to reach the soul of their enemies; or to extend unto the exile of their
  • _Elysiums._ And though the blindness of some ferities have savaged on
  • the bodies of the dead, and been so injurious unto worms, as to disinter
  • the bodies of the deceased; yet had they therein no design upon the
  • soul: and have been so far from the destruction of that, or desires of a
  • perpetual death, that for the satisfaction of their revenge they wisht
  • them many souls, and were it in their power would have reduced them unto
  • life again. It is a great depravity in our natures, and surely an
  • affection that somewhat savoureth of hell, to desire the society, or
  • comfort our selves in the fellowship of others that suffer with us; but
  • to procure the miseries of others in those extremities, wherein we hold
  • an hope to have no society our selves, is me thinks a strain above
  • _Lucifer_, and a project beyond the primary seduction of hell.
  • 4. I hope it is not true, and some indeed have probably denied, what is
  • recorded of the Monk that poysoned _Henry_ the Emperour, in a draught of
  • the holy Eucharist. 'Twas a scandalous wound unto Christian Religion,
  • and I hope all Pagans will forgive it, when they shall read that a
  • Christian was poysoned in a cup of Christ, and received his bane in a
  • draught of his salvation. Had he believed Transubstantiation, he would
  • have doubted the effect; and surely the sin it self received an
  • aggravation in that opinion. It much commendeth the innocency of our
  • forefathers, and the simplicity of those times, whose Laws could never
  • dream so high a crime as parricide: whereas this at the least may seem
  • to out-reach that fact, and to exceed the regular distinctions of
  • murder. I will not say what sin it was to act it; yet may it seem a kind
  • of martyrdom to suffer by it. For, although unknowingly, he died for
  • Christ his sake, and lost his life in the ordained testimony of his
  • death. Certainly, had they known it, some noble zeales would scarcely
  • have refused it; rather adventuring their own death, then refusing the
  • memorial of his.
  • Many other accounts like these we meet sometimes in history [SN: Hujus
  • farinæ multa in historia horribili.], scandalous unto Christianity, and
  • even unto humanity; whose verities not only, but whose relations honest
  • minds do deprecate. For of sins heteroclital, and such as want either
  • name or president, there is oft times a sin even in their histories. We
  • desire no records of such enormities; sins should be accounted new, that
  • so they may be esteemed monstrous. They omit of monstrosity as they fall
  • from their rarity; for men count it veniall to err with their
  • forefathers, and foolishly conceive they divide a sin in its society.
  • The pens of men may sufficiently expatiate without these singularities
  • of villany; For, as they encrease the hatred of vice in some, so do they
  • enlarge the theory of wickedness in all. And this is one thing that may
  • make latter ages worse then were the former; For, the vicious examples
  • of Ages past, poyson the curiosity of these present, affording a hint of
  • sin unto seduceable spirits, and soliciting those unto the imitation of
  • them, whose heads were never so perversly principled as to invent them.
  • In this kind we commend the wisdom and goodness of _Galen_, who would
  • not leave unto the world too subtile a Theory of poisons; unarming
  • thereby the malice of venemous spirits, whose ignorance must be
  • contented with Sublimate and Arsenick. For, surely there are subtiler
  • venenations, such as will invisibly destroy, and like the Basilisks of
  • heaven. In things of this nature silence commendeth history: 'tis the
  • veniable part of things lost; wherein there must never rise a
  • Pancirollus [SN: _Who writ_ De Antiquis deperditis, _or of inventions
  • lost_.], nor remain any Register but that of hell.
  • And yet, if as some Stoicks opinion, and _Seneca_ himself disputeth,
  • these unruly affections that make us sin such prodigies, and even sins
  • themselves be animals; there is an history of _Africa_ and story of
  • Snakes in these. And if the transanimation of _Pythagoras_ or method
  • thereof were true, that the souls of men transmigrated into species
  • answering their former natures; some men must surely live over many
  • Serpents, and cannot escape that very brood whose sire Satan entered.
  • And though the objection of _Plato_ should take place, that bodies
  • subjected unto corruption, must fail at last before the period of all
  • things, and growing fewer in number, must leave some souls apart unto
  • themselves; the spirits of many long before that time will find but
  • naked habitations: and meeting no assimilables wherein to react their
  • natures, must certainly anticipate such natural desolations.
  • Lactant.
  • _Primus sapientiæ gradus est, falsa intelligere._
  • =_FINIS._=
  • HYDRIOTAPHIA
  • URNE-BURIALL
  • OR A DISCOURSE OF THE
  • SEPULCHRALL URNES
  • LATELY FOUND
  • IN NORFOLK
  • _TOGETHER WITH_
  • THE GARDEN OF CYRUS
  • TO MY WORTHY AND HONOURED FRIEND
  • THOMAS LE GROS
  • Of _Crostwick_ Esquire.
  • When the Funerall pyre was out, and the last valediction over, men took
  • a lasting adieu of their interred Friends, little expecting the
  • curiosity of future ages should comment upon their ashes, and having no
  • old experience of the duration of their Reliques, held no opinion of
  • such after-considerations.
  • But who knows the fate of his bones, or how often he is to be buried?
  • who hath the Oracle of his ashes, or whether they are to be scattered?
  • The Reliques of many lie like the ruines of [A]_Pompeys_, in all parts
  • of the earth; And when they arrive at your hands, these may seem to have
  • wandred farre, who in a [B]direct and _Meridian_ Travell, have but few
  • miles of known Earth between your selfe and the Pole.
  • [A] Pompeios juvenes Asia, atque Europa, sed ipsum terra tegit _Lybies_.
  • [B] _Little directly, but Sea between your house and_ Greenland.
  • That the bones of _Theseus_ should be seen again [C]in _Athens_, was not
  • beyond conjecture, and hopeful expectation; but that these should arise
  • so opportunely to serve your self, was an hit of fate and honour beyond
  • prediction.
  • [C] _Brought back by _Cimon. _Plutarch._
  • We cannot but wish these Urnes might have the effect of Theatrical
  • vessels, and great [D]_Hippodrome_ Urnes in _Rome_; to resound the
  • acclamations and honour due unto you. But these are sad and sepulchral
  • Pitchers, which have no joyfull voices; silently expressing old
  • mortality, the ruines of forgotten times, and can only speak with life,
  • how long in this corruptible frame, some parts may be uncorrupted; yet
  • able to out-last bones long unborn, and noblest [E]pyle among us.
  • [D] _The great Urnes in the_ Hippodrome _at_ Rome _conceived to resound
  • the voices of people at their shows._
  • [E] _Worthily possessed by that true Gentleman Sir_ Horatio Townshend
  • _my honored Friend_.
  • We present not these as any strange sight or spectacle unknown to your
  • eyes, who have beheld the best of Urnes, and noblest variety of Ashes;
  • Who are your self no slender master of Antiquities, and can daily
  • command the view of so many Imperiall faces; Which raiseth your thoughts
  • unto old things, and consideration of times before you, when even living
  • men were Antiquities; when the living might exceed the dead, and to
  • depart this world, could not be properly said, to go unto the [F]greater
  • number. And so run up your thoughts upon the ancient of dayes, the
  • Antiquaries truest object, unto whom the eldest parcels are young, and
  • earth it self an Infant; and without [G]Ægyptian account makes but small
  • noise in thousands.
  • [F] Abiit ad plures.
  • [G] _Which makes the world so many years old._
  • We were hinted by the occasion, not catched the opportunity to write of
  • old things, or intrude upon the Antiquary. We are coldly drawn unto
  • discourses of Antiquities, who have scarce time before us to comprehend
  • new things, or make out learned Novelties. But seeing they arose as
  • they lay, almost in silence among us, at least in short account suddenly
  • passed over; we were very unwilling they should die again, and be buried
  • twice among us.
  • Beside, to preserve the living, and make the dead to live, to keep men
  • out of their Urnes, and discourse of humane fragments in them, is not
  • impertinent unto our profession; whose study is life and death, who
  • daily behold examples of mortality, and of all men least need artificial
  • _memento's_, or coffins by our bed side, to minde us of our graves.
  • 'Tis time to observe Occurrences, and let nothing remarkable escape us;
  • The Supinity of elder dayes hath left so much in silence, or time hath
  • so martyred the Records, that the most industrious[H] heads do finde no
  • easie work to erect a new _Britannia_.
  • [H] _Wherein M._ Dugdale _hath excellently well endeavoured, and worthy
  • to be countenanced by ingenuous and noble persons_.
  • 'Tis opportune to look back upon old times, and contemplate our
  • Forefathers. Great examples grow thin, and to be fetched from the passed
  • world. Simplicity flies away, and iniquity comes at long strides upon
  • us. We have enough to do to make up our selves from present and passed
  • times, and the whole stage of things scarce serveth for our instruction.
  • A compleat peece of vertue must be made up from the _Centos_ of all
  • ages, as all the beauties of _Greece_ could make but one handsome
  • _Venus_.
  • When the bones of King _Arthur_ were digged up[I], the old Race might
  • think, they beheld therein some Originals of themselves; Unto these of
  • our Urnes none here can pretend relation, and can only behold the
  • Reliques of those persons, who in their life giving the Laws unto their
  • predecessors, after long obscurity, now lye at their mercies. But
  • remembring the early civility they brought upon these Countreys, and
  • forgetting long passed mischiefs; We mercifully preserve their bones,
  • and pisse not upon their ashes.
  • [I] _In the time of_ Henry _the second_, Cambden.
  • In the offer of these Antiquities we drive not at ancient Families, so
  • long out-lasted by them; We are farre from erecting your worth upon the
  • pillars of your Fore-fathers, whose merits you illustrate. We honour
  • your old Virtues, conformable unto times before you, which are the
  • Noblest Armoury. And having long experience of your friendly
  • conversation, void of empty Formality, full of freedome, constant and
  • Generous Honesty, I look upon you as a Gemme of the Old Rock[J], and
  • must professe my self even to Urne and Ashes,
  • [J] Adamas de rupe veteri præstantissimus.
  • Your ever faithfull Friend,
  • and Servant,
  • THOMAS BROWNE.
  • Norwich, May 1.
  • TO MY WORTHY AND HONOURED FRIEND
  • NICHOLAS BACON
  • Of _Gillingham_ Esquire.
  • _Had I not observed that [K]Purblinde men have discoursed well of sight,
  • and some [L]without issue, excellently of Generation; I that was never
  • master of any considerable garden, had not attempted this Subject. But
  • the Earth is the Garden of Nature, and each fruitfull Countrey a
  • Paradise. Dioscorides made most of his Observations in his march about
  • with_ Antonius; _and_ Theophrastus _raised his generalities chiefly from
  • the field_.
  • [K] Plempius, Cabeus, _etc_.
  • [L] _D. Harvy._
  • _Beside, we write no Herball, nor can this Volume deceive you, who have
  • handled the [M]massiest thereof: who know that thre [N]Folio's are yet
  • too little, and how New Herbals fly from_ America _upon us, from
  • persevering Enquirers, and [O]old in those singularities, we expect such
  • Descriptions. Wherein_ [P]England _is now so exact, that it yeelds not
  • to other Countreys_.
  • [M] _Besleri_ Hortus Eystetensis.
  • [N] _Bauhini_ Theatrum Botanicum, _etc._
  • [O] _My worthy friend M._ Goodier _an ancient and learned Botanist_.
  • [P] _As in_ London _and divers parts, whereof we mention none, lest we
  • seem to omit any_.
  • _We pretend not to multiply vegetable divisions by Quincuncial and
  • Reticulate plants; or erect a new Phytology. The Field of knowledge hath
  • been so traced, it is hard to spring any thing new. Of old things we
  • write something new, If truth may receive addition, or envy will have
  • any thing new; since the Ancients knew the late Anatomicall discoveries,
  • and_ Hippocrates _the Circulation_.
  • _You have been so long out of trite learning, that 'tis hard to finde a
  • subject proper for you; and if you have met with a Sheet upon this, we
  • have missed our intention. In this multiplicity of writing, bye and
  • barren Themes are best fitted for invention; Subjects so often
  • discoursed confine the Imagination, and fix our conceptions unto the
  • notions of fore-writers. Beside, such Discourses allow excursions, and
  • venially admit of collaterall truths, though at some distance from their
  • principals. Wherein if we sometimes take wide liberty, we are not
  • single, but erre by great [Q]example._
  • [Q] Hippocrates de superfœtatione, de dentitione.
  • _He that will illustrate the excellency of this order, may easily fail
  • upon so spruce a Subject, wherein we have not affrighted the common
  • Reader with any other Diagramms, then of it self; and have industriously
  • declined illustrations from rare and unknown plants._
  • _Your discerning judgement so well acquainted with that study, will
  • expect herein no mathematicall truths, as well understanding how few
  • generalities and [R]Vfinita's there are in nature. How_ Scaliger _hath
  • found exceptions in most Universals of_ Aristotle _and_ Theophrastus.
  • _How Botanicall Maximes must have fair allowance, and are tolerably
  • currant, if not intolerably over-ballanced by exceptions_.
  • [R] _Rules without exceptions_.
  • _You have wisely ordered your vegetable delights, beyond the reach of
  • exception. The Turks who passt their dayes in Gardens here, will have
  • Gardens also hereafter, and delighting in Flowers on earth, must have
  • Lillies and Roses in Heaven. In Garden Delights 'tis not easie to hold a
  • Mediocrity; that insinuating pleasure is seldome without some extremity.
  • The Antients venially delighted in flourishing Gardens; Many were
  • Florists that knew not the true use of a Flower; And in_ Plinies
  • _dayes none had directly treated of that subject. Some commendably
  • affected Plantations of venemous Vegetables, some confined their
  • delights unto single plants, and Cato seemed to dote upon Cabbadge;
  • While the Ingenuous delight of Tulipists, stands saluted with hard
  • language, even by their own [S]Professors._
  • [S] Tulipo mania, Narrencruiid, Laurenberg. Pet. Hondius. in lib.
  • _Belg._
  • _That in this Garden Discourse, we range into extraneous things, and
  • many parts of Art and Nature, we follow herein the example of old and
  • new Plantations, wherein noble spirits contented not themselves with
  • Trees, but by the attendance of Aviaries, Fish-Ponds, and all variety of
  • Animals, they made their gardens the Epitome of the earth, and some
  • resemblance of the secular shows of old._
  • _That we conjoyn these parts of different Subjects, or that this should
  • succeed the other; Your judgement will admit without impute of
  • incongruity; Since the delightfull World comes after death, and Paradise
  • succeeds the Grave. Since the verdant state of things is the Symbole of
  • the Resurrection, and to flourish in the state of Glory, we must first
  • be sown in corruption. Beside the ancient practise of Noble Persons, to
  • conclude in Garden-Graves, and Urnes themselves of old, to be wrapt up
  • flowers and garlands._
  • Nullam sine venia placuisse eloquium, _is more sensibly understood by
  • Writers, then by Readers; nor well apprehended by either, till works
  • have hanged out like_ Apelles _his Pictures; wherein even common eyes
  • will finde something for emendation._
  • _To wish all Readers of your abilities, were unreasonably to multiply
  • the number of Scholars beyond the temper of these times. But unto this
  • ill-judging age, we charitably desire a portion of your equity,
  • judgement, candour, and ingenuity; wherein you are so rich, as not to
  • lose by diffusion. And being a flourishing branch of that [T]Noble
  • Family, unto which we owe so much observance, you are not new set, but
  • long rooted in such perfection; whereof having had so lasting
  • confirmation in your worthy conversation, constant amity, and
  • expression; and knowing you a serious Student in the highest_ arcana's
  • _of Nature; with much excuse we bring these low delights, and poor
  • maniples to your Treasure_.
  • [T] _Of the most worthy Sr_ Edmund Bacon _prime Baronet, my true and
  • noble Friend._
  • _Your affectionate Friend,
  • and Servant_,
  • THOMAS BROWNE.
  • _Norwich, May 1._
  • [Illustration: _En sum quod digitis Quinque Levatur onus Propert_]
  • HYDRIOTAPHIA: URNE BURIAL
  • Or, a brief Discourse of the Sepulchrall Urnes lately found in Norfolk.
  • CHAPTER I
  • In the deep discovery of the Subterranean world, a shallow part would
  • satisfie some enquirers; who, if two or three yards were open about the
  • surface, would not care to wrack the bowels of _Potosi_,[1] regions
  • towards the Centre. Nature hath furnished one part of the Earth, and man
  • another. The treasures of time lie high, in Urnes, Coynes, and
  • Monuments, scarce below the roots of some vegetables. Time hath
  • endlesse rarities, and shows of all varieties; which reveals old things
  • in heaven, makes new discoveries in earth, and even earth it self a
  • discovery. That great antiquity _America_ lay buried for thousands of
  • years; and a large part of the earth is still in the Urne unto us.
  • [1] _The rich mountain of Peru._
  • Though if _Adam_ were made out of an extract of the Earth, all parts
  • might challenge a restitution, yet few have returned their bones far
  • lower then they might receive them; not affecting the graves of Giants
  • under hilly and heavy coverings, but content with lesse then their own
  • depth, have wished their bones might lie soft, and the earth be light
  • upon them; Even such as hope to rise again, would not be content with
  • central interrment, or so desperately to place their reliques as to lie
  • beyond discovery, and in no way to be seen again; which happy
  • contrivance hath made communication with our forefathers, and left unto
  • our view some parts, which they never beheld themselves.
  • Though earth hath engrossed the name yet water hath proved the smartest
  • grave; which in fourty dayes swallowed almost mankinde, and the living
  • creation; Fishes not wholly escaping, except the salt Ocean were
  • handsomly contempered by a mixture of the fresh Element.
  • Many have taken voluminous pains to determine the state of the soul upon
  • disunion; but men have been most phantastical in the singular
  • contrivances of their corporall dissolution: whilest the soberest
  • Nations have rested in two wayes, of simple inhumation and burning.
  • That carnal interrment or burying, was of the elder date, the old
  • examples of _Abraham_ and the Patriarches are sufficient to illustrate;
  • And were without competition, if it could be made out, that _Adam_ was
  • buried near _Damascus_, or Mount _Calvary_, according to some Tradition.
  • God himself that buried but one, was pleased to make choice of this way,
  • collectible from Scripture-expression, and the hot contest between Satan
  • and the Arch-Angel, about discovering the body of _Moses_. But the
  • practice of Burning was also of great Antiquity, and of no slender
  • extent. For (not to derive the same from _Hercules_) noble descriptions
  • there are hereof in the Grecian Funerale of _Homer_, in the formal
  • Obsequies of _Patroclus_, and _Achilles_; and somewhat elder in the
  • _Theban_ war, and solemn combustion of _Meneceus_, and _Archemorus_,
  • contemporary unto _Jair_ the Eighth Judge of _Israel_. Confirmable also
  • among the _Trojans_, from the Funeral Pyre of _Hector_, burnt before the
  • gates of _Troy_, and the burning[2] of _Penthisilea_ the _Amazonian
  • Queen_: and long continuance of that practice in the inward Countries of
  • _Asia_; while as low as the Reign of _Julian_, we finde that the King of
  • _Chionia_[3] burnt the body of his Son, and interred the ashes in a
  • silver Urne.
  • [2] _Q. Calaber lib._ 1.
  • [3] _Ammianus Marcellinus, Gumbrates King of_ Chionia _a Countrey near_
  • Persia.
  • The same practice extended also far West,[4] and besides _Herulians_,
  • _Getes_, and _Thracians_, was in use with most of the _Celtæ_,
  • _Sarmatians_, _Germans_, _Gauls_, _Danes_, _Swedes_, _Norwegians_; not
  • to omit some use thereof among _Carthaginians_ and _Americans_: Of
  • greater antiquity among the _Romans_ then most opinion, or _Pliny_ seems
  • to allow. For (beside the old Table Laws of burning[5] or burying within
  • the City, of making the Funeral fire with plained wood, or quenching the
  • fire with wine) _Manlius_ the Consul burnt the body of his son: _Numa_
  • by special clause of his will, was not burnt but buried; And _Remus_ was
  • solemnly buried, according to the description of _Ovid_.[6]
  • [4] _Arnoldis Montanis not in_ Cæs. _Commentar. L. L. Gyraldus.
  • Kirkmannus._
  • [5] _12 Tabul. part. 1 de jure sacro. Hominem mortuum in urbe ne
  • sepelito, neve urito. tom. 2. Rogum asciâ ne polito. to. 4 Item
  • vigeneri Annottat in Livium, et Alex. ab Alex. cum Tiraquello
  • Roscinus cum dempstero._
  • [6] _Ultima prolato subditu flamma rogo. De Fast. lib. 4. cum Car.
  • Neapol. anaptyxi._
  • _Cornelius Sylla_ was not the first whose body was burned in _Rome_,
  • but of the _Cornelian_ Family, which being indifferently, not frequently
  • used before; from that time spread and became the prevalent practice.
  • Not totally pursued in the highest run of Cremation; For when even Crows
  • were funerally burnt, _Poppæa_ the wife of _Nero_ found a peculiar grave
  • enterment. Now as all customs were founded upon some bottom of Reason,
  • so there wanted not grounds for this; according to several apprehensions
  • of the most rational dissolution. Some being of the opinion of _Thales_,
  • that water was the original of all things, thought it most equal to
  • submit unto the principle of putrifaction, and conclude in a moist
  • relentment. Others conceived it most natural to end in fire, as due unto
  • the master principle in the composition, according to the doctrine of
  • _Heraclitus_.
  • And therefore heaped up large piles, more actively to waft them toward
  • that Element, whereby they also declined a visible degeneration into
  • worms, and left a lasting parcel of their composition.
  • Some apprehended a purifying virtue in fire, refining the grosser
  • commixture, and firing out the Æthereal particles so deeply immersed in
  • it. And such as by tradition or rational conjecture held any hint of the
  • final pyre of all things; or that this Element at last must be too hard
  • for all the rest; might conceive most naturally of the fiery
  • dissolution. Others pretending no natural grounds, politickly declined
  • the malice of enemies upon their buried bodies. Which consideration led
  • _Sylla_ unto this practice; who having thus served the body of _Marius_,
  • could not but fear a retaliation upon his own; entertained after in the
  • Civil wars, and revengeful contentions of _Rome_.
  • But as many Nations embraced, and many left it indifferent, so others
  • too much affected, or strictly declined this practice. The _Indian
  • Brachmans_ seemed too great friends unto fire, who burnt themselves
  • alive, and thought it the noblest way to end their dayes in fire;
  • according to the expression of the Indian, burning himself at
  • _Athens_,[7] in his last words upon the pyre unto the amazed spectators,
  • _Thus I make my self immortal_.
  • [7] _And therefore the Inscription of his Tomb was made accordingly._
  • Nic. Damasc.
  • But the _Chaldeans_ the great Idolaters of fire, abhorred the burning of
  • their carcasses, as a polution of that Deity. The _Persian Magi_
  • declined it upon the like scruple, and being only solicitous about their
  • bones, exposed their flesh to the prey of Birds and Dogs. And the
  • _Persees_ now in _India_, which expose their bodies unto Vultures, and
  • endure not so much as _feretra_ or Beers of Wood; the proper Fuell of
  • fire, are led on with such nicities. But whether the ancient _Germans_
  • who burned their dead, held any such fear to pollute their Deity of
  • _Herthus_, or the earth, we have no Authentick conjecture.
  • The Ægyptians were afraid of fire, not as a Deity, but a devouring
  • Element, mercilesly consuming their bodies, and leaving too little of
  • them; and therefore by precious Embalments, depositure in dry earths, or
  • handsome inclosure in glasses, contrived the notablest wayes of
  • integrall conservation. And from such Ægyptian scruples imbibed by
  • _Pythagoras_, it may be conjectured that _Numa_ and the Pythagorical
  • Sect first waved the fiery solution.
  • The _Scythians_ who swore by winde and sword, that is, by life and
  • death, were so far from burning their bodies, that they declined all
  • interrment, and made their grave in the ayr: And the _Ichthyophagi_ or
  • fish-eating Nations about Ægypt, affected the Sea for their grave:
  • Thereby declining visible corruption, and restoring the debt of their
  • bodies. Whereas the old Heroes in _Homer_, dreaded nothing more than
  • water or drowning; probably upon the old opinion of the fiery substance
  • of the soul, onely extinguishable by that Element; And therfore the Poet
  • emphatically implieth the total destruction in this kinde of death,
  • which happened to _Ajax Oileus_.[8]
  • [8] _Which_ Magius _reads_ ἐξαπόλωλε.
  • The old _Balearians_[9] had a peculiar mode, for they used great Urnes
  • and much wood, but no fire in their burials; while they bruised the
  • flesh and bones of the dead, crowded them into Urnes, and laid heaps of
  • wood upon them. And the _Chinois_[10] without cremation or urnal
  • interrment of their bodies, make use of trees and much burning, while
  • they plant a Pine-tree by their grave, and burn great numbers of printed
  • draughts of slaves and horses over it, civilly content with their
  • companies in effigie, which barbarous Nations exact unto reality.
  • [9] Diodorus Siculus.
  • [10] Ramusius _in_ Navigat.
  • Christians abhorred this way of obsequies, and though they stickt not to
  • give their bodies to be burnt in their lives, detested that mode after
  • death; affecting rather a depositure than absumption, and properly
  • submitting unto the sentence of God, to return not unto ashes but unto
  • dust again, conformable unto the practice of the Patriarches, the
  • interrment of our Saviour, of _Peter_, _Paul_, and the ancient Martyrs.
  • And so far at last declining promiscuous enterrment with Pagans, that
  • some[11] have suffered Ecclesiastical censures, for making no scruple
  • thereof.
  • [11] _Martialis the Bishop._ Cyprian.
  • The _Musselman_ beleevers will never admit this fiery resolution. For
  • they hold a present trial from their black and white Angels in the
  • grave; which they must have made so hollow, that they may rise upon
  • their knees.
  • The Jewish Nation, though they entertained the old way of inhumation,
  • yet sometimes admitted this practice. For the men of _Jabesh_ burnt the
  • body of _Saul_. And by no prohibited practice to avoid contagion or
  • pollution, in time of pestilence, burnt the bodies of their friends.[12]
  • And when they burnt not their dead bodies, yet sometimes used great
  • burnings near and about them, deducible from the expressions concerning
  • _Jehoram_, _Sedechias_, and the sumptuous pyre of Asa; And were so
  • little averse from Pagan[13] burning, that the Jews lamenting the death
  • of _Cæsar_ their friend, and revenger on _Pompey_, frequented the place
  • where his body was burnt for many nights together. And as they raised
  • noble Monuments and _Mausolæums_ for their own Nation,[14] so they were
  • not scrupulous in erecting some for others, according to the practice of
  • _Daniel_, who left that lasting sepulchral pyle in _Echbatana_, for the
  • _Median_ and _Persian_ Kings.[15]
  • [12] _Amos_ 6. 10.
  • [13] _Sueton. in vita._ Jul. Cæs.
  • [14] _As that magnificent sepulchral Monument erected by Simon.
  • Mach. 1. 13._
  • [15] Κατασκέυασμα θαυμασίως πεποιημένον, _whereof a Jewish Priest
  • had alwayes the custody unto _Josephus _his dayes._ Jos. _Lib.
  • 10. Antiq._
  • But even in times of subjection and hottest use, they conformed not unto
  • the _Romane_ practice of burning; whereby the Prophecy was secured
  • concerning the body of Christ, that it should not see corruption, or a
  • bone should not be broken; which we beleeve was also providentially
  • prevented, from the Souldiers spear and nailes that past by the little
  • bones both in his hands and feet: Nor of ordinary contrivance, that it
  • should not corrupt on the crosse, according to the Law of _Romane_
  • Crucifixion, or an hair of his head perish, though observable in Jewish
  • customes, to cut the haires of Malefactors.
  • Nor in their long co-habitation with the Ægyptians, crept into a custome
  • of their exact embalming, wherein deeply slashing the muscles, and
  • taking out the braines and entrailes, they had broken the subject of so
  • entire a Resurrection, nor fully answered the tipes of _Enoch_, _Eliah_,
  • or _Jonah_, which yet to prevent or restore, was of equall facility unto
  • that rising power, able to break the fasciations and bands of death, to
  • get clear out of the Cere-cloth, and an hundred pounds of oyntment, and
  • out of the Sepulchre before the stone was rolled from it.
  • But though they embraced not this practice of burning, yet entertained
  • they many ceremonies agreeable unto _Greek_ and _Romane_ obsequies, And
  • he that observeth their funeral Feasts, their Lamentations at the grave,
  • their musick, and weeping mourners; how they closed the eyes of their
  • friends, how they washed, anointed, and kissed the dead; may easily
  • conclude these were not meer Pagan Civilities. But whether that mournful
  • burthen, and treble calling out after _Absalom_, had any reference unto
  • the last conclamation, and triple valediction, used by other nations, we
  • hold but a wavering conjecture.
  • _Civilians_ make sepulture but of the Law of nations, others do
  • naturally found it and discover it also in animals. They that are so
  • thick skinned as still to credit the story of the _Phœnix_, may say
  • something for animal burning: More serious conjectures finde some
  • examples of sepulture in Elephants, Cranes, the Sepulchral Cells of
  • Pismires and practice of Bees; which civil society carrieth out their
  • dead, and hath exequies, if not interrments.
  • CHAPTER II
  • The Solemnities, Ceremonies, Rites of their Cremation or enterrment, so
  • solemnly delivered by Authours, we shall not disparage our Reader to
  • repeat. Only the last and lasting part in their Urns, collected bones
  • and Ashes, we cannot wholly omit, or decline that Subject, which
  • occasion lately presented, in some discovered among us.
  • In a Field of old _Walsingham_, not many months past, were digged up
  • between fourty and fifty Urnes, deposited in a dry and sandy soile, not
  • a yard deep, nor far from one another: Not all strictly of one figure,
  • but most answering these described; Some containing two pounds of bones,
  • distinguishable in skulls, ribs, jawes, thigh-bones, and teeth, with
  • fresh impressions of their combustion. Besides the extraneous
  • substances, like peeces of small boxes, or combs handsomely wrought,
  • handles of small brasse instruments, brazen nippers, and in one some
  • kinde of _Opale_.[16]
  • [16] _In one sent me by my worthy friend Dr._ Thomas Witherley _of_
  • Walsingham.
  • Near the same plot of ground, for about six yards compasse were digged
  • up coals and incinerated substances, which begat conjecture that this
  • was the _Ustrina_ or place of burning their bodies, or some sacrificing
  • place unto the _Manes_, which was properly below the surface of the
  • ground, as the _Aræ_ and _Altars_ unto the gods and _Heroes_ above it.
  • That these were the Urnes of _Romanes_ from the common custome and place
  • where they were found, is no obscure conjecture, not far from a _Romane_
  • Garrison, and but five mile from _Brancaster_, set down by ancient
  • Record under the name of _Brannodunum_. And where the adjoyning Town,
  • containing seven Parishes, in no very different sound, but Saxon
  • termination, still retaines the Name of _Burnham_, which being an early
  • station, it is not improbable the neighbour parts were filled with
  • habitations, either of _Romanes_ themselves, or _Brittains Romanised_,
  • which observed the _Romane_ customes.
  • Nor is it improbable that the _Romanes_ early possessed this Countrey;
  • for though we meet not with such strict particulars of these parts,
  • before the new Institution of _Constantine_, and military charge of the
  • Count of the _Saxon_ shore, and that about the _Saxon_ Invasions, the
  • _Dalmatian_ Horsemen were in the Garrison of _Brancaster_: Yet in the
  • time of _Claudius Vespasian_, and _Severus_, we finde no lesse then
  • three Legions dispersed through the Province of _Brittain_. And as high
  • as the Reign of _Claudius_ a great overthrow was given unto the _Iceni_,
  • by the _Romane_ Lieutenant _Ostorius_. Not long after the Countrey was
  • so molested, that in hope of a better state _Prasatagus_ bequeathed his
  • Kingdom unto _Nero_ and his Daughters; and _Boadicea_ his Queen fought
  • the last decisive Battle with _Paulinus_. After which time and Conquest
  • of _Agricola_ the Lieutenant of _Vespasian_, probable it is they wholly
  • possessed this Countrey, ordering it into Garrisons or Habitations, best
  • suitable with their securities. And so some _Romane_ habitations, not
  • improbable in these parts, as high as the time of _Vespasian_, where the
  • _Saxons_ after seated, in whose thin-fill'd Mappes we yet finde the Name
  • of _Walsingham_. Now if the _Iceni_ were but _Gammadims_, _Anconians_,
  • or men that lived in an Angle wedge or Elbow of _Brittain_, according to
  • the Original Etymologie, this countrey will challenge the Emphatical
  • appellation, as most properly making the Elbow or Iken of _Icenia_.
  • That _Britain_ was notably populous is undeniable, from that expression
  • of _Cæsar_[17]. That the _Romanes_ themselves were early in no small
  • numbers, Seventy Thousand with their associats slain by _Boadicea_,
  • affords a sure account. And though many _Roman_ habitations are now
  • unknown, yet some by old works, Rampiers, Coynes, and Urnes do testifie
  • their Possessions. Some Urnes have been found at Castor, some also about
  • _Southcreake_ and not many years past, no lesse then ten in a field at
  • _Buxton_,[18] not near any recorded Garrison. Nor is it strange to finde
  • _Romane_ Coynes of Copper and Silver among us; of _Vespasian_, _Trajan_,
  • _Adrian_, _Commodus_, _Antoninus_, _Severus_, etc. But the greater
  • number of _Dioclesian_, _Constantine_, _Constans_, _Valens_, with many
  • of _Victorinus Posthumius_, _Tetricus_, and the thirty Tyrants in the
  • Reigne of _Gallienus_; and some as high as _Adrianus_ have been found
  • about _Thetford_, or _Sitomagus_, mentioned in the itinerary of
  • _Antoninus_, as the way from _Venta_ or _Castor_ unto _London_[19].t the
  • most frequent discovery is made at the two _Casters_ by _Norwich_ and
  • _Yarmouth_[20] _Burghcastle_ and _Brancaster_.[21]
  • [17] Hominum infinita multitudo est, creberrimaque ædificia ferè
  • Gallicis consimilia. _Cæs._ de bello Gal. _l._ 5.
  • [18] _In the ground of my worthy Friend_ Rob. Jegon, _Esq., wherein
  • some things contained were preserved by the most worthy Sir_
  • William Paston, _Bt._
  • [19] _From Castor to Thetford the Romans accounted thirty-two miles,
  • and from thence observed not our common road to_ London, _but
  • passed by_ Combretonium ad Ansam, Canonium, Cæsaromagus, _etc.,
  • by_ Bretenham, Coggeshall, Chelmeford, Burntwood, _etc._
  • [20] _Most at_ Caster _by_ Yarmouth, _found in a place called_
  • East-bloudyburgh furlong, _belonging to Mr._ Thomas Wood, _a
  • person of civility, industry and knowledge in this way, who hath
  • made observation of remarkable things about him, and from whom we
  • have received divers Silver and Copper Coynes._
  • [21] _Belonging to that Noble Gentleman, and true example of worth
  • Sir_ Ralph Hare, _Baronet, my honoured Friend_.
  • Besides, the _Norman_, _Saxon_ and _Danish_ peeces of _Cuthred_,
  • _Canutus_, _William Matilda_,[22] and others, some Brittish Coynes of
  • gold have been dispersedly found; And no small number of silver peeces
  • neer _Norwich_[23]; with a rude head upon the obverse, and an ill formed
  • horse on the reverse, with inscriptions _Ic. Duro T._ whether implying
  • _Iceni_, _Duroriges_, _Tascia_, or _Trinobantes_, we leave to higher
  • conjecture. Vulgar Chronology will have _Norwich_ Castle as old as
  • _Julius Cæsar_, but his distance from these parts, and its _Gothick_
  • form of structure, abridgeth such Antiquity. The _British_ Coyns afford
  • conjecture of early habitation in these parts, though the City of
  • _Norwich_ arose from the ruines of _Venta_, and though perhaps not
  • without some habitation before, was enlarged, builded, and nominated by
  • the _Saxons_. In what bulk or populosity it stood in the old East-angle
  • Monarchy, tradition and history are silent. Considerable it was in the
  • _Danish_ Eruptions, when _Sueno_ burnt _Thetford_ and _Norwich_,[24] and
  • _Ulfketel_ the Governour thereof was able to make some resistance, and
  • after endeavoured to burn the _Danish_ Navy.
  • [22] _A peece of_ Maud _the Empresse said to be found in_ Buckenham
  • Castle _with this inscription_, Elle n'a elle.
  • [23] _At_ Thorpe.
  • [24] _Brampton_ Abbas Jorvallensis.
  • How the _Romanes_ left so many Coynes in Countreys of their Conquests,
  • seemes of hard resolution, except we consider how they buried them under
  • ground, when upon barbarous invasions they were fain to desert their
  • habitations in most part of their Empire, and the strictnesse of their
  • laws forbiding to transfer them to any other uses; Wherein the
  • _Spartans_[25] were singular, who to make their copper money uselesse,
  • contempered it with vinegar. That the _Britains_ left any, some wonder;
  • since their money was iron, and Iron rings before _Cæsar_; and those of
  • after stamp by permission, and but small in bulk and bignesse; that so
  • few of the _Saxons_ remain, because overcome by suceeding Conquerours
  • upon the place, their Coynes by degrees passed into other stamps, and
  • the marks of after ages.
  • [25] _Plut._ in vita Lycurg.
  • Then the time of these Urnes deposited, or precise Antiquity of these
  • Relicks, nothing of more uncertainty. For since the Lieutenant of
  • _Claudius_ seems to have the first progresse into these parts, since
  • _Boadicea_ was overthrown by the Forces of _Nero_, and _Agricola_ put a
  • full end to these Conquests; it is not probable the Country was fully
  • garrisoned or planted before; and therefore however these Urnes might be
  • of later date, not likely of higher Antiquity.
  • And the succeeding Emperours desisted not from their conquests in these
  • and other parts; as testified by history and medal inscription yet
  • extant. The Province of _Britain_ in so divided a distance from _Rome_,
  • beholding the faces of many Imperial persons, and in large account no
  • fewer than _Cæsar_, _Claudius_, _Britannicus_, _Vespasian_, _Titus_,
  • _Adrian_, _Severus_, _Commodus_, _Geta_, and _Caracalla_.
  • A great obscurity herein, because, no medall or Emperours coyne
  • enclosed, which might denote the dates of their enterrments, observable
  • in many Urnes, and found in those of _Spittle_ Fields by _London_,[26]
  • which contained the Coynes of _Claudius_, _Vespasian_, _Commodus_,
  • _Antoninus_, attended with Lacrymatories, Lamps, Bottles of Liquor, and
  • other appurtenances of affectionate superstition, which in these rurall
  • interrments were wanting.
  • [26] Stowes _Survey of_ London.
  • Some uncertainty there is from the period or term of burning, or the
  • cessation of that practise. _Macrobius_ affirmeth it was disused in his
  • dayes. But most agree, though without authentick record, that it ceased
  • with the _Antonini_. Most safely to be understood after the Reigne of
  • those Emperours, which assumed the name of _Antoninus_, extending unto
  • _Heliogabalus_. Not strictly after _Marcus_; For about fifty years later
  • we finde the magnificent burning, and consecration of _Severus_; and if
  • we so fix this period or cessation, these Urnes will challenge above
  • thirteen hundred yeers.
  • But whether this practise was onely then left by Emperours and great
  • persons, or generally about _Rome_, and not in other Provinces, we hold
  • no authentick account. For after _Tertullian_, in the dayes of
  • _Minucius_ it was obviously objected upon Christians, that they
  • condemned the practise of burning.[27] And we finde a passage in
  • _Sidonius_,[28] which asserteth that practise in France unto a lower
  • account. And perhaps not fully disused till Christianity fully
  • established, which gave the final extinction to these Sepulchral
  • Bonefires.
  • [27] Execrantur rogos, et damnant ignium sepulturam. _Min. in Oct._
  • [28] Sidon. Apollinaris.
  • Whether they were the bones of men or women or children, no authentick
  • decision from ancient custome in distinct places of burial. Although not
  • improbably conjectured, that the double Sepulture or burying place of
  • _Abraham_, had in it such intension. But from exility of bones,
  • thinnesse of skulls, smallnesse of teeth, ribbes, and thigh-bones; not
  • improbable that many thereof were persons of _minor_ age, or women.
  • Confirmable also from things contained in them: In most were found
  • substances resembling Combes, Plates like Boxes, fastened with Iron
  • pins, and handsomely overwrought like the necks or Bridges of Musicall
  • Instruments, long brasse plates overwrought like the handles of neat
  • implements, brazen nippers to pull away hair, and in one a kinde of
  • _Opale_ yet maintaining a blewish colour.
  • Now that they accustomed to burn or bury with them, things wherein they
  • excelled, delighted, or which were dear unto them, either as farewells
  • unto all pleasure, or vain apprehension that they might use them in the
  • other world, is testified by all Antiquity. Observable from the Gemme or
  • Beril Ring upon the finger of _Cynthia_, the Mistress of _Propertius_,
  • when after her Funeral Pyre her Ghost appeared unto him. And notably
  • illustrated from the Contents of that _Roman_ Urne preserved by Cardinal
  • _Farnese_,[29] wherein besides great number of Gemmes with heads of Gods
  • and Goddesses, were found an Ape of _Agath_, a Grashopper, an Elephant
  • of Ambre, a Crystal Ball, three glasses, two Spoons, and six Nuts of
  • Crystall. And beyond the content of Urnes, in the Monument of
  • _Childerick_ the first,[30] and fourth King from _Pharamond_, casually
  • discovered three years past at _Tournay_, restoring unto the world much
  • gold richly adorning his Sword, two hundred Rubies, many hundred
  • Imperial Coyns, three hundred Golden Bees, the bones and horseshoe of
  • his horse enterred with him, according to the barbarous magnificence of
  • those dayes in their sepulchral Obsequies. Although if we steer by the
  • conjecture of many and Septuagint expression; some trace thereof may be
  • found even with the ancient Hebrews, not only from the Sepulcral
  • treasure of _David_, but the circumcision knives which _Josuah_ also
  • buried.
  • [29] Vigeneri Annot. in 4. Liv.
  • [30] Chifflet in Anast. Childer.
  • Some men considering the contents of these Urnes, lasting peeces and
  • toyes included in them, and the custome of burning with many other
  • Nations, might somewhat doubt whether all Urnes found among us, were
  • properly _Romane_ Reliques, or some not belonging unto our _Brittish_,
  • _Saxon_, or _Danish_ Forefathers.
  • In the form of Burial among the ancient _Brittains_, the large
  • Discourses of _Cæsar_, _Tacitus_, and _Strabo_ are silent: For the
  • discovery whereof, with other particulars, we must deplore the loss of
  • that Letter which _Cicero_ expected or received from his Brother
  • _Quintus_, as a resolution of _Brittish_ customes; or the account which
  • might have been made by _Scribonius Largus_ the Physician, accompanying
  • the Emperor _Claudius_, who might have also discovered that frugal
  • Bit[31] of the Old _Brittains_, which in the bigness of a Bean could
  • satisfie their thirst and hunger.
  • [31] Dionis excerpta per Xiphilin. in Severo.
  • But that the _Druids_ and ruling Priests used to burn and bury, is
  • expressed by _Pomponius_; That _Bellinus_ the Brother of _Brennus_, and
  • King of _Brittains_ was burnt, is acknowledged by _Polydorus_, as also
  • by _Amandus Zierexensis_ in _Historia_, and _Pineda_ in his _Universa
  • historia_. Spanish. That they held that practise in _Gallia, Cæsar_
  • expressly delivereth. Whether the Brittains (probably descended from
  • them, of like Religion, Language and Manners) did not sometimes make use
  • of burning; or whether at least such as were after civilized unto the
  • _Romane_ life and manners, conformed not unto this practise, we have no
  • historical assertion or denial. But since from the account of _Tacitus_
  • the _Romanes_ early wrought so much civility upon the Brittish stock,
  • that they brought them to build Temples, to wear the Gown, and study the
  • _Romane_ Laws and Language, that they conformed also unto their
  • Religious rites and customes in burials, seems no improbable conjecture.
  • That burning the dead was used in _Sarmatia_, is affirmed by _Gaguinus_,
  • that the _Sueons_ and _Gothlanders_ used to burn their Princes and great
  • persons, is delivered by _Saxo_ and _Olaus_; that this was the old
  • _Germane_ practise, is also asserted by _Tacitus_. And though we are
  • bare in historical particulars of such obsequies in this Island, or that
  • the _Saxons_, _Jutes_, and _Angles_ burnt their dead, yet came they from
  • parts where 'twas of ancient practise; the _Germanes_ using it, from
  • whom they were descended. And even in _Jutland_ and _Sleswick_ in
  • _Anglia Cymbrica_, Urnes with bones were found not many years before us.
  • [Sidenote: Roisold, Brendetiide. Ild tyde.]
  • But the _Danish_ and Northern Nations have raised an _Æra_ or point of
  • compute from their Custome of burning their dead: Some deriving it from
  • _Unguinus_, some from _Frotho_ the great; who ordained by Law, that
  • Princes and Chief Commanders should be committed unto the fire, though
  • the common sort had the common grave enterrment. So _Starkatterus_ that
  • old _Heroe_ was burnt, and _Ringo_ royally burnt the body of _Harald_
  • the King slain by him.
  • What time this custome generally expired in that Nation, we discern no
  • assured period; whether it ceased before Christianity, or upon their
  • Conversion, by _Ansgurius_ the Gaul in the time of _Ludovicus Pius_ the
  • Son of _Charles_ the Great, according to good computes; or whether it
  • might not be used by some persons, while for a hundred and eighty years
  • Paganisme and Christianity were promiscuously embraced among them, there
  • is no assured conclusion. About which times the _Danes_ were busie in
  • _England_, and particularly infested this Countrey: Where many Castles
  • and strong holds were built by them, or against them, and great number
  • of names and Families still derived from them. But since this custome
  • was probably disused before their Invasion or Conquest, and the
  • _Romanes_ confessedly practised the same, since their possession of this
  • Island, the most assured account will fall upon the _Romanes_, or
  • _Brittains Romanized_.
  • However certain it is, that Urnes conceived of no _Romane_ Original, are
  • often digged up both in _Norway_ and _Denmark_, handsomely described,
  • and graphically represented by the Learned Physician _Wormius_,[32] And
  • in some parts of _Denmark_ in no ordinary number, as stands delivered by
  • Authors exactly describing those Countreys.[33] And they contained not
  • only bones, but many other substances in them, as Knives, peeces of
  • Iron, Brass and Wood, and one of _Norway_ a brasse guilded Jewes harp.
  • [32] Olai Wormii monumenta et Antiquitat. Dan.
  • [33] Adolphus Cyprius in Annal. Sleswic. urnis adeo abundabat collis,
  • _etc._
  • Nor were they confused or carelesse in disposing the noblest sort, while
  • they placed large stones in circle about the Urnes, or bodies which they
  • interred: Somewhat answerable unto the Monument of _Rollrich_ stones in
  • _England_,[34] or sepulcral Monument probably erected by _Rollo_, who
  • after conquered _Normandy_. Where 'tis not improbable somewhat might be
  • discovered. Mean while to what Nation or person belonged that large Urne
  • found at _Ashburie_,[35] containing mighty bones, and a Buckler; what
  • those large Urnes found at little _Massingham_,[36] or why the
  • _Anglesea_ Urnes are placed with their mouths downwards, remains yet
  • undiscovered.
  • [34] _In Oxfordshire_; Cambden.
  • [35] _In Cheshire_, Twinus de rebus Albionicis.
  • [36] _In Norfolk_, Hollingshead.
  • CHAPTER III
  • Playstered and whited Sepulchres, were anciently affected in cadaverous,
  • and corruptive Burials; And the rigid Jews were wont to garnish the
  • Sepulchres of the righteous;[37] _Ulysses_ in _Hecuba_[38] cared not how
  • meanly he lived, so he might finde a noble Tomb after death. Great
  • Princes affected great Monuments, and the fair and larger Urnes
  • contained no vulgar ashes, which makes that disparity in those which
  • time discovereth among us. The present Urnes were not of one capacity,
  • the largest containing above a gallon, Some not much above half that
  • measure; nor all of one figure, wherein there is no strict conformity,
  • in the same or different Countreys; Observable from those represented by
  • _Casalius_, _Bosio_, and others, though all found in _Italy_: While many
  • have handles, ears, and long necks, but most imitate a circular figure,
  • in a spherical and round composure; whether from any mystery, best
  • duration or capacity, were but a conjecture. But the common form with
  • necks was a proper figure, making our last bed like our first; nor much
  • unlike the Urnes of our Nativity, while we lay in the nether part of the
  • Earth,[39] and inward vault of our Microcosme. Many Urnes are red, these
  • but of a black colour, somewhat smooth, and dully sounding, which begat
  • some doubt, whether they were burnt, or only baked in Oven or Sun:
  • According to the ancient way, in many bricks, tiles, pots, and
  • testaceous works; and as the word _testa_ is properly to be taken, when
  • occurring without addition: And chiefly intended by _Pliny_, when he
  • commendeth bricks and tiles of two years old, and to make them in the
  • spring. Nor only these concealed peeces, but the open magnificence of
  • Antiquity, ran much in the Artifice of Clay. Hereof the house of
  • _Mausolus_ was built, thus old _Jupiter_ stood in the Capitol, and the
  • _Statua_ of _Hercules_ made in the Reign of _Tarquinius Priscus_, was
  • extant in _Plinies_ dayes. And such as declined burning or Funeral
  • Urnes, affected Coffins of Clay, according to the mode of _Pythagoras_,
  • and way preferred by _Varro_. But the spirit of great ones was above
  • these circumscriptions, affecting Copper, Silver, Gold, and _Porphyrie_
  • Urnes, wherein _Severus_ lay, after a serious view and sentence on that
  • which should contain him.[40] Some of these Urnes were thought to have
  • been silvered over, from sparklings in several pots, with small Tinsel
  • parcels; uncertain whether from the earth, or the first mixture in them.
  • [37] _Matt._ 23.
  • [38] Euripides.
  • [39] _Psa._ 63.
  • [40] Χωρήσεις τὸν ἅνθρωπον ὅν ἤ οἰκουμένη οὐκ ἠχώρησεν. Dion.
  • Among these Urnes we could obtain no good account of their coverings;
  • only one seemed arched over with some kinde of brickwork. Of those found
  • at _Buxton_ some were covered with flints, some in other parts with
  • Tiles, those at _Yarmouth Caster_, were closed with _Romane_ bricks. And
  • some have proper earthen covers adapted and fitted to them. But in the
  • _Homerical_ Urne of _Patroclus_, whatever was the solid Tegument, we
  • finde the immediate covering to be a purple peece of silk: And such as
  • had no covers might have the earth closely pressed into them, after
  • which disposure were probably some of these, wherein we found the bones
  • and ashes half mortered unto the sand and sides of the Urne; and some
  • long roots of Quich, or Dogs-grass wreathed about the bones.
  • No Lamps, included Liquors, Lachrymatories, or Tear-Bottles attended
  • these rural Urnes, either as sacred unto the _Manes_, or passionate
  • expressions of their surviving friends. While with rich flames, and
  • hired teares they solemnized their Obsequies, and in the most lamented
  • Monuments made one part of their Inscriptions.[41] Some finde sepulchral
  • Vessels containing liquors, which time hath incrassated into gellies.
  • For beside these Lachrymatories, notable Lamps, with Vessels of Oyles
  • and Aromatical Liquors attended noble Ossuaries. And some yet retaining
  • a Vinosity[42] and spirit in them, which if any have tasted they have
  • far exceeded the Palats of Antiquity. Liquors not to be computed by
  • years of annual Magistrates, but by great conjunctions and the fatal
  • periods of Kingdoms.[43] The draughts of Consulary date, were but crude
  • unto these, and _Opimian_[44] Wine but in the muste unto them.
  • [41] Cum lacrymis posuere.
  • [42] Lazius.
  • [43] _About five hundred years._ Plato.
  • [44] Vinum Opiminianum annorum centum. _Petron._
  • In sundry graves and Sepulchres, we meet with Rings, Coynes, and
  • Chalices; Ancient frugality was so severe, that they allowed no gold to
  • attend the Corps, but onely that which served to fasten their teeth.[45]
  • Whether the _Opaline_ stone in this Urne were burnt upon the finger of
  • the dead, or cast into the fire by some affectionate friend, it will
  • consist with either custome. But other incinerable substances were found
  • so fresh, that they could feel no sindge from fire. These upon view were
  • judged to be wood, but sinking in water and tried by the fire, we found
  • them to be bone or Ivory. In their hardnesse and yellow colour they most
  • resembled Box, which in old expressions found the Epithete[46] of
  • Eternal, and perhaps in such conservatories might have passed
  • uncorrupted.
  • [45] 12. Tabul. _l. xi._ de Jure sacro. Neve aurum addito, ast quoi auro
  • dentes vincti erunt, im cum illo sepelire et utere, se fraude esto.
  • [46] _Plin._ 1. xvi. Inter ξύλα ἀσαπῆ numerat Theophrastus.
  • That Bay-leaves were found green in the Tomb of S. _Humbert_,[47] after
  • an hundred and fifty yeers, was looked upon as miraculous. Remarkable it
  • was unto old Spectators, that the Cypresse of the Temple of _Diana_,
  • lasted so many hundred years: The wood of the Ark and Olive Rod of
  • _Aaron_ were older at the Captivity. But the Cypresse of the Ark of
  • _Noah_, was the greatest vegetable Antiquity, if _Josephus_ were not
  • deceived, by some fragments of it in his dayes. To omit the Moore-logs,
  • and Firre-trees found underground in some parts of _England_; the
  • undated ruines of winds, flouds or earthquakes; and which in _Flanders_
  • still shew from what quarter they fell, as generally lying in the
  • North-East position.[48]
  • [47] Surius.
  • [48] Gorop. Becanus in Niloscopio.
  • But though we found not these peeces to be Wood, according to first
  • apprehension, yet we missed not altogether of some woody substance; for
  • the bones were not so clearly pickt, but some coals were found amongst
  • them; A way to make wood perpetual, and a fit associat for metal,
  • whereon was laid the foundation of the great _Ephesian_ Temple, and
  • which were made the lasting tests of old boundaries, and Landmarks;
  • Whilest we look on these we admire not observations of Coals found
  • fresh, after four hundred years.[49] In a long deserted habitation,[50]
  • even Egge-shels have been found fresh, not tending to corruption.
  • [49] _Of_ Beringuccio nella pyrotechnia.
  • [50] _At_ Elmeham.
  • In the Monument of King _Childerick_, the Iron Reliques were found all
  • rusty and crumbling into peeces. But our little Iron pins which fastened
  • the ivory works, held well together, and lost not their Magneticall
  • quality, though wanting a tenacious moisture for the firmer union of
  • parts, although it be hardly drawn into fusion, yet that metal soon
  • submitteth unto rust and dissolution. In the brazen peeces we admired
  • not the duration but the freedom from rust, and ill savour; upon the
  • hardest attrition, but now exposed unto the piercing Atomes of aire; in
  • the space of a few moneths, they begin to spot and betray their green
  • entrals. We conceive not these Urns to have descended thus naked as they
  • appear, or to have entred their graves without the old habit of flowers.
  • The Urne of _Philopœmen_ was so laden with flowers and ribbons, that
  • it afforded no sight of it self. The rigid _Lycurgus_ allowed Olive and
  • Myrtle. The _Athenians_ might fairely except against the practise of
  • _Democritus_ to be buried up in honey; as fearing to embezzle a great
  • commodity of their Countrey, and the best of that kinde in _Europe_. But
  • _Plato_ seemed too frugally politick, who allowed no larger monument
  • then would contain four Heroick verses, and designed the most barren
  • ground for sepulture: Though we cannot commend the goodnesse of that
  • sepulchral ground, which was set at no higher rate then the mean salary
  • of _Judas_. Though the earth had confounded the ashes of these
  • Ossuaries, yet the bones were so smartly burnt, that some thin plates of
  • brasse were found half melted among them: whereby we apprehended they
  • were not of the meanest carcasses, perfunctorily fired as sometimes in
  • military, and commonly in pestilence, burnings; or after the manner of
  • abject corps, hudled forth and carelessly burnt, without the Esquiline
  • Port at _Rome_; which was an affront continued upon _Tiberius_, while
  • they but half burnt his body,[51] and in the Amphitheatre, according to
  • the custome in notable Malefactors; whereas _Nero_ seemed not so much to
  • fear his death, as that his head should be cut off and his body not
  • burnt entire.
  • [51] _Sueton._ in vitâ Tib. et in Amphitheatro semiustulandum, _not._
  • Casaub.
  • Some finding many fragments of sculs in these Urnes, suspected a
  • mixture of bones; In none we searched was there cause of such
  • conjecture, though sometimes they declined not that practise; The ashes
  • of _Domitian_[52] were mingled with those of _Julia_, of _Achilles_ with
  • those of _Patroclus_: All Urnes contained not single ashes; Without
  • confused burnings they affectionately compounded their bones;
  • passionately endeavouring to continue their living Unions. And when
  • distance of death denied such conjunctions, unsatisfied affections
  • conceived some satisfaction to be neighbours in the grave, to lye Urne
  • by Urne, and touch but in their names. And many were so curious to
  • continue their living relations, that they contrived large, and family
  • Urnes, wherein the Ashes of their nearest friends and kindred might
  • successively be received,[53] at least some parcels thereof, while their
  • collateral memorials lay in _minor_ vessels about them.
  • [52] Sueton. in vitâ Domitian
  • [53] _S. the most learned and worthy Mr._ M. Casaubon _upon_ Antoninus.
  • Antiquity held too light thoughts from Objects of mortality, while some
  • drew provocatives of mirth from Anatomies,[54] and Juglers shewed tricks
  • with Skeletons. When Fidlers made not so pleasant mirth as Fencers, and
  • men could sit with quiet stomacks while hanging was plaied before
  • them.[55] Old considerations made few _memento's_ by sculs and bones
  • upon their monuments. In the Ægyptian Obelisks and Hieroglyphical
  • figures, it is not easie to meet with bones. The sepulchral Lamps speak
  • nothing lesse then sepulture; and in their literal draughts prove often
  • obscene and antick peeces: Where we finde _D. M._[56] it is obvious to
  • meet with sacrificing _patera's_, and vessels of libation, upon old
  • sepulchral Monuments. In the Jewish _Hypogæum_[57] and subterranean Cell
  • at _Rome_, was little observable beside the variety of Lamps, and
  • frequent draughts of the holy Candlestick. In authentick draughts of
  • _Anthony_ and _Jerome_, we meet with thigh-bones and deaths heads; but
  • the cemiterial Cels of ancient Christians and Martyrs, were filled with
  • draughts of Scripture Stories; not declining the flourishes of Cypresse,
  • Palms, and Olive; and the mystical Figures of Peacocks, Doves and Cocks.
  • But iterately affecting the pourtraits of _Enoch_, _Lazarus_, _Jonas_,
  • and the vision of _Ezechiel_, as hopeful draughts, and hinting imagery
  • of the Resurrection; which is the life of the grave, and sweetens our
  • habitations in the Land of _Moles_ and _Pismires_.
  • [54] Sic erimus cuncti, _etc._ Ergo dum vivimus vivamus.
  • [55] Ἀγχόνην παίζειν. _A barbarous pastime at Feasts, when men
  • stood upon a rolling Globe, with their necks in a Rope, and a
  • knife in their hands, ready to cut it when the stone was rolled
  • away, wherein if they failed, they lost their lives to the
  • laughter of their spectators._ Athenæus.
  • [56] Diis manibus.
  • [57] Bosio.
  • Gentile inscriptions precisely delivered the extent of mens lives,
  • seldome the manner of their deaths, which history it self so often
  • leaves obscure in the records of memorable persons. There is scarce any
  • Philosopher but dies twice or thrice in _Laertius_; Nor almost any life
  • without two or three deaths in _Plutarch_; which makes the tragical ends
  • of noble persons more favourably resented by compassionate Readers, who
  • finde some relief in the Election of such differences.
  • The certainty of death is attended with uncertainties, in time, manner,
  • places. The variety of Monuments hath often obscured true graves: and
  • _Cenotaphs_ confounded Sepulchres. For beside their real Tombs, many
  • have found honorary and empty Sepulchres. The variety of _Homers_
  • Monuments made him of various Countreys. _Euripides_[58] had his Tomb in
  • _Africa_, but his sepulture in _Macedonia_. And _Severus_[59] found his
  • real Sepulchre in _Rome_, but his empty grave in _Gallia_.
  • [58] Pausan. in Atticis.
  • [59] _Lamprid._ in vit. Alexand. Severi.
  • [Sidenote: _The Commission of the_ Gothish _King_ Theodoric _for finding
  • out sepulchrall treasure._ Cassiodor. Var. _l._ 4.]
  • He that lay in a golden Urne[60] eminently above the earth, was not like
  • to finde the quiet of these bones. Many of these Urnes were broke by a
  • vulgar discoverer in hope of inclosed treasure. The ashes of
  • _Marcellus_[61] were lost above ground, upon the like account. Where
  • profit hath prompted, no age hath wanted such miners. For which the most
  • barbarous Expilators found the most civil Rhetorick. Gold once out of
  • the earth is no more due unto it; What was unreasonably committed to the
  • ground is reasonably resumed from it: Let Monuments and rich Fabricks,
  • not Riches adorn mens ashes. The commerce of the living is not to be
  • transferred unto the dead: It is no injustice to take that which none
  • complaines to lose, and no man is wronged where no man is possessor.
  • [60] _Trajanus._ Dion.
  • [61] _Plut._ in vit. Marcelli.
  • What virtue yet sleeps in this _terra damnata_ and aged cinders, were
  • petty magick to experiment; These crumbling reliques and long-fired
  • particles superannate such expectations: Bones, hairs, nails, and teeth
  • of the dead, were the treasures of old Sorcerers. In vain we revive such
  • practices; Present superstition too visibly perpetuates the folly of our
  • fore-fathers, wherein unto old Observation this Island was so compleat,
  • that it might have instructed _Persia_.[62]
  • [62] Britannia hodie eam attonitè celebrat tantis ceremoniis, ut dedisse
  • Persis videri possit. _Plin. l. 29._
  • _Plato's_ historian of the other world, lies twelve dayes incorrupted,
  • while his soul was viewing the large stations of the dead. How to keep
  • the corps seven dayes from corruption by anointing and washing, without
  • exenteration, were an hazardable peece of art, in our choisest practise.
  • How they made distinct separation of bones and ashes from fiery
  • admixture, hath found no historical solution. Though they seemed to make
  • a distinct collection, and overlooked not _Pyrrhus_ his toe. Some
  • provision they might make by fictile Vessels, Coverings, Tiles, or flat
  • stones, upon and about the body. And in the same Field, not far from
  • these Urnes, many stones were found under ground, as also by careful
  • separation of extraneous matter, composing and raking up the burnt bones
  • with forks, observable in that notable lamp of _Galuanus_.
  • _Martianus_,[63] who had the sight of the _Vas Ustrinum_, or vessel
  • wherein they burnt the dead, found in the Esquiline Field at _Rome_,
  • might have afforded clearer solution. But their insatisfaction herein
  • begat that remarkable invention in the Funeral Pyres of some Princes, by
  • incombustible sheets made with a texture of _Asbestos_, incremable flax,
  • or Salamanders wool, which preserved their bones and ashes[64]
  • incommixed.
  • [63] Topographiæ Roma ex Martiano. Erat et vas ustrinum appellatum quod
  • in eo cadavera comburerenur. _Cap._ de Campo Esquilino.
  • [64] _To be seen in_ Licet. de reconditis veterum lucernis.
  • How the bulk of a man should sink into so few pounds of bones and ashes,
  • may seem strange unto any who considers not its constitution, and how
  • slender a mass will remain upon an open and urging fire of the carnal
  • composition. Even bones themselves reduced into ashes, do abate a
  • notable proportion. And consisting much of a volatile salt, when that is
  • fired out, make a light kind of cinders. Although their bulk be
  • disproportionable to their weight, when the heavy principle of Salt is
  • fired out, and the Earth almost onely remaineth; Observable in sallow,
  • which makes more Ashes then Oake; and discovers the common fraud of
  • selling Ashes by measure, and not by ponderation.
  • Some bones make best Skeletons,[65] some bodies quick and speediest
  • ashes: Who would expect a quick flame from Hydropical _Heraclitus_? The
  • poisoned Souldier when his Belly brake, put out two pyres in
  • _Plutarch_.[66] But in the plague of _Athens_,[67] one private pyre
  • served two or three Intruders; and the _Saracens_ burnt in large heaps,
  • by the King of _Castile_,[68] shewed how little Fuel sufficeth. Though
  • the Funeral pyre of _Patroclus_ took up an hundred foot,[69] a peece of
  • an old boat burnt _Pompey_; And if the burthen of _Isaac_ were
  • sufficient for an holocaust, a man may carry his own pyre.
  • [65] _Old bones according to_ Lyserus. _Those of young persons not tall
  • nor fat according to_ Columbus.
  • [66] In vita. _Gracc._
  • [67] Thucydides.
  • [68] Laurent. Valla.
  • [69] Ἑκατόμπεδον ἔνθα ἥ ἔνθα.
  • From animals are drawn good burning lights, and good medicines[70]
  • against burning; Though the seminal humor seems of a contrary nature to
  • fire, yet the body compleated proves a combustible lump, wherein fire
  • findes flame even from bones, and some fuel almost from all parts.
  • Though the Metropolis[71] of humidity seems least disposed unto it,
  • which might render the sculls of these Urnes less burned then other
  • bones. But all flies or sinks before fire almost in all bodies. When the
  • common ligament is dissolved, the attenuable parts ascend, the rest
  • subside in coal, calx or ashes.
  • [70] Sperm ran. Alb. Ovor.
  • [71] _The brain._ Hippocrates.
  • To burn the bones of the King of _Edom_[72] for Lyme, seems no
  • irrational ferity; But to drink of the ashes of dead relations,[73] a
  • passionate prodigality. He that hath the ashes of his friend, hath an
  • everlasting treasure: where fire taketh leave, corruption slowly enters;
  • In bones well burnt, fire makes a wall against it self, experimented in
  • copels, and tests of metals, which consist of such ingredients. What the
  • Sun compoundeth, fire analyseth, not transmuteth. That devouring agent
  • leaves almost alwayes a morsel for the Earth, whereof all things are but
  • a colony; and which, if time permits, the mother Element will have in
  • their primitive mass again.
  • [72] _Amos_ 2. 1.
  • [73] _As_ Artemisia _of her Husband_ Mausolus.
  • He that looks for Urnes and old sepulchral reliques, must not seek them
  • in the ruines of Temples: where no Religion anciently placed them. These
  • were found in a Field, according to ancient custome, in noble or private
  • burial; the old practise of the _Canaanites_, the Family of _Abraham_,
  • and the burying place of _Josua_, in the borders of his possessions;
  • and also agreeable unto _Romane_ practise to bury by highwayes, whereby
  • their Monuments were under eye: Memorials of themselves, and
  • _memento's_ of mortality into living passengers; whom the Epitaphs of
  • great ones were fain to beg to stay and look upon them. A language
  • though sometimes used, not so proper in Church-Inscriptions.[74] The
  • sensible Rhetorick of the dead, to exemplarity of good life, first
  • admitted the bones of pious men, and Martyrs within Church-wals; which
  • in succeeding ages crept into promiscuous practise. While _Constantine_
  • was peculiarly favoured to be admitted unto the Church Porch; and the
  • first thus buried in _England_ was in the dayes of _Cuthred_.
  • [74] Siste viator.
  • Christians dispute how their bodies should lye in the grave.[75] In
  • urnal enterrment they clearly escaped this Controversie: Though we
  • decline the Religious consideration, yet in cemiterial and narrower
  • burying places, to avoid confusion and crosse position, a certain
  • posture were to be admitted; which even Pagan civility observed, The
  • _Persians_ lay North and South, The _Megarians_ and _Phœnicians_
  • placed their heads to the East: The _Athenians_, some think, towards the
  • West, which Christians still retain. And _Beda_ will have it to be the
  • posture of our Saviour. That he was crucified with his face towards the
  • West, we will not contend with tradition and probable account; But we
  • applaud not the hand of the Painter, in exalting his Cross so high above
  • those on either side; since hereof we finde no authentick account in
  • history, and even the crosses found by _Helena_ pretend no such
  • distinction from longitude or dimension.
  • [75] Kirckmannus de funer.
  • To be gnawd out of our graves, to have our sculs made drinking-bowls,
  • and our bones turned into Pipes, to delight and sport our Enemies, are
  • Tragical abominations, escaped in burning Burials.
  • Urnal enterrments, and burnt Reliques lye not in fear of worms, or to be
  • an heritage for Serpents; In carnal sepulture, corruptions seem peculiar
  • unto parts, and some speak of snakes out of the spinal marrow. But while
  • we suppose common wormes in graves, 'tis not easie to finde any there;
  • few in Church-yards above a foot deep, fewer or none in Churches, though
  • in fresh decayed bodies. Teeth, bones, and hair, give the most lasting
  • defiance to corruption. In an Hydropical body ten years buried in a
  • Church yard, we met with a fat concretion, where the nitre of the Earth,
  • and the salt and lixivious liquor of the body, had coagulated large
  • lumps of fat, into the consistence of the hardest castle-soap; whereof
  • part remaineth with us. After a battle with the _Persians_, the _Romane_
  • Corps decayed in few dayes, while the _Persian_ bodies remained dry and
  • uncorrupted. Bodies in the same ground do not uniformly dissolve, nor
  • bones equally moulder; whereof in the opprobrious disease we expect no
  • long duration. The body of the Marquess of _Dorset_ seemed sound and
  • handsomely cereclothed, that after seventy eight years was found
  • uncorrupted.[76] Common Tombs preserve not beyond powder: A firmer
  • consistence and compage of parts might be expected from Arefaction, deep
  • burial or Charcoal. The greatest Antiquities of mortal bodies may remain
  • in petrified bones, whereof, though we take not in the pillar of _Lots_
  • wife, or Metamorphosis of _Ortelius_,[77] some may be older then
  • Pyramids, in the petrified Reliques of the general inundation. When
  • _Alexander_ opened the Tomb of _Cyrus_, the remaining bones discovered
  • his proportion, whereof urnal fragments afford but a bad conjecture, and
  • have this disadvantage of grave enterrments, that they leave us ignorant
  • of most personal discoveries. For since bones afford not only rectitude
  • and stability, but figure unto the body; It is no impossible Physiognomy
  • to conjecture at fleshly appendencies; and after what shape the muscles
  • and carnous parts might hang in their full consistences. A full spread
  • _Cariola_ shews a well-shaped horse behinde, handsome formed sculls,
  • give some analogy of flesh resemblance. A critical view of bones makes a
  • good distinction of sexes. Even colour is not beyond conjecture, since
  • it is hard to be deceived in the distinction of _Negro's_ sculls.
  • _Dantes_[78] Characters are to be found in sculls as well as faces.
  • _Hercules_ is not onely known by his foot. Other parts make out their
  • comproportions, and inferences upon whole, or parts. And since the
  • dimensions of the head measure the whole body, and the figure thereof
  • gives conjecture of the principal faculties; Physiognomy out-lives our
  • selves, and ends not in our graves.
  • [76] _Of_ Thomas _Marquesse of_ Dorset, _whose body being buried
  • 1530, was 1608 upon the cutting open of the Cerecloth found perfect
  • and nothing corrupted, the flesh not hardened, but in colour,
  • proportion, and softnesse like an ordinary corps newly to be
  • interred._ Burtons _descript. of_ Leicestershire.
  • [77] _In his Map of_ Russia.
  • [78] _The Poet_ Dante _in his view of Purgatory, found gluttons so
  • meagre, and extenuated, that he conceived them to have been in the
  • siege of_ Jerusalem, _and that it was easie to have discovered_ Homo
  • _or_ Omo _in their faces: M being made by the two lines of their
  • cheeks, arching over the Eye-brows to the nose, and their sunk eyes
  • making O O which makes up_ Omo. Parean l'occhiaie anella senza gemme
  • che nel viso de gli huomini legge huomo Ben'hauria quiui conosciuto
  • l'emme.
  • Severe contemplators observing these lasting reliques, may think them
  • good monuments of persons past, little advantage to future beings. And
  • considering that power which subdueth all things unto it self, that can
  • resume the scattered Atomes, or identifie out of any thing, conceive it
  • superfluous to expect a resurrection out of Reliques. But the soul
  • subsisting, other matter clothed with due accidents, may salve the
  • individuality: Yet the Saints we observe arose from graves and
  • monuments, about the holy City. Some think the ancient Patriarchs so
  • earnestly desired to lay their bones in _Canaan_, as hoping to make a
  • part of that Resurrection, and though thirty miles from Mount _Calvary_,
  • at least to lie in that Region, which should produce the first-fruits of
  • the dead. And if according to learned conjecture, the bodies of men
  • shall rise where their greatest Reliques remain, many are not like to
  • erre in the Topography of their Resurrection, though their bones or
  • bodies be after translated by Angels into the field of _Ezechiels_
  • vision, or as some will order it, into the Valley of Judgement, or
  • _Jehosaphat_.[79]
  • [79] Tirin. _in Ezek._
  • CHAPTER IV
  • Christians have handsomely glossed the deformity of death, by careful
  • consideration of the body, and civil rites which take off brutal
  • terminations. And though they conceived all reparable by a resurrection,
  • cast not off all care of enterrment. And since the ashes of Sacrifices
  • burnt upon the Altar of God, were carefully carried out by the Priests,
  • and deposed in a clean field; since they acknowledged their bodies to be
  • the lodging of Christ, and temples of the holy Ghost, they devolved not
  • all upon the sufficiency of soul existence; and therefore with long
  • services and full solemnities concluded their last Exequies, wherein[80]
  • to all distinctions the Greek devotion seems most pathetically
  • ceremonious.
  • [80] Rituale Græcum opera J. Goar in officio exequiarum.
  • Christian invention hath chiefly driven at Rites, which speak hopes of
  • another life, and hints of a Resurrection. And if the ancient Gentiles
  • held not the immortality of their better part, and some subsistence
  • after death; in several rites, customes, actions and expressions, they
  • contradicted their own opinions: wherein _Democritus_ went high, even to
  • the thought of a resurrection,[81] as scoffingly recorded by _Pliny_.
  • What can be more express than the expression of _Phocyllides_?[82] Or
  • who would expect from _Lucretius_[83] a sentence of _Ecclesiastes_?
  • Before _Plato_ could speak, the soul had wings in _Homer_, which fell
  • not, but flew out of the body into the mansions of the dead; who also
  • observed that handsome distinction of _Demas_ and _Soma_, for the body
  • conjoyned to the soul and body separated from it. _Lucian_ spoke much
  • truth in jest, when he said, that part of _Hercules_ which proceeded
  • from _Alchmena_ perished, that from _Jupiter_ remained immortal. Thus
  • _Socrates_[84] was content that his friends should bury his body, so
  • they would not think they buried _Socrates_, and regarding only his
  • immortal part, was indifferent to be burnt or buried. From such
  • Considerations _Diogenes_ might contemn Sepulture. And being satisfied
  • that the soul could not perish, grow careless of corporal enterrment.
  • The _Stoicks_ who thought the souls of wise men had their habitation
  • about the _Moon_, might make slight account of subterraneous deposition;
  • whereas the _Pythagorians_ and transcorporating Philosophers, who were
  • to be often buried, held great care of their enterrment. And the
  • Platonicks rejected not a due care of the grave, though they put their
  • ashes to unreasonable expectations, in their tedious term of return and
  • long set revolution.
  • [81] Similis reviviscendi promissa Democrito vanitas, qui non revixit
  • ipse. Quæ, malùm, ista dementia est; iterari vitam morte. _Plin.
  • l. 7 c. 55._
  • [82] Καὶ τάχα δʼ ἐκ γαίης ἐλπίζομεν ἐς φάος ἐλθεῖν λειψαν ἀποιχομένων.
  • [83] Cedit enim retro de terra quod fuit ante In terram, _etc._
  • _Lucret._
  • [84] Plato _in_ Phæd.
  • Men have lost their reason in nothing so much as their Religion, wherein
  • stones and clouts make Martyrs; and since the Religion of one seems
  • madness unto another, to afford an account or rational of old Rites,
  • requires no rigid Reader; That they kindled the pyre aversly, or turning
  • their face from it, was an handsome Symbole of unwilling ministration;
  • That they washed their bones with wine and milk, that the mother wrapt
  • them in Linnen, and dryed them in her bosome, the first fostering part,
  • and place of their nourishment; That they opened their eyes towards
  • heaven, before they kindled the fire, as the place of their hopes or
  • original, were no improper Ceremonies. Their last valediction[85] thrice
  • uttered by the attendants was also very solemn, and somewhat answered by
  • Christians, who thought it too little, if they threw not the earth
  • thrice upon the enterred body. That in strewing their Tombs the
  • _Romanes_ affected the Rose, the Greeks _Amaranthus_ and myrtle; that
  • the Funeral pyre consisted of sweet fuel, Cypress, Firre, Larix, Yewe,
  • and Trees perpetually verdant, lay silent expressions of their surviving
  • hopes: Wherein Christians which deck their Coffins with Bays have found
  • a more elegant Embleme. For that tree seeming dead, will restore it self
  • from the root, and its dry and exuccous leaves resume their verdure
  • again; which if we mistake not, we have also observed in Furze. Whether
  • the planting of Yewe in Churchyards, hold not its original from ancient
  • Funeral Rites, or as an Embleme of Resurrection from its perpetual
  • verdure, may also admit conjecture.
  • [85] Vale, vale, vale, nos te ordine quo natura permittet sequemur.
  • They made use of Musick to excite or quiet the affections of their
  • friends, according to different harmonies. But the secret and symbolical
  • hint was the harmonical nature of the soul; which delivered from the
  • body, went again to enjoy the primitive harmony of heaven, from whence
  • it first descended; which according to its progresse traced by
  • antiquity, came down by _Cancer_, and ascended by _Capricornus_.
  • They burnt not children before their teeth appeared, as apprehending
  • their bodies too tender a morsel for fire, and that their gristly bones
  • would scarce leave separable reliques after the pyral combustion. That
  • they kindled not fire in their houses for some dayes after, was a strict
  • memorial of the late afflicting fire. And mourning without hope, they
  • had an happy fraud against excessive lamentation, by a common opinion
  • that deep sorrows disturbed their ghosts.[86]
  • [86] Tu manes ne læde meos.
  • That they buried their dead on their backs, or in a supine position,
  • seems agreeable unto profound sleep, and common posture of dying;
  • contrary to the most natural way of birth; Nor unlike our pendulous
  • posture, in the doubtful state of the womb. _Diogenes_ was singular, who
  • preferred a prone situation in the grave, and some Christians[87] like
  • neither, who decline the figure of rest, and make choice of an erect
  • posture.
  • [87] Russians, _etc._
  • That they carried them out of the world with their feet forward, not
  • inconsonant unto reason: As contrary unto the native posture of man, and
  • his production first into it. And also agreeable unto their opinions,
  • while they bid adieu unto the world, not to look again upon it; whereas
  • _Mahometans_ who think to return to a delightful life again, are carried
  • forth with their heads forward, and looking towards their houses.
  • They closed their eyes as parts which first die or first discover the
  • sad effects of death. But their iterated clamations to excitate their
  • dying or dead friends, or revoke them unto life again, was a vanity of
  • affection; as not presumably ignorant of the critical tests of death, by
  • apposition of feathers, glasses, and reflexion of figures, which dead
  • eyes represent not; which however not strictly verifiable in fresh and
  • warm _cadavers_, could hardly elude the test, in corps of four or five
  • dayes.
  • That they suck'd in the last breath of their expiring friends, was
  • surely a practice of no medicall institution, but a loose opinion that
  • the soul passed out that way, and a fondnesse of affection from some
  • _Pythagoricall_[88] foundation, that the spirit of one body passed into
  • another; which they wished might be their own.
  • [88] Francesco Perucci Pompe funebr.
  • That they powred oyle upon the pyre, was a tolerable practise, while
  • the intention rested in facilitating the accension; But to place good
  • _Omens_ in the quick and speedy burning, to sacrifice unto the winds for
  • a dispatch in this office, was a low form of superstition.
  • The _Archimime_ or _Jester_ attending the Funeral train, and imitating
  • the speeches, gesture, and manners of the deceased, was too light for
  • such solemnities, contradicting their funerall Orations, and dolefull
  • rites of the grave.
  • That they buried a peece of money with them as a Fee of the _Elysian
  • Ferriman_, was a practise full of folly. But the ancient custome of
  • placing coynes in considerable Urnes, and the present practice of
  • burying medals in the Noble Foundations of _Europe_, are laudable wayes
  • of historicall discoveries, in actions, persons, Chronologies; and
  • posterity will applaud them.
  • We examine not the old Laws of Sepulture, exempting certain persons from
  • burial or burning. But hereby we apprehend that these were not the bones
  • of persons Planet-struck or burnt with fire from Heaven: No Reliques of
  • Traitors to their Countrey, Self-killers, or Sacrilegious Malefactors;
  • Persons in old apprehension unworthy of the _earth_; condemned unto the
  • _Tartara's_ of Hell, and bottomlesse pit of _Pluto_, from whence there
  • was no redemption.
  • Nor were only many customes questionable in order to their Obsequies,
  • but also sundry practises, fictions, and conceptions, discordant or
  • obscure, of their state and future beings; whether unto eight or ten
  • bodies of men to adde one of a woman, as being more inflammable, and
  • unctuously constituted for the better pyrall combustion, were any
  • rational practise: Or whether the complaint of _Perianders_ Wife be
  • tolerable, that wanting her Funerall burning she suffered intolerable
  • cold in Hell, according to the constitution of the infernal house of
  • _Pluto_, wherein cold makes a great part of their tortures; it cannot
  • passe without some question.
  • Why the Female Ghosts appear unto _Ulysses_, before the _Heroes_ and
  • masculine spirits? Why the _Psyche_ or soul of _Tiresias_ is of the
  • masculine gender; who being blinde on earth sees more then all the rest
  • in hell; Why the Funeral Suppers consisted of Egges, Beans, Smallage,
  • and Lettuce, since the dead are made to eat _Asphodels_ about the
  • _Elysian_ medows? Why since there is no Sacrifice acceptable, nor any
  • propitiation for the Covenant of the grave: men set up the Deity of
  • _Morta_, and fruitlesly adored Divinities without ears? it cannot escape
  • some doubt.
  • The dead seem all alive in the humane _Hades_ of _Homer_, yet cannot we
  • speak, prophesie, or know the living, except they drink blood, wherein
  • is the life of man. And therefore the souls of _Penelope's_ Paramours
  • conducted by _Mercury_ chiriped like bats, and those which followed
  • _Hercules_ made a noise but like a flock of birds.
  • The departed spirits know things past and to come, yet are ignorant of
  • things present. _Agememnon_ fortels what should happen unto _Ulysses_,
  • yet ignorantly enquires what is become of his own Son. The ghosts are
  • afraid of swords in _Homer_, yet _Sybilla_ tells _Æneas_ in _Virgil_,
  • the thin habit of spirits was beyond the force of weapons. The spirits
  • put off their malice with their bodies, and _Cæsar_ and _Pompey_ accord
  • in Latine Hell, yet _Ajax_ in _Homer_ endures not a conference with
  • _Ulysses_: And _Deiphobus_ appears all mangled in _Virgils_ Ghosts, yet
  • we meet with perfect shadows among the wounded ghosts of _Homer_.
  • Since _Charon_ in _Lucian_ applauds his condition among the dead,
  • whether it be handsomely said of _Achilles_, that living contemner of
  • death, that he had rather be a Plowmans servant then Emperour of the
  • dead? How _Hercules_ his soul is in hell, and yet in heaven, and
  • _Julius_ his soul in a Star, yet seen by _Æneas_ in hell, except the
  • Ghosts were but images and shadows of the soul, received in higher
  • mansions, according to the ancient division of body, soul, and image or
  • _simulachrum_ of them both. The particulars of future beings must needs
  • be dark unto ancient Theories, which Christian Philosophy yet determines
  • but in a Cloud of opinions. A Dialogue between two Infants in the womb
  • concerning the state of this world, might handsomly illustrate our
  • ignorance of the next, whereof methinks we yet discourse in _Platoes_
  • denne, and are but _Embryon_ Philosophers.
  • _Pythagoras_ escapes in the fabulous hell of _Dante_,[89] among that
  • swarm of Philosophers, wherein whilest we meet with _Plato_ and
  • _Socrates_, _Cato_ is to be found in no lower place then Purgatory.
  • Among all the set, _Epicurus_ is most considerable, whom men make honest
  • without an _Elyzium_, who contemned life without encouragement of
  • immortality, and making nothing after death, yet made nothing of the
  • King of terrours.
  • [89] Del inferno. _cant. 4._
  • Were the happinesse of next world as closely apprehended as the
  • felicities of this, it were a martyrdome to live; and unto such as
  • consider none hereafter, it must be more then death to die, which makes
  • us amazed at those audacities, that durst be nothing, and return into
  • their _Chaos_ again. Certainly such spirits as could contemn death, when
  • they expected no better being after, would have scorned to live had they
  • known any. And therefore we applaud not the judgment of _Machiavel_,
  • that Christianity makes men cowards, or that with the confidence of but
  • half dying, the dispised virtues of patience and humility, have abased
  • the spirits of men, which Pagan principles exalted, but rather regulated
  • the wildenesse of audacities, in the attempts, grounds, and eternal
  • sequels of death; wherein men of the boldest spirits are often
  • prodigiously temerarious. Nor can we extenuate valour of ancient
  • Martyrs, who contemned death in the uncomfortable scene of their lives,
  • and in their decrepit Martyrdomes did probably lose not many moneths of
  • their dayes, or parted with life when it was scarce worth the living.
  • For (beside that long time past holds no consideration unto a slender
  • time to come) they had no small disadvantage from the constitution of
  • old age, which naturally makes men fearful; And complexionally
  • superannuated from the bold and couragious thoughts of youth and fervent
  • years. But the contempt of death from corporal animosity, promoteth not
  • our felicity. They may set in the _Orchestra_, and noblest Seats of
  • Heaven, who have held up shaking hands in the fire, and humanely
  • contended for glory.
  • Mean while _Epicurus_ lies deep in _Dante's_ hell, wherin we meet with
  • Tombs enclosing souls which denied their immortalities. But whether the
  • virtuous heathen, who lived better then he spake, or erring in the
  • principles of himself, yet lived above Philosophers of more specious
  • Maximes, lye so deep as he is placed; at least so low as not to rise
  • against Christians, who beleeving or knowing that truth, have lastingly
  • denied it in their practise and conversation, were a quæry too sad to
  • insist on.
  • But all or most apprehensions rested in Opinions of some future being,
  • which ignorantly or coldly beleeved, beget those perverted conceptions,
  • Ceremonies, Sayings, which Christians pity or laugh at. Happy are they,
  • which live not in that disadvantage of time, when men could say little
  • for futurity, but from reason. Whereby the noblest mindes fell often
  • upon doubtful deaths, and melancholly Dissolutions; With these hopes
  • _Socrates_ warmed his doubtful spirits, against that cold potion, and
  • _Cato_ before he durst give the fatal stroak, spent part of the night in
  • reading the immortality of _Plato_, thereby confirming his wavering hand
  • unto the animosity of that attempt.
  • It is the heaviest stone that melancholy can throw at a man, to tell him
  • he is at the end of his nature; or that there is no further state to
  • come, unto which this seemes progressional, and otherwise made in vaine;
  • Without this accomplishment the natural expectation and desire of such a
  • state, were but a fallacy in nature; unsatisfied Considerators would
  • quarrel the justice of their constitutions, and rest content that _Adam_
  • had fallen lower; whereby by knowing no other Original, and deeper
  • ignorance of themselves, they might have enjoyed the happinesse of
  • inferiour Creatures; who in tranquillity possess their Constitutions, as
  • having not the apprehension to deplore their own natures. And being
  • framed below the circumference of these hopes, or cognition of better
  • being, the wisedom of God hath necessitated their Contentment: But the
  • superiour ingredient and obscured part of our selves, whereto all
  • present felicities afford no resting contentment, will be able at last
  • to tell us we are more then our present selves; and evacuate such hopes
  • in the fruition of their own accomplishments.
  • CHAPTER V
  • Now since these dead bones have already out-lasted the living ones of
  • _Methuselah_, and in a yard under ground, and thin walls of clay,
  • out-worn all the strong and specious buildings above it; and quietly
  • rested under the drums and tramplings of three conquests; What Prince
  • can promise such diuturnity unto his Reliques, or might not gladly say,
  • _Sic ego componi versus in ossa velim._[90]
  • [90] Tibullus.
  • Time which antiquates Antiquities, and hath an art to make dust of all
  • things, hath yet spared these _minor_ Monuments. In vain we hope to be
  • known by open and visible conservatories, when to be unknown was the
  • means of their continuation and obscurity their protection: If they dyed
  • by violent hands, and were thrust into their Urnes, these bones become
  • considerable, and some old Philosophers would honour them,[91] whose
  • soules they conceived most pure, which were thus snatched from their
  • bodies; and to retain a stronger propension unto them: whereas they
  • weariedly left a languishing corps, and with faint desires of reunion.
  • If they fell by long and aged decay, yet wrapt up in the bundle of time,
  • they fall into indistinction, and make but one blot with Infants. If we
  • begin to die when we live, and long life be but a prolongation of death;
  • our life is a sad composition; we live with death, and die not in a
  • moment. How many pulses made up the life of _Methuselah_, were work for
  • _Archimedes_: Common Counters sum up the life of _Moses_ his man.[92]
  • Our dayes become considerable like petty sums by minute accumulations;
  • where numerous fractions make up but small round numbers; and our dayes
  • of a span long make not one little finger.[93]
  • [91] Oracula Chaldaica cum scholiis Pselli et Phethonis. Βίη λιπóντων
  • σῶμα ψυχαὶ καθαρώταται. Vi corpus relinquentium animæ purissimæ.
  • [92] _In the Psalme of_ Moses.
  • [93] _According to the ancient Arithmetick of the hand wherein the
  • little finger of the right hand contracted, signified an
  • hundred._ Pierius in Hieroglyph.
  • If the nearnesse of our last necessity, brought a nearer conformity
  • unto it, there were a happinesse in hoary hairs, and no calamity in half
  • senses. But the long habit of living indisposeth us for dying; When
  • Avarice makes us the sport of death; When even _David_ grew politickly
  • cruel; and _Solomon_ could hardly be said to be the wisest of men. But
  • many are to early old, and before the date of age. Adversity stretcheth
  • our dayes, misery makes _Alcmenas_ nights,[94] and time hath no wings
  • unto it. But the most tedious being is that which can unwish it self,
  • content to be nothing, or never to have been, which was beyond the
  • _male_-content of _Job_, who cursed not the day of his life, but his
  • Nativity; Content to have so far been, as to have a title to future
  • being; Although he had lived here but in an hidden state of life, and as
  • it were an abortion.
  • [94] _One night as long as three._
  • [Sidenote: _The puzling questions of_ Tiberius _unto Grammarians.
  • Marcel. Donatus in Suet._ Κλυτὰ ἔθνεα νεκρῶν. Hom. Job.]
  • What Song the _Syrens_ sang, or what name _Achilles_ assumed when he hid
  • himself among women, though puzling questions are not beyond all
  • conjecture. What time the persons of these Ossuaries entred the famous
  • Nations of the dead, and slept with Princes and Counsellors, might admit
  • a wide solution. But who were the proprietaries of these bones, or what
  • bodies these ashes made up, were a question above Antiquarism. Not to be
  • resolved by man, nor easily perhaps by spirits, except we consult the
  • Provincial Guardians, or tutelary Observators. Had they made as good
  • provision for their names, as they have done for their Reliques, they
  • had not so grosly erred in the art of perpetuation. But to subsist in
  • bones, and be but Pyramidally extant, is a fallacy in duration. Vain
  • ashes, which in the oblivion of names, persons, times, and sexes, have
  • found unto themselves a fruitlesse continuation, and only arise unto
  • late posterity, as Emblemes of mortal vanities; Antidotes against pride,
  • vainglory, and madding vices. Pagan vain glories which thought the world
  • might last for ever, had encouragement for ambition, and finding no
  • _Atropos_ unto the immortality of their Names, were never dampt with the
  • necessity of oblivion. Even old ambitions had the advantage of ours, in
  • the attempts of their vain-glories, who acting early, and before the
  • probable Meridian of time, have by this time found great accomplishment
  • of their designes, whereby the ancient _Heroes_ have already out-lasted
  • their Monuments, and Mechanical preservations. But in this latter Scene
  • of time we cannot expect such Mummies unto our memories, when ambition
  • may fear the Prophecy of _Elias_,[95] and _Charles_ the fift can never
  • hope to live within two _Methusela's_ of _Hector_.[96]
  • [95] _That the world may last but six thousand years._
  • [96] _Hectors fame lasting above two lives of_ Methuselah, _before that
  • famous Prince was extant._
  • And therefore restlesse inquietude for the diuturnity of our memories
  • unto present considerations, seemes a vanity almost out of date, and
  • superannuated peece of folly. We cannot hope to live so long in our
  • names, as some have done in their persons, one face of _Janus_ holds no
  • proportion to the other. 'Tis to late to be ambitious. The great
  • mutations of the world are acted, or time may be too short for our
  • designes. To extend our memories by Monuments, whose death we dayly pray
  • for, and whose duration we cannot hope, without injury to our
  • expectations, in the advent of the last day, were a contradiction to our
  • beliefs. We whose generations are ordained in this setting part of time,
  • are providentially taken off from such imaginations. And being
  • necessitated to eye the remaining particle of futurity, are naturally
  • constituted unto thoughts of the next world, and cannot excusably
  • decline the consideration of that duration, which maketh Pyramids
  • pillars of snow, and all that's past a moment.
  • Circles and right lines limit and close all bodies, and the mortal
  • right-lined-circle[97] must conclude and shut up all. There is no
  • antidote against the _Opium_ of time, which temporally considereth all
  • things; Our Fathers finde their graves in our short memories, and sadly
  • tell us how we may be buried in our Survivors. Grave-stones tell truth
  • scarce fourty yeers:[98] Generations passe while some trees stand, and
  • old Families last not three Oakes. To be read by bare inscriptions like
  • many in _Gruter_,[99] to hope for Eternity by Ænigmatical Epithetes, or
  • first letters of our names, to be studied by Antiquaries, who we were,
  • and have new Names given us like many of the Mummies, are cold
  • consolations unto the Students of perpetuity, even by everlasting
  • Languages.
  • [97] Θ _The character of death._
  • [98] _Old ones being taken up, and other bodies laid under them._
  • [99] Gruteri Inscriptiones Antiquæ
  • To be content that times to come should only know there was such a man,
  • not caring whether they knew more of him, was a frigid ambition in
  • _Cardan_:[100] disparaging his horoscopal inclination and judgement of
  • himself, who cares to subsist like _Hippocrates_ Patients, or _Achilles_
  • horses in _Homer_, under naked nominations, without deserts and noble
  • acts, which are the balsame of our memories, the _Entelechia_ and soul
  • of our subsistences. To be namelesse in worthy deeds exceeds an infamous
  • history. The _Canaanitish_ woman lives more happily without a name, then
  • _Herodias_ with one. And who had not rather have been the good theef,
  • then _Pilate_?
  • [100] Cuperem notum esse quod sim, non opto ut sciatur qualis sim.
  • _Card._ in vita propria.
  • But the iniquity of oblivion blindly scattereth her poppy, and deals
  • with the memory of men without distinction to merit of perpetuity. Who
  • can but pity the founder of the Pyramids? _Herostratus_ lives that burnt
  • the Temple of _Diana_, he is almost lost that built it; Time hath spared
  • the Epitaph of _Adrians_ horse, confounded that of himself. In vain we
  • compute our felicities by the advantage of our good names, since bad
  • have equal durations; and _Thersites_ is like to live as long as
  • _Agamemnon_. Who knows whether the best of men be known? or whether
  • there be not more remarkable persons forgot, then any that stand
  • remembred in the known account of time? Without the favour of the
  • everlasting Register the first man had been as unknown as the last, and
  • _Methuselahs_ long life had been his only Chronicle.
  • Oblivion is not to be hired: The greater part must be content to be as
  • though they had not been, to be found in the register of God, not in the
  • record of man. Twenty seven names make up the first story, and the
  • recorded names ever since contain not one living Century. The number of
  • the dead long exceedeth all that shall live. The night of time far
  • surpasseth the day, and who knows when was the Æquinox? Every houre
  • addes unto that current Arithmetique, which scarce stands one moment.
  • And since death must be the _Lucina_ of life, and even Pagans could
  • doubt whether thus to live, were to die; Since our longest Sun sets at
  • right descensions, and makes but winter arches, and therefore it cannot
  • be long before we lie down in darknesse, and have our light in ashes;
  • Since the brother of death daily haunts us with dying _memento's_, and
  • time that grows old it self, bids us hope no long duration: Diuturnity
  • is a dream and folly of expectation.
  • Darknesse and light divide the course of time, and oblivion shares with
  • memory, a great part even of our living beings; we slightly remember our
  • felicities, and the smartest stroaks of affliction leave but short smart
  • upon us. Sense endureth no extremities, and sorrows destroy us or
  • themselves. To weep into stones are fables. Afflictions induce
  • callosities, miseries are slippery, or fall like snow upon us, which
  • notwithstanding is no stupidity. To be ignorant of evils to come, and
  • forgetful of evils past, is merciful provision in nature, whereby we
  • digest the mixture of our few and evil dayes, and our delivered senses
  • not relapsing into cutting remembrances, our sorrows are not kept raw by
  • the edge of repetitions. A great part of Antiquity contented their hopes
  • of subsistency with a transmigration of their souls. A good way to
  • continue their memories, while having the advantage of plural
  • successions, they could not but act something remarkable in such variety
  • of beings, and enjoying the fame of their passed selves, make
  • accumulation of glory unto their last durations. Others rather then be
  • lost in the uncomfortable night of nothing, were content to recede into
  • the common being, and make one particle of the publick soul of all
  • things, which was no more then to return into their unknown and divine
  • Original again. Ægyptian ingenuity was more unsatisfied, contriving
  • their bodies in sweet consistences, to attend the return of their souls.
  • But all was vanity, feeding the winde,[101] and folly. The Ægyptian
  • Mummies, which _Cambyses_ or time hath spared, avarice now consumeth.
  • Mummie is become Merchandise, _Mizraim_ cures wounds, and _Pharaoh_ is
  • sold for balsoms.
  • [101] Omnia vanitas et pastio venti, νομὴ ἀνέμου, βόσκησις ut olim
  • Aquila et Symmachus.
  • _V. Drus._ Eccles.
  • In vain do individuals hope for immortality, or any patent from
  • oblivion, in preservations below the Moon: Men have been deceived even
  • in their flatteries above the Sun, and studied conceits to perpetuate
  • their names in heaven. The various Cosmography of that part hath already
  • varied the names of contrived constellations; _Nimrod_ is lost in
  • _Orion_, and _Osyris_ in the Dogge-starre. While we look for
  • incorruption in the heavens, we finde they are but like the Earth;
  • Durable in their main bodies, alterable in their parts: whereof beside
  • Comets and new Stars, perspectives begin to tell tales. And the spots
  • that wander about the Sun, with _Phaetons_ favour, would make clear
  • conviction.
  • There is nothing strictly immortal, but immortality; whatever hath no
  • beginning may be confident of no end. All others have a dependent being,
  • and within the reach of destruction, which is the peculiar of that
  • necessary essence that cannot destroy it self; And the highest strain of
  • omnipotency to be so powerfully constituted, as not to suffer even from
  • the power of it self. But the sufficiency of Christian Immortality
  • frustrates all earthly glory, and the quality of either state after
  • death makes a folly of posthumous memory. God who can only destroy our
  • souls, and hath assured our resurrection, either of our bodies or names
  • hath directly promised no duration. Wherein there is so much of chance
  • that the boldest Expectants have found unhappy frustration; and to hold
  • long subsistence, seems but a scape in oblivion. But man is a Noble
  • Animal, splendid in ashes, and pompous in the grave, solemnizing
  • Nativities and Deaths with equal lustre, nor omitting Ceremonies of
  • bravery, in the infamy of his nature.
  • Life is a pure flame, and we live by an invisible Sun within us. A
  • small fire sufficeth for life, great flames seemed too little after
  • death, while men vainly affected precious pyres, and burn like
  • _Sardanapalus_, but the wisedom of funeral Laws found the folly of
  • prodigal blazes, and reduced undoing fires, unto the rule of sober
  • obsequies, wherein few could be so mean as not to provide wood, pitch, a
  • mourner, and an Urne.
  • Five Languages secured not the Epitaph of _Gordianus;_ The man of God
  • lives longer without a Tomb then any by one, invisibly interred by
  • Angels, and adjudged to obscurity, though not without some marks
  • directing humane discovery. _Enoch_ and _Elias_ without either tomb or
  • burial, in an anomalous state of being, are the great Examples of
  • perpetuity, in their long and living memory, in strict account being
  • still on this side death, and having a late part yet to act upon this
  • stage of earth. If in the decretory term of the world we shall not all
  • die but be changed, according to received translation; the last day will
  • make but few graves; at least quick Resurrections will anticipate
  • lasting Sepultures; Some Graves will be opened before they be quite
  • closed, and _Lazarus_ be no wonder. When many that feared to die shall
  • groan that they can die but once, the dismal state is the second and
  • living death, when life puts despair on the damned; when men shall wish
  • the coverings of Mountaines, not of Monuments, and annihilation shall be
  • courted.
  • While some have studied Monuments, others have studiously declined them:
  • and some have been so vainly boisterous, that they durst not acknowledge
  • their Graves; wherein _Alaricus_[102] seems most subtle, who had a Rever
  • turned to hide his bones at the bottome. Even _Sylla_ that thought
  • himself safe in his Urne, could not prevent revenging tongues, and
  • stones thrown at his Monument. Happy are they whom privacy makes
  • innocent, who deal so with men in this world, that they are not afraid
  • to meet them in the next, who when they die, make no commotion among the
  • dead, and are not toucht with that poeticall taunt of _Isaiah_.[103]
  • [102] Jornandes de rebus Geticis.
  • [103] _Isa._ 14.
  • _Pyramids_, _Arches_, _Obelisks_, were but the irregularities of
  • vain-glory, and wilde enormities of ancient magnanimity. But the most
  • magnanimous resolution rests in the Christian Religion, which trampleth
  • upon pride, and sets on the neck of ambition, humbly pursuing that
  • infallible perpetuity, unto which all others must diminish their
  • diameters and be poorly seen in Angles of contingency.[104]
  • [104] Angulus contingentiæ, _the least of Angles_.
  • Pious spirits who passed their dayes in raptures of futurity, made
  • little more of this world, then the world that was before it, while they
  • lay obscure in the Chaos of preordination, and night of their
  • fore-beings. And if any have been so happy as truly to understand
  • Christian annihilation, extasis, exolution, liquefaction,
  • transformation, the kisse of the Spouse, gustation of God, and
  • ingression into the divine shadow, they have already had an handsome
  • anticipation of heaven; the glory of the world is surely over, and the
  • earth in ashes unto them.
  • To subsist in lasting Monuments, to live in their productions, to exist
  • in their names, and prædicament of _Chymera's_, was large satisfaction
  • unto old expectations and made one part of their _Elyziums_. But all
  • this is nothing in the Metaphysicks of true belief. To live indeed is to
  • be again our selves, which being not only an hope but an evidence in
  • noble beleevers; 'Tis all one to lie in St. _Innocents_
  • Church-yard,[105] as in the Sands of _Ægypt_: Ready to be any thing, in
  • the extasie of being ever, and as content with six foot as the Moles of
  • _Adrianus_.[106]
  • [105] _In_ Paris _where bodies soon consume._
  • [106] _A stately_ Mausoleum _or sepulchral pyle built by_ Adrianus _in_
  • Rome, _where now standeth the Castle of_ St. Angelo.
  • Lucan
  • ----_Tabesne cadavera solvat
  • An rogus haud refert._----
  • THE GARDEN OF CYRUS
  • OR, THE QUINCUNCIAL, LOZENGE
  • OR NET-WORK PLANTATIONS OF
  • THE ANCIENTS, ARTIFICIALLY
  • NATURALLY, MYSTICALLY
  • CONSIDERED
  • BY
  • THOMAS BROWN D. OF PHYSICK
  • Printed in the Year, 1658
  • [Illustration: _Quid Quincunce speciosius, qui, in quam cunq; partem
  • spectaueris, rectus est. Quintilian;_//]
  • THE GARDEN OF CYRUS
  • Or, The Quincuncial, Lozenge, or Net-work Plantations of the Ancients,
  • Artificially, Naturally, Mystically considered.
  • CHAPTER I
  • That _Vulcan_ gave arrows unto _Apollo_ and _Diana_ the fourth day after
  • their Nativities, according to Gentile Theology, may passe for no blinde
  • apprehension of the Creation of the Sunne and Moon, in the work of the
  • fourth day; When the diffused light contracted into Orbes, and shooting
  • rayes, of those Luminaries. Plainer Descriptions there are from Pagan
  • pens, of the creatures of the fourth day; While the divine
  • Philosopher[107] unhappily omitteth the noblest part of the third; And
  • _Ovid_ (whom many conceive to have borrowed his description from
  • _Moses_) coldly deserting the remarkable account of the text, in three
  • words,[108] describeth this work of the third day; the vegetable
  • creation, and first ornamental Scene of nature; the primitive food of
  • animals, and first story of Physick, in Dietetical conservation.
  • [107] Plato in Timæo.
  • [108] fronde tegi silvas.
  • For though Physick may pleade high, from the medicall act of God, in
  • casting so deep a sleep upon our first Parent; And Chirurgery[109] finde
  • its whole art, in that one passage concerning the Rib of _Adam_, yet is
  • there no rivality with Garden contrivance and Herbery. For if Paradise
  • were planted the third day of the Creation, as wiser Divinity
  • concludeth, the Nativity thereof was too early for Horoscopie; Gardens
  • were before Gardiners, and but some hours after the earth.
  • [109] διαίρεσις _in opening the flesh_. ἐξαίρεσις, _in taking out the
  • rib_. σύνθεσις, _in closing up the part again_.
  • Of deeper doubt is its Topography, and locall designation, yet being the
  • primitive garden, and without much controversie[110] seated in the East;
  • it is more then probable the first curiosity, and cultivation of plants,
  • most nourished in those quarters. And since the Ark of _Noah_ first
  • toucht upon some mountains of _Armenia,_ the planting art arose again in
  • the East, and found its revolution not far from the place of its
  • Nativity, about the Plains of those Regions. And if _Zoroaster_ were
  • either _Cham_, _Chus_, or _Mizraim_, they were early proficients
  • therein, who left (as _Pliny_ delivereth) a work of Agriculture.
  • [110] _For some there is from the ambiguity of the word_ Mikedem,
  • _whether_ ab oriente _or_ a principio.
  • However the account of the Pensill or hanging gardens of _Babylon_, if
  • made by _Semiramis_, the third or fourth from _Nimrod_, is of no
  • slender antiquity; which being not framed upon ordinary level of ground,
  • but raised upon pillars admitting under-passages, we cannot accept as
  • the first _Babylonian_ Gardens; But a more eminent progress and
  • advancement in that art, then any that went before it: Somewhat
  • answering or hinting the old Opinion concerning Paradise it self, with
  • many conceptions elevated above the plane of the Earth.
  • _Nebuchodonosor_, whom some will have to be the famous _Syrian_ King of
  • _Diodorus_, beautifully repaired that City; and so magnificently built
  • his hanging gardens;[111] that from succeeding Writers he had the honour
  • of the first. From whence over-looking _Babylon_, and all the Region
  • about it, he found no circumscription to the eye of his ambition, till
  • over-delighted with the bravery of this Paradise; in his melancholy
  • metamorphosis, he found the folly of that delight, and a proper
  • punishment, in the contrary habitation, in wilde plantations and
  • wandrings of the fields.
  • [111] Josephus.
  • The _Persian_ Gallants who destroyed this Monarchy, maintained their
  • Botanicall bravery. Unto whom we owe the very name of Paradise:
  • wherewith we meet not in Scripture before the time of _Solomon_, and
  • conceived originally _Persian_. The word for that disputed Garden,
  • expressing in the Hebrew no more then a Field enclosed, which from the
  • same Root is content to derive a garden and a Buckler.
  • _Cyrus_ the elder brought up in Woods and Mountains, when time and power
  • enabled, pursued the dictate of his education, and brought the treasures
  • of the field into rule and circumscription, So nobly beautifying the
  • hanging Gardens of _Babylon_, that he was also thought to be the authour
  • thereof.
  • _Ahasuerus_ (whom many conceive to have been _Artaxerxes Longimanus_) in
  • the Countrey and City of Flowers,[112] and in an open Garden,
  • entertained his Princes and people, while _Vasthi_ more modestly treated
  • the Ladies within the Palace thereof.
  • [112] Sushan in Susiana.
  • But if (as some opinion) [SN: Plutarch _in the life of_ Artaxerxes.]
  • King _Ahasuerus_ were _Artaxerxes Mnemon_, that found a life and reign
  • answerable unto his great memory, our magnified _Cyrus_ was his second
  • brother: who gave the occasion of that memorable work, and almost
  • miraculous retrait of _Xenophon_. A person of high spirit and honour,
  • naturally a King, though fatally prevented by the harmlesse chance of
  • _post_-geniture: Not only a Lord of Gardens, but a manuall planter
  • thereof: disposing his trees like his armies in regular ordination. So
  • that while old _Laertas_ hath found a name in _Homer_ for pruning
  • hedges, and clearing away thorns and bryars; while King _Attalus_ lives
  • for his poysonous plantations of _Aconites_, Henbane, Hellebore, and
  • plants hardly admitted within the walls of Paradise; While many of the
  • Ancients do poorly live in the single names of Vegetables; All stories
  • do look upon _Cyrus_, as the splendid and regular planter.
  • According whereto _Xenophon_[113] describeth his gallant plantation at
  • _Sardis_, thus rendered by _Stobæus, Arbores pari intervallo sitas,
  • rectos ordines, et omnia perpulchrè in Quincuncem directa_.[114] Which
  • we shall take for granted as being accordingly rendered by the most
  • elegant of the Latines;[115] and by no made term, but in use before by
  • _Varro_. That is, the rows and orders so handsomely disposed; or five
  • trees so set together, that a regular angularity, and through prospect,
  • was left on every side. Owing this name not only unto the Quintuple
  • number of Trees, but the figure declaring that number, which being
  • doubled at the angle, makes up the Letter Χ, that is the Emphatical
  • decussation, or fundamental figure.
  • [113] Xenophon in Oeconomico.
  • [114] Καλὰ μὲν τὰ δένδρα, διʼ ἴσου δὲ τὰ πεφυτευμένα, ὀρθοὶ δὲ ὁι
  • στίχοι τῶν δένδρον, εὐγώνεα δὲ πάντα καλῶς
  • [115] Cicero iæ Cat. Major.
  • Now though in some ancient and modern practice the _area_ or decussated
  • plot, might be a perfect square, answerable to a _Tuscan Pedestal_, and
  • the _Quinquernio_ or Cinque-point of a die; wherein by Diagonal lines
  • the intersection was regular; accommodable unto Plantations of large
  • growing Trees; and we must not denie our selves the advantage of this
  • order; yet shall we chiefly insist upon that of _Curtius_[116] and
  • _Porta_, in their brief description hereof. Wherein the _decussis_ is
  • made within a longilateral square, with oposite angles, acute and obtuse
  • at the intersection; and so upon progression making a _Rhombus_ or
  • Lozenge figuration, which seemeth very agreeable unto the Original
  • figure; Answerable whereunto we observe the decussated characters in
  • many consulary coynes, and even in those of _Constantine_ and his Sons,
  • which pretend their pattern in the Sky; the crucigerous Ensigne carried
  • this figure, not transversly or rectangularly intersected, but in a
  • decussation, after the form of an _Andrean_ or _Burgundian_ cross, which
  • answereth this description.
  • [116] Benedict Curtius de Hortis. Bapt. Portainvilla.
  • Where by the way we shall decline the old Theme, so traced by antiquity
  • of crosses and crucifixion: Whereof some being right, and of one single
  • peece without traversion or transome, do little advantage our subject.
  • Nor shall we take in the mystical _Tau_, or the Crosse of our blessed
  • Saviour, which having in some descriptions an _Empedon_ or crossing
  • foot-stay, made not one single transversion. And since the Learned
  • _Lipsius_ hath made some doubt even of the crosse of St. _Andrew_,
  • since some Martyrological Histories deliver his death by the general
  • Name of a crosse, and _Hippolitus_ will have him suffer by the sword; we
  • should have enough to make out the received Crosse of that Martyr. Nor
  • shall we urge the _labarum_, and famous Standard of _Constantine_, or
  • make further use thereof, then as the first letters in the Name of our
  • Saviour Christ, in use among Christians, before the dayes of
  • _Constantine_, to be observed in Sepulchral Monuments of Martyrs,[117]
  • in the Reign of _Adrian_, and _Antoninus_; and to be found in the
  • Antiquities of the Gentiles, before the advent of Christ, as in the
  • Medal of King _Ptolomy_, signed with the same characters, and might be
  • the beginning of some word or name, which Antiquaries have not hit on.
  • [117] _Of_ Marius, Alexander, Roma Sotterranea.
  • We will not revive the mysterious crosses of _Ægypt_, with circles on
  • their heads, in the breast of _Serapis_, and the hands of their Geniall
  • spirits, not unlike the character of _Venus_, and looked on by ancient
  • Christians, with relation unto Christ. Since however they first began,
  • the Ægyptians thereby expressed the processe and motion of the spirit of
  • the world, and the diffusion thereof upon the Celestiall and Elementall
  • nature; implyed by a circle and right-lined intersection. A secret in
  • their Telesmes and magicall Characters among them. Though he that
  • considereth the plain crosse[118] upon the head of the Owl in the
  • Laterane Obelisk, or the crosse[119] erected upon a pitcher diffusing
  • streams of water into two basins, with sprinkling branches in them, and
  • all described upon a two-footed Altar, as in the Hieroglyphicks of the
  • brazen Table of _Bembus_: will hardly decline all thought of Christian
  • signality in them.
  • [118] _Wherein the lower part is some what longer, as defined by_ Upton
  • de studio militari, _and_ Johannes de Bado Aureo, cum comment.
  • clariss. et doctiss. Bi sæi.
  • [119] Casal. de Ritibus. Bosio nella Trionfante croce.
  • We shall not call in the Hebrew _Tenapha_, or ceremony of their
  • Oblations, waved by the priest unto the four quarters of the world,
  • after the form of a cross; as in the peace-offerings. And if it were
  • clearly made out what is remarkably delivered from the Traditions of
  • the Rabbins, that as the Oyle was powred coronally or circularly upon
  • the head of Kings, so the High-Priest was anointed decussatively or in
  • the form of a X; though it could not escape a typical thought of Christ,
  • from mystical considerators; yet being the conceit is Hebrew, we should
  • rather expect its verification from Analogy in that language, then to
  • confine the same unto the unconcerned Letters of _Greece_, or make it
  • out by the characters of _Cadmus_ or _Palamedes_.
  • Of this Quincuncial Ordination the Ancients practised, much discoursed
  • little; and the Moderns have nothing enlarged; which he that more nearly
  • considereth, in the form of its square _Rhombus_, and decussation, with
  • the several commodities, mysteries, parallelismes, and resemblances,
  • both in Art and Nature, shall easily discern the elegancy of this order.
  • That this was in some wayes of practice in diverse and distant Nations,
  • hints or deliveries there are from no slender Antiquity. In the hanging
  • Gardens of _Babylon_, from _Abydenus_, _Eusebius_, and others,
  • _Curtius_[120] describeth this rule of decussation. In the memorable
  • Garden of _Alcinous_ anciently conceived an original phancy, from
  • Paradise, mention there is of well contrived order; For so hath
  • _Didymus_ and _Eustachius_ expounded the emphatical word. _Diomedes_
  • describing the Rurall possions of his Father, gives account in the same
  • Language of Trees orderly planted. And _Ulysses_ being a boy was
  • promised by his father fourty Fig-trees, and fifty rows of vines,[121]
  • producing all kind of grapes.
  • [120] Decussatio ipsa jucundum ac peramænum conspectum præbuit.
  • _Cart._ Hortar. _l._ 6.
  • [121] ὄρχοι, στίχοι ἀμπελῶν, φυτῶν στίχος, ἡ κατὰ τάξιν φυτεία.
  • Phavorinus Philoxenus.
  • That the Eastern Inhabitants of _India_, made use of such order, even in
  • open Plantations, is deducible from _Theophrastus_; who describing the
  • trees whereof they made their garments, plainly delivereth that they
  • were planted kaτʼ ὄρχους, and in such order that at a distance men would
  • mistake them for Vineyards. The same seems confirmed in _Greece_ from a
  • singular expression in _Aristotle_[122] concerning the order of Vines,
  • delivered by a military term representing the orders of Souldiers, which
  • also confirmeth the antiquity of this form yet used in vineal
  • plantations.
  • [122] συστάδας ἀμπέλων. _Polit. 7._
  • That the same was used in Latine plantations is plainly confirmed from
  • the commending penne of _Varro_, _Quintilian_, and handsome Description
  • of _Virgil_.[123]
  • [123] Indulge ordinibus, nec secius omnis in unguem Arboribus positis,
  • secto via limite quadret. _Georg. 2._
  • That the first Plantations not long after the Floud were disposed after
  • this manner, the generality and antiquity of this order observed in
  • Vineyards, and Wine Plantations, affordeth some conjecture. And since
  • from judicious enquiry, _Saturn_ who divided the world between his three
  • sonnes, who beareth a Sickle in his hand, who taught the Plantations of
  • Vines, the setting, grafting of trees, and the best part of Agriculture,
  • is discovered to be _Noah_, whether this early dispersed Husbandry in
  • Vineyards, had not its Original in that Patriarch, is no such
  • Paralogical doubt.
  • And if it were clear that this was used by _Noah_ after the Floud, I
  • could easily beleeve it was in use before it; Not willing to fix such
  • ancient inventions no higher original then _Noah_; Nor readily
  • conceiving those aged _Heroes_, whose diet was vegetable, and only, or
  • chiefly consisted in the fruits of the earth, were much deficient in
  • their splendid cultivations; or after the experience of fifteen hundred
  • years, left much for future discovery in Botanical Agriculture. Nor
  • fully perswaded that Wine was the invention of _Noah_, that fermented
  • Liquors, which often make themselves, so long escaped their Luxury or
  • experience; that the first sinne of the new world was no sin of the old.
  • That _Cain_ and _Abel_ were the first that offered Sacrifice; or because
  • the Scripture is silent that _Adam_ or _Isaac_ offered none at all.
  • Whether _Abraham_ brought up in the first planting Countrey, observed
  • not some rule hereof, when he planted a grove at _Beer-sheba_; or
  • whether at least a like ordination were not in the Garden of _Solomon_,
  • probability may contest. Answerably unto the wisedom of that eminent
  • Botanologer, and orderly disposer of all his other works. Especially
  • since this was one peece of Gallantry, wherein he pursued the specious
  • part of felicity, according to his own description. I made me Gardens
  • and Orchards, and planted Trees in them of all kindes of fruit. I made
  • me Pools of water, to water therewith the wood that bringeth forth
  • Trees,[124] which was no ordinary plantation, if according to the
  • _Targum_, or _Chaldee Paraphrase_, it contained all kindes of Plants,
  • and some fetched as far as _India_; And the extent thereof were from the
  • wall of _Jerusalem_ unto the water of _Siloah_.
  • [124] _Eccles._ 2.
  • And if _Jordan_ were but _Jaar Eden_, that is, the River of _Eden,
  • Genesar_ but _Gansar_ or the prince of Gardens; and it could be made
  • out, that the Plain of _Jordan_ were watered not comparatively, but
  • causally, and because it was the Paradise of God, as the learned
  • _Abramas_[125] hinteth, he was not far from the Prototype and originall
  • of Plantations. And since even in Paradise it self, the tree of
  • knowledge was placed in the middle of the Garden, whatever was the
  • ambient figure; there wanted not a centre and rule of decussation.
  • Whether the groves and sacred Plantations of Antiquity, were not thus
  • orderly placed, either by _quaternio's_, or quintuple ordinations, may
  • favourably be doubted. For since they were so methodical in the
  • constitutions of their temples, as to observe the due scituation,
  • aspect, manner, form, and order in Architectonicall relations, whether
  • they were not as distinct in their groves and Plantations about them, in
  • form and _species_ respectively unto their Deities, is not without
  • probability of conjecture. And in their groves of the Sunne this was a
  • fit number, by multiplication to denote the dayes of the year; and might
  • Hieroglyphically speak as much, as the mystical _Statua_ of _Janus_[126]
  • in the Language of his fingers. And since they were so critical in the
  • number of his horses, the strings of his Harp, and rayes about his head,
  • denoting the orbes of heaven, the Seasons and Moneths of the Yeare:
  • witty Idolatry would hardly be flat in other appropriations.
  • [125] Vet. Testamenti Pharus.
  • [126] _Which King_ Numa _set up with his fingers so disposed that they
  • numerically denoted 365._ Pliny.
  • CHAPTER II
  • Nor was this only a form of practise in Plantations, but found imitation
  • from high Antiquity, in sundry artificial contrivances and manual
  • operations. For to omit the position of squared stones, _cuncatim_ or
  • _wedgwise_ in the walls of _Roman_ and _Gothick_ buildings; and the
  • _lithostrata_ or figured pavements of the ancients, which consisted not
  • all of square stones, but were divided into triquetrous segments,
  • honeycombs, and sexangular figures, according to _Vitruvius_; The
  • squared stones and bricks in ancient fabricks, were placed after this
  • order. And two above or below conjoyned by a middle stone or _Plinthus_,
  • observable in the ruines of _Forum Nervæ,_ the _Mausoleum_ of
  • _Augustus_, the Pyramid of _Cestius_, and the sculpture draughts of the
  • larger Pyramids of Ægypt. And therefore in the draughts of eminent
  • fabricks, Painters do commonly imitate this order in the lines of their
  • description.
  • In the Laureat draughts of sculpture and picture, the leaves and foliate
  • works are commonly thus contrived, which is but in imitation of the
  • _Pulvinaria_, and ancient pillow-work, observable in _Ionick_ peeces,
  • about columns, temples and altars. To omit many other analogies, in
  • Architectonicall draughts, which art itself is founded upon fives,[127]
  • having its subject, and most gracefull peeces divided by this number.
  • [127] _Of a structure five parts_, Fundamentum, parietes, Aperturæ,
  • Compartitio tectum, _Leo. Alberti. Five Columes_, Tuscan, Dorick,
  • Ionick, Corinthian, Compound. _Five different intercolumniations_,
  • Pycnostylos, dystylos, Systylos, Areostylos, Eustylos. _Vitru._
  • The Triumphal Oval, and Civicall Crowns of Laurel, Oake, and Myrtle,
  • when fully made, were pleated after this order. And to omit the Crossed
  • Crowns of Christian Princes; what figure that was which _Anastatius_
  • described upon the head of _Leo_ the third; or who first brought in the
  • Arched Crown; That of Charles the great, (which seems the first
  • remarkably closed Crown), was framed after this manner;[128] with an
  • intersection in the middle from the main crossing barres, and the
  • interspaces, unto the frontal circle, continued by handsome
  • network-plates, much after this order. Whereon we shall not insist,
  • because from greater Antiquity, and practice of consecration, we meet
  • with the radiated, and starry Crown, upon the head of _Augustus_, and
  • many succeeding Emperors. Since the Armenians and Parthians had a
  • peculiar royall Capp; And the Grecians from _Alexander_ another kinde of
  • diadem. And even Diadems themselves were but fasciations, and handsome
  • ligatures, about the heads of Princes; nor wholly omitted in the mitrall
  • Crown, which common picture seems to set too upright and forward upon
  • the head of _Aaron_: Worne[129] sometimes singly, or doubly by Princes,
  • according to their Kingdomes; and no more to be expected from two Crowns
  • at once, upon the head of _Ptolomy_. And so easily made out when
  • historians tell us, some bound up wounds, some hanged themselves with
  • diadems.
  • [128] Uti constat ex pergamena apud Chifflet; in _B. R._ Bruxelli, et
  • Icon. _f._ Stradæ.
  • [129] Macc, 1. 11.
  • The beds of the antients were corded somewhat after this fashion: That
  • is not directly, as ours at present, but obliquely, from side to side,
  • and after the manner of network; whereby they strengthened the spondæ or
  • bedsides, and spent less cord in the work: as is demonstrated by
  • _Blancanus_.[130]
  • [130] Aristot. Mechan. Quæst.
  • And as they lay in crossed beds, so they sat upon seeming crosse legg'd
  • seats: in which form the noblest thereof were framed; Observable in the
  • triumphall seats, the _sella curulis_, or _Ædyle Chayres_, in the coyns
  • of _Cestius_, _Sylla_, and _Julius_. That they sat also crosse legg'd
  • many noble draughts declare; and in this figure the sitting gods and
  • goddesses are drawn in medalls and medallions. And beside this kinde of
  • work in Retiarie and hanging tectures, in embroderies, and eminent
  • needle-works; the like is obvious unto every eye in glass-windows. Nor
  • only in Glassie contrivances, but also in Lattice and Stone-work,
  • conceived in the Temple of _Solomon_; wherein the windows are termed
  • _fenestræ reticulatæ_, or lights framed like nets.[131] And agreeable
  • unto the Greek expression concerning Christ in the _Canticles_,[132]
  • looking through the nets, which ours hath rendered, he looketh forth at
  • the windows, shewing himselfe through the lattesse; that is, partly seen
  • and unseen, according to the visible and invisible side of his nature.
  • To omit the noble reticulate work, in the chapters of the pillars of
  • _Solomon_, with Lillies, and Pomegranats upon a network ground; and the
  • _Craticula_ or grate through which the ashes fell in the altar of burnt
  • offerings.
  • [131] δικτυοτά.
  • [132] _Cant._ 2.
  • That the networks and nets of antiquity were little different in the
  • form from ours at present, is confirmable from the nets in the hands of
  • the Retiarie gladiators, the proper combatants with the secutores. To
  • omit the ancient Conopeion or gnatnet of the Ægyptians, the inventors of
  • that Artifice: the rushey labyrinths of _Theocritus_; the nosegaynets,
  • which hung from the head under the nostrils of Princes; and that uneasie
  • metaphor of _Reticulum Jecoris_, which some expound the lobe, we the
  • caule above the liver. As for that famous network[133] of _Vulcan_,
  • which inclosed _Mars_ and _Venus_, and caused that unextinguishable
  • laugh in heaven; since the gods themselves could not discern it, we
  • shall not prie into it; Although why _Vulcan_ bound them, _Neptune_
  • loosed them, and _Apollo_ should first discover them, might afford no
  • vulgar mythologie. Heralds have not omitted this order or imitation
  • thereof, whiles they Symbollically adorn their Scuchions with Mascles,
  • Fusils and Saltyrs,[134] and while they disposed the figures of Ermins,
  • and vaired coats in this Quincuncial method.
  • [133] Ἄσβεστος δ' ἅ ρ' ἐνῶρτο γελως. Hom.
  • [134] De armis Scaccatis, Masculatis, invectis fuselatis vide Spelm.
  • Aspilog. et Upton. cum erudit. Bissæo.
  • The same is not forgot by Lapidaries while they cut their gemms
  • pyramidally, or by æquicrural triangles. Perspective pictures, in their
  • Base, Horison, and lines of distances, cannot escape these Rhomboidall
  • decussations. Sculptors in their strongest shadows, after this order doe
  • draw their double Haches. And the very _Americans_ do naturally fall
  • upon it, in their neat and curious textures, which is also observed in
  • the elegant artifices of _Europe_. But this is no law unto the wool of
  • the neat _Retiarie_ Spider, which seems to weave without transversion,
  • and by the union of right lines to make out a continued surface, which
  • is beyond the common art of Textury, and may still nettle _Minerva_ the
  • goddesse of that mystery.[135] And he that shall hatch the little seeds,
  • either found in small webs, or white round Egges, carried under the
  • bellies of some Spiders, and behold how at their first production in
  • boxes, they will presently fill the same with their webbs, may observe
  • the early, and untaught finger of nature, and how they are natively
  • provided with a stock, sufficient for such Texture.
  • [135] _As in the contention between_ Minerva _and_ Arachne.
  • The Rurall charm against _Dodder_, _Tetter_, and strangling weeds, was
  • contrived after this order, while they placed a chalked Tile at the four
  • corners, and one in the middle of their fields, which though ridiculous
  • in the intention, was rationall in the contrivance, and a good way to
  • diffuse the magick through all parts of the _Area_.
  • Somewhat after this manner they ordered the little stones in the old
  • game of _Pentalithismus_, or casting up five stones to catch them on the
  • back of their hand. And with some resemblance hereof, the _Proci_ or
  • Prodigal Paramours disposed their men, when they played _Penelope_.[136]
  • For being themselves an hundred and eight, they set fifty four stones on
  • either side, and one in the middle, which they called _Penelope_, which
  • he that hit was Master of the game.
  • [136] _In_ Eustachius.
  • In Chesse-boards and Tables we yet finde Pyramids and Squares, I wish we
  • had their true and ancient description, far different from ours, or the
  • _Chet mat_ of the _Persians_, and might continue some elegant
  • remarkables, as being an invention as High as _Hermes_ the Secretary of
  • _Osyris_,[137] figuring the whole world, the motion of the Planets, with
  • Eclipses of Sunne and Moon.
  • [137] Plato.
  • Physicians are not without the use of this decussation in several
  • operations, in ligatures and union of dissolved continuities. Mechanicks
  • make use hereof in forcipal Organs, and Instruments of incision; wherein
  • who can but magnifie the power of decussation, inservient to contrary
  • ends, solution and consolidation, union, and division, illustrable from
  • _Aristotle_ in the old _Nucifragium_ or Nutcraker, and the Instruments
  • of Evulsion, compression or incision; which consisting of two _Vectes_
  • or armes, converted towards each other, the innitency and stresse being
  • made upon the _hypomochlion_ or fulciment in the decussation, the
  • greater compression is made by the union of two impulsors.
  • ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
  • _Hast._ | | | | | | | | | |
  • ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
  • ----- ----- ----- -----
  • _Pr._ | | | | | | | |
  • ----- ----- ----- -----
  • ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
  • _Tr._ | | | | | | | | | |
  • ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
  • The _Romane Batalia_[138] was ordered after this manner, whereof as
  • sufficiently known _Virgil_ hath left but an hint, and obscure
  • intimation. For thus were the maniples and cohorts of the _Hastiti_,
  • _Principes_ and _Triarii_ placed in their bodies, wherein consisted the
  • strength of the _Romane battle_. By this Ordination they readily fell
  • into each other; the _Hastati_ being pressed, handsomely retired into
  • the intervals of the _principes_, these into that of the _Triarii_,
  • which making as it were a new body, might joyntly renew the battle,
  • wherein consisted the secret of their successes. And therefore it was
  • remarkably singular[139] in the battle of _Africa_, that _Scipio_
  • fearing a rout from the Elephants the Enemy, left not the _Principes_ in
  • their alternate distances, whereby the Elephants passing the vacuities
  • of the _Hastati_, might have run upon them, but drew his battle into
  • right order, and leaving the passages bare, defeated the mischief
  • intended by the Elephants. Out of this figure were made two remarkable
  • forms of Battle, the _Cuneus_ and _Forceps_, or the Sheare and wedge
  • Battles, each made of half a _Rhombus_, and but differenced by position.
  • The wedge invented to break or worke into a body, the _forceps_ to
  • environ and defeat the power thereof composed out of selectest Souldiery
  • and disposed into the form of an V, wherein receiving the wedge, it
  • inclosed it on both sides. After this form the famous _Narses_[140]
  • ordered his battle against the _Franks_, and by this figure the _Almans_
  • were enclosed, and cut in peeces.
  • [138] _In the disposure of the Legions in the Wars of the Republike,
  • before the division of the Legion into ten cohorts by the
  • Emperours._ Salmas. _in his Epistle a Mounsieur de Peyresc. & de
  • Re militari Romanorum_.
  • [139] Polybius Appianus.
  • [140] Agathius Ammianus.
  • The _Rhombus_ or Lozenge figure so visible in this order, was also a
  • remarkable form of battle in the _Grecian_ Cavalry,[141] observed by the
  • _Thessalians_, and _Philip_ King of _Macedon_, and frequently by the
  • _Parthians_, As being most ready to turn every way, and best to be
  • commanded, as having its ductors, or Commanders at each Angle.
  • [141] Ælian. Tact.
  • The _Macedonian Phalanx_ (a long time thought invincible) consisted of a
  • long square. For though they might be sixteen in Rank and file, yet when
  • they shut close, so that the sixt pike advanced before the first, though
  • the number might be square, the figure was oblong, answerable unto the
  • Quincuncial quadrate of _Curtius_. According to this square _Thucydides_
  • delivers, the _Athenians_ disposed their battle against the
  • _Lacedemonians_ brickwise,[142] and by the same word the Learned
  • _Guellius_ expoundeth the quadrat of _Virgil_[143] after the form of a
  • brick or tile.
  • [142] ἐν πλασίω.
  • [143] Secto via limite quadret. _Comment._ in Virgil.
  • And as the first station and position of trees, so was the first
  • habitation of men, not in round Cities, as of later foundation; For the
  • form of _Babylon_ the first City was square, and so shall also be the
  • last, according to the description of the holy City in the Apocalyps.
  • The famous pillars of _Seth_ before the floud had also the like
  • foundation, if they were but _antidiluvian_ Obelisks, and such as _Cham_
  • and his _Ægyptian_ race, imitated after the Floud.
  • But _Nineveh_ which Authours acknowledge to have exceeded _Babylon_, was
  • of a longilaterall[144] figure, ninety five Furlongs broad, and an
  • hundred and fifty long, and so making about sixty miles in circuit,
  • which is the measure of three dayes journey, according unto military
  • marches, or castrensiall mansions. So that if _Jonas_ entred at the
  • narrower side, he found enough for one dayes walk to attain the heart of
  • the City, to make his Proclamation, And if we imagine a City extending
  • from _Ware_ to _London_, the expression will be moderate of six score
  • thousand Infants, although we allow vacuities, fields, and intervals of
  • habitation, as there needs must be when the monument of _Ninus_ took up
  • no lesse then ten furlongs.
  • [144] Diod. Sic.
  • And, though none of the seven wonders, yet a noble peece of Antiquity,
  • and made by a Copy exceeding all the rest, had its principal parts
  • disposed after this manner, that is, the Labyrinth of _Crete_, built
  • upon a long quadrate, containing five large squares, communicating by
  • right inflections, terminating in the centre of the middle square, and
  • lodging of the _Minotaur_, if we conform unto the description of the
  • elegant medal thereof in _Agostino_.[145] And though in many accounts we
  • reckon grosly by the square, yet is that very often to be accepted as a
  • long-sided quadrate which was the figure of the Ark of the Covenant, the
  • table of the Shew-bread, and the stone wherein the names of the twelve
  • Tribes were engraved, that is, three in a row, naturally making a
  • longilateral Figure, the perfect quadrate being made by nine.
  • [145] Antonio Agostino delle medaglie.
  • What figure the stones themselves maintained, tradition and Scripture
  • are silent, yet Lapidaries in precious stones affect a Table or long
  • square, and in such proportion, that the two laterall, and also the
  • three inferiour Tables are equall unto the superiour, and the angles of
  • the laterall Tables, contain and constitute the _hypothenusæ_, or broder
  • sides subtending.
  • That the Tables of the Law were of this figure, general imitation and
  • tradition hath confirmed; yet are we unwilling to load the shoulders of
  • _Moses_ with such massie stones, as some pictures lay upon them, since
  • 'tis plainly delivered that he came down with them in his hand; since
  • the word strictly taken implies no such massie hewing, but cutting, and
  • fashioning of them into shape and surface; since some will have them
  • Emeralds, and if they were made of the materials of Mount _Sina_, not
  • improbable that they were marble: since the words were not many, the
  • letters short of seven hundred, and the Tables written on both sides
  • required no such capacity.
  • The beds of the Ancients were different from ours at present, which are
  • almost square, being framed oblong, and about a double unto their
  • breadth; not much unlike the _area_, or bed of this Quincuncial
  • quadrate. The single beds of _Greece_ were six foot,[146] and a
  • little more in length, three in breadth; the Giant-like bed of _Og_,
  • which had four cubits of bredth, nine and a half in length, varied not
  • much from this proportion. The Funeral bed of King _Cheops_, in the
  • greater Pyramid, which holds seven in length, and four foot in bredth,
  • had no great deformity from this measure; And whatsoever were the
  • bredth, the length could hardly be lesse, of the tyrannical bed of
  • _Procrustes_, since in a shorter measure he had not been fitted with
  • persons for his cruelty of extension. But the old sepulchral bed, or
  • _Amazonian_ Tomb[147] in the market-place of _Megara_, was in the form
  • of a Lozenge; readily made out by the composure of the body. For the
  • armes not lying fasciated or wrapt up after the _Grecian_ manner but in
  • a middle distention, the including lines will strictly make out that
  • figure.
  • [146] Aristot. Mechan.
  • [147] _Plut._ in vit. Thes.
  • CHAPTER III
  • Now although this elegant ordination of vegetables, hath found
  • coincidence or imitation in sundry works of Art, yet is it not also
  • destitute of natural examples, and though overlooked by all, was
  • elegantly observable, in severall works of nature.
  • Could we satisfie our selves in the position of the lights above, or
  • discover the wisedom of that order so invariably maintained in the fixed
  • Stars of heaven; Could we have any light, why the stellary part of the
  • first masse, separated into this order, that the Girdle of _Orion_
  • should ever maintain its line, and the two Stars in _Charles's_ Wain
  • never leave pointing at the Pole-Starre, we might abate the
  • _Pythagoricall_ Musick of the Spheres, the sevenfold Pipe of _Pan_; and
  • the strange Cryptography of _Gaffarell_ in his Starrie Book of Heaven.
  • But not to look so high as Heaven or the single Quincunx of the
  • _Hyades_ upon the neck of _Taurus_, the Triangle, and remarkable
  • _Crusero_ about the foot of the _Centaur_; observable rudiments there
  • are hereof in subterraneous concretions, and bodies in the Earth; in the
  • _Gypsum_ or _Talcum Rhomboides_, in the Favaginites or honey-comb-stone,
  • in the _Asteria_ and _Astroites_, and in the crucigerous stone of S.
  • _Iago_ of _Gallicia_.
  • The same is observably effected in the _Julus_, _Catkins_, or pendulous
  • excrescencies of severall Trees, of Wallnuts, Alders, and Hazels, which
  • hanging all the Winter, and maintaining their Net-work close, by the
  • expansion thereof are the early foretellers of the spring, discoverable
  • also in long Pepper, and elegantly in the _Julus_ of _Calamus
  • Aromaticus_, so plentifully growing with us in the first palms of
  • Willowes, and in the flowers of Sycamore, Petasites, Asphodelus, and
  • _Blattaria_, before explication. After such order stand the flowery
  • Branches in our best spread _Verbascum_, and the seeds about the spicous
  • head or torch of _Tapsus Barbatus_, in as fair a regularity as the
  • circular and wreathed order will admit, which advanceth one side of the
  • square, and makes the same Rhomboidall.
  • In the squamous heads of _Scabious_, _Knapweed_, and the elegant _Jacea
  • Pinea_, and in the Scaly composure of the Oak-Rose,[148] which some
  • years most aboundeth. After this order hath Nature planted the Leaves in
  • the Head of the common and prickled Artichoak: wherein the black and
  • shining Flies do shelter themselves, when they retire from the purple
  • Flower about it; The same is also found in the pricks, sockets, and
  • impressions of the seeds, in the pulp or bottome thereof; wherein do
  • elegantly stick the Fathers of their Mother. To omit the Quincunciall
  • Specks on the top of the Miscle-berry, especially that which grows upon
  • the _Tilia_ or Lime-Tree. And the remarkable disposure of those yellow
  • fringes about the purple Pestill of _Aaron_, and elegant clusters of
  • Dragons, so peculiarly secured by nature, with an _umbrella_ or
  • skreening Leaf about them.
  • [148] Capitula squammata Quercum Bauhini, _whereof though he saith_
  • perraro reperiuntur bis tantum invenimus, _yet we finde them
  • commonly with us and in great numbers_.
  • [Sidenote: _Especially the_ porus cervinus Imperati, Sporosa, Alga
  • πλατυκέρως. Bauhini.]
  • The Spongy leaves of some Sea-wracks, Fucus, Oaks, in their several
  • kindes, found about the shoar,[149] with ejectments of the Sea, are
  • overwrought with Net-work elegantly containing this order, which plainly
  • declareth the naturality of this texture; And how the needle of nature
  • delighteth to work, even in low and doubtful vegetations.
  • [149] Antho. Græc. inter Epigrammata γριφώδη ἐνδον ἐμῶν μητρὸς
  • λαγονων ἔχω πατέρα.
  • The _Arbustetum_ or Thicket on the head of the Teazell, may be observed
  • in this order: And he that considereth that fabrick so regularly
  • palisadoed, and stemm'd with flowers of the royal colour; in the house
  • of the solitary maggot, may finde the Seraglio of _Solomon_. And
  • contemplating the calicular shafts, and uncous disposure of their
  • extremities, so accommodable unto the office of abstersion, not condemn
  • as wholly improbable the conceit of those who accept it, for the herb
  • _Borith_.[150] Where by the way, we could with much inquiry never
  • discover any transfiguration, in this abstemious insect, although we
  • have kept them long in their proper houses, and boxes. Where some wrapt
  • up in their webbs, have lived upon their own bowels, from _September_
  • unto _July_.
  • [150] _Jer._ 2, 22.
  • In such a grove doe walk the little creepers about the head of the
  • burre. And such an order is observed in the aculeous prickly plantation,
  • upon the heads of several common thistles, remarkably in the notable
  • palisados about the flower of the milk-thistle; And he that inquireth
  • into the little bottome of the globe-thistle, may finde that gallant
  • bush arise from a scalpe of like disposure.
  • The white umbrella or medicall bush of Elder, is an Epitome of this
  • order: arising from five main stemms Quincuncially disposed, and
  • tollerably maintained in their subdivisions. To omit the lower
  • observations in the seminal spike of Mercurie weld, and Plantane.
  • Thus hath nature ranged the flowers of Santfoyne, and French honey
  • suckle; and somewhat after this manner hath ordered the bush in
  • _Jupiters_ beard, or house-leek; which old superstition set on the tops
  • of houses, as a defensative against lightening and thunder. The like in
  • Fenny Seagreen or the water Souldier;[151] which, though a military name
  • from Greece, makes out the Roman order.
  • [151] Stratiotes.
  • A like ordination there is in the favaginous Sockets, and Lozenge seeds
  • of the noble flower of the Sunne. Wherein in Lozenge figured boxes
  • nature shuts up the seeds, and balsame which is about them.
  • But the Firre and Pinetree from their fruits doe naturally dictate this
  • position. The Rhomboidall protuberances in Pineapples maintaining this
  • Quincuncial order unto each other, and each Rhombus in it self. Thus are
  • also disposed the triangular foliations, in the conicall fruit of the
  • firre tree, orderly shadowing and protecting the winged seeds below
  • them.
  • The like so often occurreth to the curiosity of observers, especially in
  • spicated seeds and flowers, that we shall not need to take in the single
  • Quincunx of Fuchsius in the grouth of the masle fearn, the seedie
  • disposure of Gramen Ischemon, and the trunck or neat Reticulate work in
  • the codde of the Sachell palme.
  • For even in very many round stalk plants, the leaves are set after a
  • Quintuple ordination, the first leaf answering the fift, in lateral
  • disposition. Wherein the leaves successively rounding the stalk, in
  • foure at the furthest the compass is absolved, and the fifth leafe or
  • sprout, returns to the position of the other fift before it; as in
  • accounting upward is often observable in furze pellitorye, Ragweed, the
  • sproutes of Oaks, and thorns upon pollards, and very remarkably in the
  • regular disposure of the rugged excrescencies in the yearly shoots of
  • the Pine.
  • But in square stalked plants, the leaves stand respectively unto each
  • other, either in crosse or decussation to those above or below them,
  • arising at crosse positions; whereby they shadow not each other, and
  • better resist the force of winds, which in a parallel situation, and
  • upon square stalkes would more forcibly bear upon them.
  • And to omit, how leaves and sprouts which compasse not the stalk, are
  • often set in a Rhomboides, and making long and short Diagonals, do stand
  • like the leggs of Quadrupeds when they goe: Nor to urge the thwart
  • enclosure and furdling of flowers, and blossomes, before explication, as
  • in the multiplied leaves of Pionie; And the Chiasmus in five leaved
  • flowers, while one lies wrapt about the staminous beards, the other
  • foure obliquely shutting and closing upon each other; and how even
  • flowers which consist of foure leaves, stand not ordinarily in three and
  • one, but two, and two crosse wise unto the Stilus; even the Autumnal
  • budds, which awaite the return of the Sun, doe after the winter solstice
  • multiply their calicular leaves, making little Rhombuses, and network
  • figures, as in the Sycamore and Lilac.
  • The like is discoverable in the original production of plants which
  • first putting forth two leaves, those which succeed, bear not over each
  • other, but shoot, obliquely or crossewise, untill the stalk appeareth;
  • which sendeth not forth its first leaves without all order unto them;
  • and he that from hence can discover in what position the two first
  • leaves did arise, is no ordinary observator.
  • Where by the way, he that observeth the rudimental spring of seeds,
  • shall finde strict rule, although not after this order. How little is
  • required unto effectual generation, and in what deminutives the plastick
  • principle lodgeth, is exemplified in seeds, wherein the greater mass
  • affords so little comproduction. In beans the leaf and root sprout from
  • the Germen, the main sides split, and lye by, and in some pull'd up near
  • the time of blooming, we have found the pulpous sides intire or little
  • wasted. In Acorns the nebb dilating splitteth the two sides, which
  • sometimes lye whole, when the Oak is sprouted two handfuls. In Lupins
  • these pulpy sides do sometimes arise with the stalk in a resemblance of
  • two fat leaves. Wheat and Rye will grow up, if after they have shot some
  • tender roots, the adhering pulp be taken from them. Beanes will prosper
  • though a part be cut away, and so much set as sufficeth to contain and
  • keep the Germen close. From this superfluous pulp in unkindely, and wet
  • years, may arise that multiplicity of little insects, which infest the
  • Roots and Sprouts of tender Graines and pulses.
  • In the little nebbe or fructifying principle, the motion is regular, and
  • not transvertible, as to make that ever the leaf, which nature intendeth
  • the root; observable from their conversion, until they attain their
  • right position, if seeds be set inversedly.
  • In vain we expect the production of plants from different parts of the
  • seed, from the same _corculum_ or little original proceed both
  • germinations; and in the power of this slender particle lye many Roots
  • and Spoutings, that though the same be pull'd away, the generative
  • particle will renew them again, and proceed to a perfect plant; And malt
  • may be observed to grow, though the Cummes be fallen from it.
  • The seminal nebbe hath a defined and single place, and not extended unto
  • both extremes. And therefore many too vulgarly conceive that Barley and
  • Oats grow at both ends; For they arise from one _punctilio_ or
  • generative nebbe, and the Speare sliding under the husk, first appeareth
  • nigh the toppe. But in Wheat and Rye being bare the sprouts are seen
  • together. If Barley unhulled would grow, both would appear at once. But
  • in this and Oat-meal the nebbe is broken away, which makes them the
  • milder food, and lesse apt to raise fermentation in Decoctions.
  • Men taking notice of what is outwardly visible, conceive a sensible
  • priority in the Root. But as they begin from one part, so they seem to
  • start and set out upon one signall of nature. In Beans yet soft, in
  • Pease while they adhere unto the Cod, the rudimentall Leafe and Root are
  • discoverable. In the Seeds of Rocket and Mustard, sprouting in Glasses
  • of water, when the one is manifest the other is also perceptible. In
  • muddy waters apt to breed _Duckweed_, and Periwinkles, if the first and
  • rudimentall stroaks of _Duckweed_ be observed, the Leaves and Root
  • anticipate not each other. But in the Date-stone the first sprout is
  • neither root nor leaf distinctly, but both together; For the Germination
  • being to passe through the narrow navel and hole about the midst of the
  • stone, the generative germ is faine to enlengthen it self, and shooting
  • out about an inch, at that distance divideth into the ascending and
  • descending portion.
  • And though it be generally thought that Seeds will root at that end,
  • where they adhere to their Originals, and observable it is that the
  • nebbe sets most often next the stalk, as in Grains, Pulses, and most
  • small Seeds, yet is it hardly made out in many greater plants. For in
  • Acornes, Almonds, Pistachios, Wallnuts, and acuminated shells, the germ
  • puts forth at the remotest part of the pulp. And therefore to set Seeds
  • in that posture, wherein the Leaf and Roots may shoot right without
  • contortion, or forced circumvolution, which might render them strongly
  • rooted, and straighter, were a Criticisme in Agriculture. And nature
  • seems to have made some provision hereof in many from their figure, that
  • as they fall from the Tree they may lye in Positions agreeable to such
  • advantages.
  • Beside the open and visible Testicles of plants, the seminall powers lie
  • in great part invisible, while the Sun findes polypody in stone-wals,
  • the little stinging Nettle, and nightshade in barren sandy High-wayes,
  • _Scurvy-grasse_ in _Greeneland_, and unknown plants in earth brought
  • from remote Countries. Beside the known longevity of some Trees, what is
  • the most lasting herb, or seed, seems not easily determinable. Mandrakes
  • upon known account have lived near an hundred yeares. Seeds found in
  • Wilde-Fowls Gizards have sprouted in the earth. The Seeds of Marjorane
  • and _Stramonium_ carelessly kept, have grown after seven years. Even in
  • Garden-Plots long fallow, and digged up, the seeds of _Blattaria_ and
  • yellow henbane, and after twelve years burial have produced themselves
  • again.
  • That bodies are first spirits _Paracelsus_ could affirm, which in the
  • maturation of Seeds and fruits, seems obscurely implied by[152]
  • _Aristotle_, when he delivereth, that the spirituous parts are
  • converted into water, and the water into earth, and attested by
  • observation in the maturative progresse of Seeds, wherein at first may
  • be discerned a flatuous distention of the husk, afterwards a thin
  • liquor, which longer time digesteth into a pulp or kernell observable in
  • Almonds and large Nuts. And some way answered in the progressionall
  • perfection of animall semination, in its spermaticall maturation, from
  • crude pubescency unto perfection. And even that seeds themselves in
  • their rudimentall discoveries, appear in foliaceous surcles, or sprouts
  • within their coverings, in a diaphanous gellie, before deeper
  • incrassation, is also visibly verified in Cherries, Acorns, Plums.
  • [152] In met. cum Gabeo.
  • From seminall considerations, either in reference unto one mother, or
  • distinction from animall production, the holy Scripture describeth the
  • vegetable creation; And while it divideth plants but into Herb and Tree,
  • though it seemeth to make but an accidental division, from magnitude, it
  • tacitely containeth the naturall distinction of vegetables, observed by
  • Herbarists, and comprehending the four kinds. For since the most
  • naturall distinction is made from the production of leaf or stalk, and
  • plants after the two first seminall leaves, do either proceed to send
  • forth more leaves, or a stalk, and the folious and stalky emission
  • distinguisheth herbs and trees, in a large acception it compriseth all
  • Vegetables, for the frutex and suffrutex are under the progression of
  • trees, and stand Authentically differenced, but from the accidents of
  • the stalk.
  • The Æquivocal production of things under undiscerned principles, makes a
  • large part of generation, though they seem to hold a wide univocacy in
  • their set and certain Originals, while almost every plant breeds its
  • peculiar insect, most a Butterfly, moth or fly, wherein the Oak seemes
  • to contain the largest seminality, while the Julus, Oak, apple, dill,
  • woolly tuft, foraminous roundles upon the leaf, and grapes under ground
  • make a Fly with some difference. The great variety of Flyes lyes in the
  • variety of their Originals, in the Seeds of Caterpillars or Cankers
  • there lyeth not only a Butterfly or Moth, but if they be sterill or
  • untimely cast, their production is often a Fly, which we have also
  • observed from corrupted and mouldred Egges, both of Hens and Fishes; To
  • omit the generation of Bees out of the bodies of dead Heifers, or what
  • is strange yet well attested, the production of Eeles[153] in the backs
  • of living Cods and Perches.
  • [153] Schoneveldus de Pisc.
  • The exiguity and smallnesse of some seeds extending to large productions
  • is one of the magnalities of nature, somewhat illustrating the work of
  • the Creation, and vast production from nothing. The true seeds of
  • Cypresse[154] and Rampions are indistinguishable by old eyes. Of the
  • seeds of Tobacco a thousand make not one grain, The disputed seeds of
  • Harts tongue, and Maidenhair, require a greater number. From such
  • undiscernable seminalities arise spontaneous productions. He that would
  • discern the rudimentall stroak of a plant, may behold it in the
  • Originall of Duckweed, at the bignesse of a pins point, from convenient
  • water in glasses, wherein a watchfull eye may also discover the
  • puncticular Originals of Periwincles and Gnats.
  • [154] Doctissim. Laurenburg horr.
  • That seeds of some Plants are lesse then any animals, seems of no clear
  • decision; That the biggest of Vegetables exceedeth the biggest of
  • Animals, in full bulk, and all dimensions, admits exception in the
  • Whale, which in length and above ground measure, will also contend with
  • tall Oakes. That the richest odour of plants surpasseth that of Animals,
  • may seem of some doubt, since animall-musk, seems to excell the
  • vegetable, and we finde so noble a scent in the Tulip-Fly, and
  • Goat-Beetle.[155]
  • [155] _The long and tender green_ Capricornus _rarely found, we could
  • never meet with but two._
  • Now whether seminall nebbes hold any sure proportion unto seminall
  • enclosures, why the form of the germe doth not answer the figure of the
  • enclosing pulp, why the nebbe is seated upon the solid, and not the
  • channeld side of the seed as in grains, why since we often meet with two
  • yolks in one shell, and sometimes one Egge within another, we do not
  • oftener meet with two nebbes in one distinct seed: why since the Egges
  • of a Hen laid at one course, do commonly outweigh the bird, and some
  • moths coming out of their cases, without assistance of food, will lay so
  • many Egges as to outweigh their bodies, trees rarely bear their fruit,
  • in that gravity or proportion: Whether in the germination of seeds
  • according to _Hippocrates_, the lighter part ascendeth, and maketh the
  • sprout, the heaviest tending downward frameth the root; Since we observe
  • that the first shoot of seeds in water, will sink or bow down at the
  • upper and leafing end: Whether it be not more rational Epicurisme to
  • contrive whole dishes out of the nebbes and spirited particles of
  • plants, then from the Gallatures and treddles of Egges; since that part
  • is found to hold no seminall share in Oval Generation, are quæries which
  • might enlarge but must conclude this digression.
  • And though not in this order, yet how nature delighteth in this number,
  • and what consent and coordination there is in the leaves and parts of
  • flowers, it cannot escape our observation in no small number of plants.
  • For the calicular or supporting and closing leaves, do answer the number
  • of the flowers, especially in such as exceed not the number of Swallows
  • Egges; as in Violets, Stichwort, Blossomes, and flowers of one leaf
  • have often five divisions, answered by a like number of calicular
  • leaves; as _Gentianella, Convolvulus_, Bell-flowers. In many the
  • flowers, blades, or staminous shoots and leaves are all equally five, as
  • in cockle, mullein and _Blattaria_; Wherein the flowers before
  • explication are pentagonally wrapped up, with some resemblance of the
  • _blatta_ or moth from whence it hath its name; But the contrivance of
  • nature is singular in the opening and shutting of Bindeweeds, performed
  • by five inflexures, distinguishable by pyramidicall figures, and also
  • different colours.
  • The rose at first is thought to have been of five leaves, as it yet
  • groweth wilde among us; but in the most luxuriant, the calicular leaves
  • do still maintain that number. But nothing is more admired then the five
  • Brethren of the Rose, and the strange disposure of the Appendices or
  • Beards, in the calicular leaves thereof, which in despair of resolution
  • is tolerably salved from this contrivance, best ordered and suited for
  • the free closure of them before explication. For those two which are
  • smooth, and of no beard are contrived to lye undermost, as without
  • prominent parts, and fit to be smoothly covered, the other two which are
  • beset with Beards on either side, stand outward and uncovered, but the
  • fifth or half-bearded leaf is covered on the bare side but on the open
  • side stands free, and bearded like the other.
  • Besides a large number of leaves have five divisions, and may be
  • circumscribed by a _Pentagon_ or figure of five Angles, made by right
  • lines from the extremity of their leaves, as in Maple, Vine, Figge-Tree:
  • But five-leaved flowers are commonly disposed circularly about the
  • _Stylus_; according to the higher Geometry of Nature, dividing a circle
  • by five _Radii_, which concurre not to make Diameters, as in
  • Quadrilaterall and sexangular Intersections.
  • Now the number of five is remarkable in every Circle, not only as the
  • first sphærical Number, but the measure of sphærical motion. For
  • sphærical bodies move by fives, and every globular Figure placed upon a
  • plane, in direct volutation, returns to the first point of contaction in
  • the fift touch, accounting by the Axes of the Diameters or Cardinall
  • points of the four quarters thereof. And before it arriveth unto the
  • same point again, it maketh five circles equall unto it self, in each
  • progresse from those quarters, absolving an equall circle.
  • By the same number doth nature divide the circle of the Sea-starre, and
  • in that order and number disposeth those elegant Semi-circles, or
  • dentall sockets and egges in the Sea Hedge-hogge. And no mean
  • Observations hereof there is in the Mathematicks of the neatest Retiary
  • Spider, which concluding in fourty four Circles, from five Semidiameters
  • beginneth that elegant texture.
  • And after this manner doth lay the foundation of the Circular branches
  • of the Oak, which being five-cornered, in the tender annual sprouts, and
  • manifesting upon incision the signature of a Starre, is after made
  • circular, and swel'd into a round body: Which practice of nature is
  • become a point of art, and makes two Problemes in _Euclide_.[156] But
  • the Bryar which sends forth shoots and prickles from its angles,
  • maintains its pentagonall figure, and the unobserved signature of a
  • handsome porch within it. To omit the five small buttons dividing the
  • Circle of the Ivy-berry, and the five characters in the Winter stalk of
  • the Walnut, with many other Observables, which cannot escape the eyes of
  • signal discerners; Such as know where to finde _Ajax_ his name in
  • _Gallitricum_, or _Arons_ Mitre in Henbane.
  • [156] Elem. _li._ 4.
  • Quincuncial forms and ordinations are also observable in animal
  • figurations. For to omit the hioides or throat bone of animals, the
  • _furcula_ or _merry-thought_ in birds; which supporteth the _scapulæ_,
  • affording a passage for the winde-pipe and the gullet, the wings of
  • Flyes, and disposure of their legges in their first formation from
  • maggots, and the position of their horns, wings and legges, in their
  • _Aurelian_ cases and swadling clouts: The back of the _Cimex Arboreus_,
  • found often upon Trees and lesser plants, doth elegantly discover the
  • _Burgundian_ decussation; And the like is observable in the belly of the
  • _Notonecton_, or water-Beetle, which swimmeth on its back, and the
  • handsome Rhombusses of the Sea-poult, or Weazell, on either side the
  • Spine.
  • The sexangular Cels in the Honey-combs of Bees are disposed after this
  • order, much there is not of wonder in the confused Houses of Pismires;
  • though much in their busie life and actions, more in the edificial
  • Palaces of Bees and Monarchical spirits; who make their combs
  • six-corner'd, declining a circle, whereof many stand not close together,
  • and compleatly fill the _area_ of the place; But rather affecting a
  • six-sided figure, whereby every cell affords a common side unto six
  • more, and also a fit receptacle for the Bee it self, which gathering
  • into a Cylindrical Figure, aptly enters its sexangular house, more
  • nearly approaching a circular figure, then either doth the Square or
  • Triangle. And the Combes themselves so regularly contrived, that their
  • mutual intersections make three Lozenges at the bottom of every Cell;
  • which severally regarded make three Rows of neat Rhomboidall Figures,
  • connected at the angles, and so continue three several chaines
  • throughout the whole comb.
  • As for the _Favago_ found commonly on the Sea-shoar, though named from
  • an honey-comb, it but rudely makes out the resemblance, and better
  • agrees with the round Cels of humble Bees. He that would exactly discern
  • the shop of a Bees mouth, need observing eyes, and good augmenting
  • glasses; wherein is discoverable one of the neatest peeces in nature,
  • and must have a more piercing eye then mine; who findes out the shape of
  • Buls heads, in the guts of Drones pressed out behinde, according to the
  • experiment of _Gomesius_[157]; wherein notwithstanding there seemeth
  • somewhat which might incline a pliant fancy to credulity of similitude.
  • [157] Gom. de Sale.
  • A resemblance hereof there is in the orderly and rarely disposed Cels,
  • made by Flyes and Insects, which we have often found fastened about
  • small sprigs, and in those cottonary and woolly pillows, which sometimes
  • we meet with fastened unto Leaves, there is included an elegant Net-work
  • Texture, out of which come many small Flies. And some resemblance there
  • is of this order in the Egges of some Butterflies and moths, as they
  • stick upon leaves, and other substances; which being dropped from
  • behinde, nor directed by the eye, doth neatly declare how nature
  • Geometrizeth, and observeth order in all things.
  • A like correspondency in figure is found in the skins and outward
  • teguments of animals, whereof a regardable part are beautiful by this
  • texture. As the backs of several Snakes and Serpents, elegantly
  • remarkable in the _Aspis_, and the Dart-snake, in the Chiasmus, and
  • larger decussations upon the back of the Rattlesnake, and in the close
  • and finer texture of the _Mater formicarum_, or snake that delights in
  • Anthils; whereby upon approach of outward injuries, they can raise a
  • thicker Phalanx on their backs, and handsomely contrive themselves into
  • all kindes of flexures: Whereas their bellies are commonly covered with
  • smooth semicircular divisions, as best accommodable unto their quick and
  • gliding motion.
  • This way is followed by nature in the peculiar and remarkable tayl of
  • the Bever, wherein the scaly particles are disposed, somewhat after this
  • order, which is the plainest resolution of the wonder of _Bellonius_,
  • while he saith, with incredible Artifice hath Nature framed the tayl or
  • Oar of the Bever: where by the way we cannot but wish a model of their
  • houses, so much extolled by some Describers: wherein since they are so
  • bold as to venture upon three stages, we might examine their Artifice in
  • the contignations, the rule and order in the compartitions; or whether
  • that magnified structure be any more then a rude rectangular pyle or
  • meer hovell-building.
  • Thus works the hand of nature in the feathery plantation about birds.
  • Observable in the skins of the breast,[158] legs and Pinions of Turkies,
  • Geese, and Ducks, and the Oars or finny feet of Water-Fowl: And such a
  • naturall net is the scaly covering of Fishes, of Mullets, Carps,
  • Tenches, _etc._ even in such as are excoriable and consist of smaller
  • scales, as Bretts, Soals, and Flounders. The like Reticulate grain is
  • observable in some _Russia_ Leather. To omit the ruder Figures of the
  • ostracion, the triangular or cunny fish, or the pricks of the
  • Sea-Porcupine.
  • [158] _Elegantly conspicuous on the inside of the striped skins of
  • Dive-Fowl, of the cormorant, Goshonder, Weasell, Loon_, etc.
  • The same is also observable in some part of the skin of man, in habits
  • of neat texture, and therefore not unaptly compared unto a Net: We
  • shall not affirm that from such grounds, the Ægyptian Embalmers imitated
  • this texture, yet in their linnen folds the same is still observable
  • among their neatest Mummies, in the figures of _Isis_ and _Osyris_, and
  • the Tutelary spirits in the Bembine Table. Nor is it to be over-looked
  • how _Orus_, the Hieroglyphick of the world is described in a Net-work
  • covering, from the shoulder to the foot. And (not to enlarge upon the
  • cruciated Character of _Trismegistus_, or handed crosses, so often
  • occurring in the Needles of _Pharaoh_, and Obelisks of Antiquity) the
  • _Statuæ Isiacæ_, Teraphims, and little Idols, found about the Mummies,
  • do make a decussation or _Jacobs_ Crosse, with their armes, like that on
  • the head of _Ephraim_ and _Manasses_, and this _decussis_ is also
  • graphically described between them.
  • This Reticulate or Net-work was also considerable in the inward parts of
  • man, not only from the first _subtegmen_ or warp of his formation, but
  • in the netty _fibres_ of the veines and vessels of life; wherein
  • according to common Anatomy the right and transverse _fibres_ are
  • decussated by the oblique _fibres_; and so must frame a Reticulate and
  • Quincuncial Figure by their Obliquations, Emphatically extending that
  • Elegant expression of Scripture. Thou hast curiously embroydered me,
  • thou hast wrought me up after the finest way of texture, and as it were
  • with a Needle.
  • Nor is the same observable only in some parts, but in the whole body of
  • man, which upon the extension of arms and legges, doth make out a
  • square, whose intersection is at the genitals. To omit the phantastical
  • Quincunx, in _Plato_ of the first Hermaphrodite or double man, united at
  • the Loynes, which _Jupiter_ after divided.
  • A rudimental resemblance hereof there is in the cruciated and rugged
  • folds of the _Reticulum_, or Net-like Ventricle of ruminating horned
  • animals, which is the second in order, culinarily called the Honey-comb.
  • For many divisions there are in the stomack of severall animals; what
  • number they maintain in the _Scarus_ and ruminating Fish, common
  • description, or our own experiment hath made no discovery. But in the
  • Ventricle of _Porpuses_ there are three divisions. In many Birds a crop,
  • Gizard, and little receptacle before it; but in Cornigerous animals,
  • which chew the cudd, there are no lesse then four of distinct position
  • and office.
  • The _Reticulum_ by these crossed cels, makes a further digestion, in the
  • dry and exuccous part of the Aliment received from the first Ventricle.
  • For at the bottome of the gullet there is a double Orifice; What is
  • first received at the mouth descendeth into the first and greater
  • stomack, from whence it is returned into the mouth again; and after a
  • fuller mastication, and salivous mixture, what part thereof descendeth
  • again, in a moist and succulent body, it slides down the softer and more
  • permeable Orifice, into the Omasus or third stomack; and from thence
  • conveyed into the fourth, receives its last digestion. The other dry and
  • exuccous part after rumination by the larger and stronger Orifice
  • beareth into the first stomack, from thence into the _Reticulum_, and so
  • progressively into the other divisions. And therefore in Calves newly
  • calved, there is little or no use of the two first Ventricles, for the
  • milk and liquid aliment slippeth down the softer Orifice, into the third
  • stomack; where making little or no stay, it passeth into the fourth, the
  • seat of the _Coagulum_, or Runnet, or that division of stomack which
  • seems to bear the name of the whole, in the Greek translation of the
  • Priests Fee, in the Sacrifice of Peace-offerings.
  • As for those Rhomboidal Figures made by the Cartilagineous parts of the
  • Wezon, in the Lungs of great Fishes, and other animals, as _Rondeletius_
  • discovered, we have not found them so to answer our Figure as to be
  • drawn into illustration; Something we expected in the more discernable
  • texture of the lungs of frogs, which notwithstanding being but two
  • curious bladders not weighing above a grain, we found interwoven with
  • veins, not observing any just order. More orderly situated are those
  • cretaceous and chalky concretions found sometimes in the bignesse of a
  • small fech on either side their spine; which being not agreeable unto
  • our order, nor yet observed by any, we shall not here discourse on.
  • But had we found a better account and tolerable Anatomy of that
  • prominent jowle of the _Sperma Ceti_ Whale,[159] then questuary
  • operation, or the stench of the last cast upon our shoar, permitted, we
  • might have perhaps discovered some handsome order in those Net-like
  • seases and sockets, made like honey-combs, containing that medicall
  • matter.
  • [159] 1652. _described in our_ Pseudo Epidem. _Edit._ 3.
  • Lastly, The incession or locall motion of animals is made with analogy
  • unto this figure, by decussative diametrals, Quincunciall Lines and
  • angles. For to omit the enquiry how Butterflies and breezes move their
  • four wings, how birds and fishes in ayre and water move by joynt stroaks
  • of opposite wings and Finnes, and how salient animals in jumping forward
  • seem to arise and fall upon a square base; As the station of most
  • Quadrupeds is made upon a long square, so in their motion they make a
  • Rhomboides; their common progression being performed Diametrally, by
  • decussation and crosse advancement of their legges, which not observed
  • begot that remarkable absurdity in the position of the legges of
  • _Castors_ horse in the Capitoll. The Snake which moveth circularly makes
  • his spires in like order, the convex and concave spirals answering each
  • other at alternate distances; In the motion of man the armes and legges
  • observe this thwarting position, but the legges alone do move
  • Quincuncially by single angles with some resemblance of an V measured by
  • successive advancement from each foot, and the angle of indenture great
  • or lesse, according to the extent or brevity of the stride.
  • Studious Observators may discover more analogies in the orderly book of
  • nature, and cannot escape the Elegancy of her hand in other
  • correspondencies. The Figures of nails and crucifying appurtenances, are
  • but precariously made out in the _Granadilla_ or flower of Christs
  • passion; And we despair to behold in these parts that handsome draught
  • of crucifixion in the fruit of the _Barbado_ Pine. The seminal Spike of
  • _Phalaris_, or great shaking grasse, more nearly answers the tayl of a
  • Rattle-Snake, then many resemblances in Porta: And if the man
  • _Orchis_[160] of _Culumna_ be well made out, it excelleth all analogies.
  • In young Wall-nuts cut athwart, it is not hard to apprehend strange
  • characters; and in those of somewhat elder growth, handsome ornamental
  • draughts about a plain crosse. In the root of _Osmond_ or Water-fern,
  • every eye may discern the form of a Half Moon, Rain-bow, or half the
  • character of _Pisces_. Some finde Hebrew, Arabick, Greek, and Latine
  • Characters in Plants; In a common one among us we seem to reade _Acaia_,
  • _Viviu_, _Lilil_.
  • [160] Orchis Anthropophora, Fabii Columnæ.
  • Right lines and circles make out the bulk of plants; In the parts
  • thereof we finde Helicall or spirall roundles, voluta's, conicall
  • Sections, circular Pyramids, and frustums of _Archimedes_; And cannot
  • overlook the orderly hand of nature, in the alternate succession of the
  • flat and narrower sides in the tender shoots of the Ashe, or the regular
  • inequality of bignesse in the five leaved flowers of Henbane, and
  • something like in the calicular leaves of _Tutson_. How the spots of
  • _Persicaria_ do manifest themselves between the sixth and tenth ribbe.
  • How the triangular capp in the stemme or _stylus_ of Tuleps doth
  • constantly point at three outward leaves. That spicated flowers do open
  • first at the stalk. That white flowers have yellow thrums or knops. That
  • the nebbe of Beans and Pease do all look downward, and so presse not
  • upon each other; And how the seeds of many pappous or downy flowers
  • lockt up in sockets after a gomphosis or _mortis_-articulation, diffuse
  • themselves circularly into branches of rare order, observable in
  • _Tragopogan_ or Goats-beard, conformable to the Spiders web, and the
  • _Radii_ in like manner telarely inter-woven.
  • And how in animall natures, even colours hold correspondencies, and
  • mutuall correlations. That the colour of the Caterpillar will shew again
  • in the Butterfly, with some latitude is allowable. Though the regular
  • spots in their wings seem but a mealie adhesion, and such as may be
  • wiped away, yet since they come in this variety, out of their cases,
  • there must be regular pores in those parts and membranes, defining such
  • Exudations.
  • That _Augustus_[161] had native notes on his body and belly, after the
  • order and number in the Starre of _Charles wayne_, will not seem strange
  • unto astral Physiognomy, which accordingly considereth moles in the body
  • of man, or Physicall Observators, who from the position of moles in the
  • face, reduce them to rule and correspondency in other parts. Whether
  • after the like method medicall conjecture may not be raised, upon parts
  • inwardly affected; since parts about the lips are the criticall seats of
  • Pustules discharged in Agues; And scrophulous tumours about the neck do
  • so often speak the like about the Mesentery, may also be considered.
  • [161] Suet. in vit. Aug.
  • The russet neck in young Lambs seems but adventitious, and may owe its
  • tincture to some contaction in the womb; But that if sheep have any
  • black or deep russet in their faces, they want not the same about their
  • legges and feet; That black Hounds have mealy months and feet; That
  • black Cows which have any white in their tayls, should not misse of some
  • in their bellies; and if all white in their bodies, yet if
  • black-mouth'd, their ears and feet maintain the same colour, are
  • correspondent tinctures not ordinarily failing in nature, which easily
  • unites the accidents of extremities, since in some generations she
  • transmutes the parts themselves, while in the _Aurelian Metamorphosis_
  • the head of the canker becomes the Tayl of the Butterfly. Which is in
  • some way not beyond the contrivance of Art, in submersions and Inlays,
  • inverting the extremes of the plant, and fetching the root from the top,
  • and also imitated in handsome columnary work, in the inversion of the
  • extremes; wherein the Capitel, and the Base, hold such near
  • correspondency.
  • In the motive parts of animals may be discovered mutuall proportions;
  • not only in those of Quadrupeds, but in the thigh-bone, legge,
  • foot-bone, and claws of Birds. The legs of Spiders are made after a
  • sesquitertian proportion, and the long legs of some locusts, double unto
  • some others. But the internodial parts of Vegetables, or spaces between
  • the joints, are contrived with more uncertainty; though the joints
  • themselves in many Plants, maintain a regular number.
  • In vegetable composure, the unition of prominent parts seems most to
  • answer the _Apophyses_ or processes of Animall bones, whereof they are
  • the produced parts or prominent explantations. And though in the parts
  • of plants which are not ordained for motion, we do not expect
  • correspondent Articulations; yet in the setting on of some flowers, and
  • seeds in their sockets, and the lineall commissure of the pulp of
  • severall seeds, may be observed some shadow of the Harmony; some show of
  • the _Gomphosis_ or _mortis_-articulation.
  • As for the _Diarthrosis_ or motive Articulation, there is expected
  • little Analogy, though long-stalked leaves doe move by long lines, and
  • have observable motions, yet are they made by outward impulsion, like
  • the motion of pendulous bodies, while the parts themselves are united by
  • some kinde of _symphysis_ unto the stock.
  • But standing Vegetables, void of motive-Articulations, are not without
  • many motions. For beside the motion of vegetation upward, and of
  • radiation unto all quarters, that of contraction, dilatation,
  • inclination, and contortion, is discoverable in many plants. To omit the
  • rose of _Jericho_, the ear of Rye, which moves with change of weather,
  • and the Magical spit, made of no rare plants, which windes before the
  • fire, and rosts the bird without turning.
  • Even Animals near the Classis of plants, seem to have the most restlesse
  • motions. The Summer-worm of Ponds and plashes makes a long waving
  • motion; the hair-worm seldome lies still. He that would behold a very
  • anomalous motion, may observe it in the Tortile and tiring stroaks of
  • Gnatworms.[162]
  • [162] _Found often in some form of redmaggot in the standing waters of
  • Cisterns in the Summer._
  • CHAPTER IV
  • As for the delights, commodities, mysteries, with other concernments of
  • this order, we are unwilling to fly them over, in the short deliveries
  • of _Virgil_, _Varro_, or others, and shall therefore enlarge with
  • additionall ampliations.
  • By this position they had a just proportion of Earth, to supply an
  • equality of nourishment. The distance being ordered, thick or thin,
  • according to the magnitude or vigorous attraction of the plant, the
  • goodnesse, leannesse, or propriety of the soyl, and therefore the rule
  • of _Solon_, concerning the territory of _Athens_, not extendible unto
  • all; allowing the distance of six foot unto common Trees, and nine for
  • the Figge and Olive.
  • They had a due diffusion of their roots on all or both sides, whereby
  • they maintained some proportion to their height, in Trees of large
  • radication. For that they strictly make good their profundeur or depth
  • unto their height, according to common conceit, and that expression of
  • _Virgil_,[163] though confirmable from the plane Tree in _Pliny_, and
  • some few examples, is not to be expected from the generation of Trees
  • almost in any kinde, either of side-spreading or tap-roots: Except we
  • measure them by lateral and opposite diffusions; nor commonly to be
  • found in _minor_ or hearby plants; If we except Sea-holly, Liquorish,
  • Sea-rush, and some others.
  • [163] Quantum vertice ad auras Æthereas, tantum radice ad tartara
  • tendit.
  • They had a commodious radiation in their growth; and a due expansion of
  • their branches, for shadow or delight. For trees thickly planted, do
  • runne up in height and branch with no expansion, shooting unequally or
  • short, and thinne upon the neighbouring side. And therefore Trees are
  • inwardly bare, and spring, and leaf from the outward and Sunny side of
  • their branches.
  • Whereby they also avoided the perill of συνολεθρισμὸς or one tree
  • perishing with another, as it happeneth ofttimes from the sick
  • _effluviums_ or entanglements of the roots, falling foul with each
  • other. Observable in Elmes set in hedges, where if one dieth the
  • neighbouring Tree prospereth not long after.
  • In this situation divided into many intervals and open unto six
  • passages, they had the advantage of a fair perflation from windes,
  • brushing and cleansing their surfaces; relaxing and closing their pores
  • unto due perspiration. For that they afford large _effluviums_
  • perceptible from odours, diffused at great distances, is observable from
  • Onyons out of the Earth; which though dry, and kept until the spring, as
  • they shoot forth large and many leaves, do notably abate of their
  • weight. And mint growing in glasses of water, until it arriveth unto the
  • weight of an ounce, in a shady place, will sometimes exhaust a pound of
  • water.
  • And as they send forth much, so may they receive somewhat in: For beside
  • the common way and road of reception by the root, there may be a
  • refection and imbibition from without; For gentle showrs refresh plants,
  • though they enter not their roots; And the good and bad _effluviums_ of
  • Vegetables, promote or debilitate each other. So _Epithymum_ and
  • _Dodder_, rootlesse and out of the ground, maintain themselves upon
  • Thyme, Savory, and plants, whereon they hang. And _Ivy_ divided from the
  • root, we have observed to live some years, by the cirrous parts commonly
  • conceived but as tenacles and holdfasts unto it. The stalks of mint
  • cropt from the root stripped from the leaves, and set in _glasses_ with
  • the root end upward, and out of the water, we have observed to send
  • forth sprouts and leaves without the aid of roots, and _scordium_ to
  • grow in like manner, the leaves set downward in water. To omit severall
  • Sea-plants, which grow on single roots from stones, although in very
  • many there are side-shoots _fibres_, beside the fastening root.
  • By this open position they were fairly exposed unto the rayes of Moon
  • and Sunne, so considerable in the growth of Vegetables. For though
  • Poplars, Willows, and severall Trees be made to grow about the brinks of
  • _Acharon_, and dark habitations of the dead; Though some plants are
  • content to grow in obscure Wells; wherein also old Elme pumps afford
  • sometimes long bushy sprouts, not observable in any above ground: And
  • large fields of Vegetables are able to maintain their verdure at the
  • bottome and shady part of the Sea; yet the greatest number are not
  • content without the actual rayes of the Sun, but bend, incline, and
  • follow them; As large lists of solisequious and Sun-following plants.
  • And some observe the method of its motion in their own growth and
  • conversion twining towards the West by the South, as Bryony, Hops,
  • Woodbine, and several kindes of Bindeweed, which we shall more admire;
  • when any can tell us, they observe another motion, and Twist by the
  • North at the _Antipodes_. The same plants rooted against an erect
  • North-wall full of holes, will finde a way through them to look upon the
  • Sun. And in tender plants from mustard-seed, sown in the winter, and in
  • a plot of earth placed inwardly against a South-window, the tender
  • stalks of two leaves arose not erect, but bending towards the window,
  • nor looking much higher then the Meridian Sun. And if the pot were
  • turned they would work themselves into their former declinations, making
  • their conversion by the East. That the Leaves of the Olive and some
  • other Trees solstitially turn, and precisely tell us, when the Sun is
  • entred _Cancer_, is scarce expectable in any Climate; and _Theophrastus_
  • warily observes it; Yet somewhat thereof is observable in our own, in
  • the leaves of Willows and Sallows, some weeks after the Solstice. But
  • the great _Convolvulus_ or white-flower'd _Bindweed_ observes both
  • motions of the Sunne, while the flower twists Æquinoctionally from the
  • left hand to the right according to the daily revolution; The stalk
  • twineth ecliptically from the right to the left, according to the annual
  • conversion.
  • Some commend the exposure of these orders unto the Western gales, as the
  • most generative and fructifying breath of heaven. But we applaud the
  • Husbandry of _Solomon_, whereto agreeth the doctrine of _Theophrastus_.
  • Arise O North-winde, and blow thou South upon my garden, that the spices
  • thereof may flow out; For the North-winde closing the pores, and
  • shutting up the _effluviums_, when the South doth after open and relax
  • them; the Aromatical gummes do drop, and sweet odours fly actively from
  • them. And if his garden had the same situation, which mapps and charts
  • afford it, on the East side of _Jerusalem_, and having the wall on the
  • West; these were the winds, unto which it was well exposed.
  • By this way of plantation they encreased the number of their trees,
  • which they lost in _Quaternio's_, and square-orders, which is a
  • commodity insisted on by _Varro_, and one great intent of nature, in
  • this position of flowers and seeds in the elegant formation of plants,
  • and the former Rules observed in naturall and artificiall Figurations.
  • Whether in this order and one Tree in some measure breaking the cold,
  • and pinching gusts of windes from the other, trees will not better
  • maintain their inward circles, and either escape or moderate their
  • excentricities, may also be considered. For the circles in Trees are
  • naturally concentricall, parallel unto the bark, and unto each other,
  • till frost and piercing windes contract and close them on the
  • weatherside, the opposite semi-circle widely enlarging, and at a comely
  • distance, which hindreth oftentimes the beauty and roundnesse of Trees,
  • and makes the Timber lesse serviceable; whiles the ascending juyce not
  • readily passing, settles in knots and inequalities. And therefore it is
  • no new course of Agriculture, to observe the native position of Trees
  • according to North and South in their transplantations.
  • The same is also observable underground in the circinations and
  • sphærical rounds of Onyons, wherein the circles of the Orbes are
  • ofttimes larger, and the meridionall lines stand wider upon one side
  • then the other. And where the largenesse will make up the number of
  • planetical Orbes, that of _Luna_, and the lower planets excede the
  • dimensions of _Saturne_, and the higher: Whether the like be not
  • verified in the Circles of the large roots of Briony and Mandrake, or
  • why in the knotts of Deale or Firre the Circles are often eccentrical,
  • although not in a plane, but vertical and right position, deserves a
  • further enquiry.
  • Whether there be not some irregularity of roundnesse in most plants
  • according to their position? Whether some small compression of pores be
  • not perceptible in parts which stand against the current of waters, as
  • in Reeds, Bull-rushes, and other vegetables toward the streaming
  • quarter, may also be observed, and therefore such as are long and weak,
  • are commonly contrived into a roundnesse of figure, whereby the water
  • presseth lesse, and slippeth more smoothly from them, and even in flags
  • or flat-figured leaves, the greater part obvert their sharper sides unto
  • the current in ditches.
  • But whether plants which float upon the surface of the water, be for the
  • most part of cooling qualities, those which shoot above it of heating
  • vertues, and why? whether _Sargasso_ for many miles floating upon the
  • Western Ocean, or Sea-lettuce, and Phasganium at the bottome of our
  • Seas, make good the like qualities? Why Fenny waters afford the hottest
  • and sweetest plants, as Calamus, Cyperus, and Crowfoot, and mudd cast
  • out of ditches most naturally produceth Arsmart? Why plants so greedy of
  • water so little regard oyl? Why since many seeds contain much oyl within
  • them, they endure it not well without, either in their growth or
  • production? Why since Seeds shoot commonly under ground, and out of the
  • aire, those which are let fall in shallow glasses, upon the surface of
  • the water, will sooner sprout then those at the bottom? And if the water
  • be covered with oyle, those at the bottome will hardly sprout at all, we
  • have not room to conjecture.
  • Whether Ivy would not lesse offend the Trees in this clean ordination,
  • and well kept paths, might perhaps deserve the question. But this were a
  • quæry only unto some habitations, and little concerning _Cyrus_ or the
  • Babylonian territory; wherein by no industry _Harpalus_ could make Ivy
  • grow: And _Alexander_ hardly found it about those parts to imitate the
  • pomp of _Bacchus_. And though in these Northern Regions we are too much
  • acquainted with one Ivy, we know too little of another, whereby we
  • apprehend not the expressions of Antiquity, the Splenetick[164] medicine
  • of _Galen_, and the Emphasis of the Poet, in the beauty of the white
  • Ivy.[165]
  • [164] Galen. de med. secundum loc.
  • [165] Hedera formosior alba.
  • The like concerning the growth of Misseltoe, which dependeth not only
  • of the _species_, or kinde of Tree, but much also of the Soil. And
  • therefore common in some places, not readily found in others, frequent
  • in _France_, not so common in _Spain_, and scarce at all in the
  • Territory of _Ferrara_: Nor easily to be found where it is most required
  • upon Oakes, lesse on trees continually verdant. Although in some places
  • the Olive escapeth it not, requiting its detriment, in the delightful
  • view of its red Berries; as _Clusius_ observed in _Spain_, and
  • _Bellonius_ about _Hierusalem_. But this Parasitical plant suffers
  • nothing to grow upon it, by any way of art; nor could we ever make it
  • grow where nature had not planted it; as we have in vain attempted by
  • inocculation and incision, upon its native or forreign stock, and though
  • there seem nothing improbable in the seed, it hath not succeeded by
  • sation in any manner of ground, wherein we had no reason to despair
  • since we reade of vegetable horns [SN: Linschoten.], and how Rams horns
  • will root about _Goa_.
  • But besides these rural commodities, it cannot be meanly delectable in
  • the variety of Figures, which these orders open, and closed do make.
  • Whilest every inclosure makes a _Rhombus_, the figures obliquely taken a
  • Rhomboides, the intervals bounded with parallel lines, and each
  • intersection built upon a square, affording two Triangles or Pyramids
  • vertically conjoyned; which in the strict Quincuncial order do
  • oppositely make acute and blunt Angles.
  • And though therein we meet not with right angles, yet every Rhombus
  • containing four Angles equal unto two right, it virtually contains two
  • right in every one. Nor is this strange unto such as observe the natural
  • lines of Trees, and parts disposed in them. For neither in the root doth
  • nature affect this angle, which shooting downward for the stability of
  • the plant, doth best effect the same by Figures of Inclination; Nor in
  • the Branches and stalky leaves, which grow most at acute angles; as
  • declining from their head the root, and diminishing their Angles with
  • their altitude: Verified also in lesser Plants, whereby they better
  • support themselves, and bear not so heavily upon the stalk: So that
  • while near the root they often make an Angle of seventy parts, the
  • sprouts near the top will often come short of thirty. Even in the nerves
  • and master veines of the leaves the acute angle ruleth; the obtuse but
  • seldome found, and in the backward part of the leaf, reflecting and
  • arching about the stalk. But why ofttimes one side of the leaf is
  • unequal unto the other, as in Hazell and Oaks, why on either side the
  • master vein the lesser and derivative channels stand not directly
  • opposite, nor at equal angles, respectively unto the adverse side, but
  • those of one part do often exceed the other, as the Wallnut and many
  • more, deserves another enquiry.
  • Now if for this order we affect coniferous and tapering Trees,
  • particularly the Cypresse, which grows in a conical figure; we have
  • found a tree not only of great Ornament, but in its Essentials of
  • affinity unto this order. A solid Rhombus being made by the conversion
  • of two Equicrural Cones, as _Archimedes_ hath defined. And these were
  • the common Trees about _Babylon_, and the East, whereof the Ark was
  • made; and _Alexander_ found no Trees so accommodable to build his Navy;
  • And this we rather think to be the tree mentioned in the Canticles,
  • which stricter Botanology will hardly allow to be Camphire.
  • And if delight or ornamentall view invite a comely disposure by circular
  • amputations, as is elegantly performed in Hawthorns; then will they
  • answer the figures made by the conversion of a Rhombus, which maketh two
  • concentrical Circles; the greater circumference being made by the lesser
  • angles, the lesser by the greater.
  • The Cylindrical figure of trees is virtually contained and latent in
  • this order. A Cylinder or long round being made by the conversion or
  • turning of a Parallelogram, and most handsomely by a long square, which
  • makes an equal, strong, and lasting figure in trees, agreeable unto the
  • body and motive parts of animals, the greatest number of Plants, and
  • almost all roots, though their stalks be angular, and of many corners,
  • which seem not to follow the figure of their Seeds; Since many angular
  • Seeds send forth round stalks, and sphæricall seeds arise from angular
  • spindles, and many rather conform unto their roots, as the round stalks
  • of bulbous Roots, and in tuberous Roots stemmes of like figure. But why
  • since the largest number of Plants maintain a circular Figure, there are
  • so few with teretous or long round leaves; why coniferous Trees are
  • tenuifolious or narrow leafed, why Plants of few or no joynts have
  • commonly round stalks, why the greatest number of hollow stalks are
  • round stalks; or why in this variety of angular stalks the quadrangular
  • most exceedeth, were too long a speculation; Mean while obvious
  • experience may finde, that in Plants of divided leaves above, nature
  • often beginneth circularly in the two first leaves below, while in the
  • singular plant of Ivy, she exerciseth a contrary Geometry, and beginning
  • with angular leaves below, rounds them in the upper branches.
  • Nor can the rows in this order want delight, as carrying an aspect
  • answerable unto the _dipteros hypœthros_, or double order of columns
  • open above; the opposite ranks of Trees standing like pillars in the
  • _Cavedia_ of the Courts of famous buildings, and the _Portico's_ of the
  • _Templa subdialia_ of old; Somewhat imitating the _Peristylia_ or
  • Cloyster buildings, and the _Exedræ_ of the Ancients, wherein men
  • discoursed, walked and exercised; For that they derived the rule of
  • Columnes from trees, especially in their proportionall diminutions, is
  • illustrated by _Vitruvius_ from the shafts of Firre and Pine. And though
  • the inter-arboration do imitate the _Areostylos_, or thin order, not
  • strictly answering the proportion of intercolumniations; yet in many
  • trees they will not exceed the intermission of the Columnes in the court
  • of the Tabernacle; which being an hundred cubits long, and made up by
  • twenty pillars, will afford no lesse then intervals of five cubits.
  • Beside, in this kinde of aspect the sight being not diffused but
  • circumscribed between long parallels and the ἐπισκιασμὸς and adumbration
  • from the branches, it frameth a penthouse over the eye, and maketh a
  • quiet vision: And therefore in diffused and open aspects, men hollow
  • their hand above their eye, and make an artificiall brow, whereby they
  • direct the dispersed rayes of sight, and by this shade preserve a
  • moderate light in the chamber of the eye; keeping the _pupilla_ plump
  • and fair, and not contracted or shrunk as in light and vagrant vision.
  • And therefore providence hath arched and paved the great house of the
  • world, with colours of mediocrity, that is, blew and green, above and
  • below the sight, moderately terminating the _acies_ of the eye. For most
  • plants, though green above-ground, maintain their original white below
  • it, according to the candour of their seminall pulp, and the rudimental
  • leaves do first appear in that colour; observable in Seeds sprouting in
  • water upon their first foliation. Green seeming to be the first
  • supervenient, or above-ground complexion of Vegetables, separable in
  • many upon ligature or inhumation, as Succory, Endive, Artichoaks, and
  • which is also lost upon fading in the Autumn.
  • And this is also agreeable unto water it self, the alimental vehicle of
  • plants, which first altereth into this colour; And containing many
  • vegetable seminalities, revealeth their Seeds by greennesse; and
  • therefore soonest expected in rain or standing water, not easily found
  • in distilled or water strongly boiled; wherein the seeds are
  • extinguished by fire and decoction, and therefore last long and pure
  • without such alteration, affording neither uliginous coats, gnatworms,
  • Acari, hairworms, like crude and common water; And therefore most fit
  • for wholsome beverage, and with malt makes Ale and Beer without boyling.
  • What large water-drinkers some Plants are, the Canary-tree and Birches
  • in some Northern Countries, drenching the fields about them do
  • sufficiently demonstrate. How water it self is able to maintain the
  • growth of Vegetables, and without extinction of their generative or
  • medicall vertues; Beside the experiment of _Helmonts_ tree, we have
  • found in some which have lived six years in glasses. The seeds of
  • Scurvy-grasse growing in water-pots, have been fruitful in the Land;
  • and _Asarum_ after a years space, and once casting its leaves in water
  • in the second leaves, hath handsomely performed its vomiting operation.
  • Nor are only dark and green colours, but shades and shadows contrived
  • through the great Volume of nature, and trees ordained not only to
  • protect and shadow others, but by their shades and shadowing parts, to
  • preserve and cherish themselves. The whole radiation or branchings
  • shadowing the stock and the root, the leaves, the branches and fruit,
  • too much exposed to the windes and scorching Sunne. The calicular leaves
  • inclose the tender flowers, and the flowers themselves lye wrapt about
  • the seeds, in their rudiment and first formations, which being advanced
  • the flowers fall away; and are therefore contrived in variety of
  • Figures, best satisfying the intention; Handsomely observable in hooded
  • and gaping flowers, and the Butterfly bloomes of leguminous plants, the
  • lower leaf closely involving the rudimental Cod, and the alary or wingy
  • divisions embracing or hanging over it.
  • But Seeds themselves do lie in perpetual shades, either under the leaf,
  • or shut up in coverings; and such as lye barest, have their husks,
  • skins, and pulps about them, wherein the nebbe and generative particle
  • lyeth moist and secured from the injury of Aire and Sunne. Darknesse and
  • light hold interchangeable dominions, and alternately rule the seminal
  • state of things. Light unto _Pluto_[166] is darknesse unto _Jupiter_.
  • Legions of seminall _Idæa's_ lye in their second Chaos and _Orcus_ of
  • _Hippocrates_; till putting on the habits of their forms, they shew
  • themselves upon the stage of the world, and open dominion of _Jove_.
  • They that held the Stars of heaven were but rayes and flashing glimpses
  • of the Empyreall light, through holes and perforations of the upper
  • heaven, took of the natural shadows of stars, while according to better
  • discovery the poor Inhabitants of the Moon[167] have but a polary life,
  • and must passe half their dayes in the shadow of that Luminary.
  • [166] Lux orco, tenebræ Jovi, tenebræ orco, lux Jovi. _Hippocr._ de
  • diæta.
  • [167] S. Hevelii Selenographia.
  • Light that makes things seen, makes some things invisible, were it not
  • for darknesse and the shadow of the earth, the noblest part of the
  • Creation had remained unseen, and the Stars in heaven as invisible as on
  • the fourth day, when they were created above the Horizon, with the Sun,
  • or there was not an eye to behold them. The greatest mystery of Religion
  • is expressed by adumbration, and in the noblest part of Jewish Types, we
  • finde the Cherubims shadowing the Mercy-seat: Life it self is but the
  • shadow of death, and souls departed but the shadows of the living: All
  • things fall under this name. The Sunne it self is but the dark
  • _simulachrum_, and light but the shadow of God.
  • Lastly, It is no wonder that this Quincunciall order was first and still
  • affected as gratefull unto the Eye: For all things are seen
  • Quincuncially; For at the eye the Pyramidal rayes from the object,
  • receive a decussation, and so strike a second base upon the _Retina_ or
  • hinder coat, the proper organ of Vision; wherein the pictures from
  • objects are represented, answerable to the paper, or wall in the dark
  • chamber; after the decussation of the rayes at the hole of the
  • hornycoat, and their refraction upon the Christalline humour, answering
  • the _foramen_ of the window, and the _convex_ or burning-glasses, which
  • refract the rayes that enter it. And if ancient Anatomy would hold, a
  • like disposure there was of the optick or visual nerves in the brain,
  • wherein Antiquity conceived a concurrence by decussation. And this not
  • only observable in the Laws of direct Vision, but in some part also
  • verified in the reflected rayes of sight. For making the angle of
  • incidence equal to that of reflexion, the visuall ray returneth
  • Quincuncially, and after the form of a V, and the line of reflexion
  • being continued unto the place of vision, there ariseth a
  • semi-decussation which makes the object seen in a perpendicular unto it
  • self, and as farre below the reflectent, as it is from it above,
  • observable in the Sun and Moon beheld in water.
  • And this is also the law of reflexion in moved bodies and sounds, which
  • though not made by decussation, observe the rule of equality between
  • incidence and reflexion; whereby whispering places are framed by
  • Elliptical arches laid side-wise; where the voice being delivered at the
  • _focus_ of one extremity, observing an equality unto the angle of
  • incidence, it will reflect unto the _focus_ of the other end, and so
  • escape the ears of the standers in the middle.
  • A like rule is observed in the reflection of the vocall and sonorous
  • line in Ecchoes, which cannot therefore be heard in all stations. But
  • hapning in woody plantations, by waters, and able to return some words;
  • if reacht by a pleasant and well-dividing voice, there may be heard the
  • softest notes in nature.
  • And this not only verified in the way of sense, but in animall and
  • intellectual receptions. Things entring upon the intellect by a Pyramid
  • from without, and thence into the memory by another from within, the
  • common decussation being in the understanding as is delivered by
  • _Bovillus_.[168] Whether the intellectual and phantastical lines be not
  • thus rightly disposed, but magnified, diminished, distorted, and ill
  • placed in the Mathematicks of some brains, whereby they have irregular
  • apprehensions of things, perverted notions, conceptions, and incurable
  • hallucinations, were no unpleasant speculation.
  • [168] Car. Bovillus de intellectu.
  • And if Ægyptian Philosophy may obtain, the scale of influences was thus
  • disposed, and the geniall spirits of both worlds, do trace their way in
  • ascending and descending Pyramids, mystically apprehended in the Letter
  • X, and the open Bill and stradling Legges of a Stork, which was imitated
  • by that Character.
  • Of this Figure _Plato_ made choice to illustrate the motion of the soul,
  • both of the world and man; while he delivered that God divided the whole
  • conjunction length-wise, according to figure of a Greek X, and then
  • turning it about reflected it into a circle; By the circle implying the
  • uniform motion of the first Orb, and by the right lines, the planetical
  • and various motions within it. And this also with application unto the
  • soul of man, which hath a double aspect, one right, whereby it beholdeth
  • the body, and objects without; another circular and reciprocal, whereby
  • it beholdeth it self. The circle declaring the motion of the indivisible
  • soul, simple, according to the divinity of its nature, and returning
  • into it self; the right lines respecting the motion pertaining unto
  • sense, and vegetation, and the central decussation, the wonderous
  • connexion of the severall faculties conjointly in one substance. And so
  • conjoyned the unity and duality of the soul, and made out the three
  • substances so much considered by him; That is, the indivisible or
  • divine, the divisible or corporeal, and that third, which was the
  • _Systasis_ or harmony of those two, in the mystical decussation.
  • And if that were clearly made out which _Justin Martyr_ took for
  • granted, this figure hath had the honour to characterise and notifie our
  • blessed Saviour, as he delivereth in that borrowed expression from
  • _Plato: Decussavit eum in universo_, the hint whereof he would have
  • _Plato_ derive from the figure of the brazen Serpent, and to have
  • mistaken the Letter X for T, whereas it is not improbable, he learned
  • these and other mystical expressions in his Learned Observations of
  • Ægypt, where he might obviously behold the Mercurial characters, the
  • handed crosses, and other mysteries not throughly understood in the
  • sacred Letter X, which being derivative from the Stork, one of the ten
  • sacred animals, might be originally Ægyptian, and brought into _Greece_
  • by _Cadmus_ of that Countrey.
  • CHAPTER V
  • To enlarge this contemplation unto all the mysteries and secrets,
  • accommodable unto this number, were inexcusable Pythagorisme, yet cannot
  • omit the ancient conceit of five surnamed the number of justice[169]; as
  • justly dividing between the digits, and hanging in the centre of Nine,
  • described by square numeration, which angularly divided will make the
  • decussated number; and so agreeable unto the Quincunciall Ordination,
  • and rowes divided by Equality, and just _decorum_, in the whole
  • complantation; And might be the Originall of that common game among us,
  • wherein the fifth place is Soveraigne, and carrieth the chief intention.
  • The Ancients wisely instructing youth, even in their recreations unto
  • virtue, that is, early to drive at the middle point and Central Seat of
  • justice.
  • [169] δίκη
  • . . .
  • . . .
  • . . .
  • Nor can we omit how agreeable unto this number an handsome division is
  • made in Trees and Plants, since _Plutarch_ and the Ancients have named
  • it the Divisive Number, justly dividing the Entities of the world, many
  • remarkable things in it, and also comprehending the generall[170]
  • division of Vegetables. And he that considers how most blossomes of
  • Trees, and greatest number of Flowers, consist of five Leaves; and
  • therein doth rest the setled rule of nature; So that in those which
  • exceed there is often found, or easily made a variety; may readily
  • discover how nature rests in this number, which is indeed the first rest
  • and pause of numeration in the fingers, the natural Organs thereof. Nor
  • in the division of the feet of perfect animals doth nature exceed this
  • account. And even in the joynts of feet, which in birds are most
  • multiplied, surpasseth not this number; So progressionally making them
  • out in many, that from five in the foreclaw she descendeth unto two in
  • the hindemost. And so in fower feet makes up the number of joynts, in
  • the five fingers or toes of man.
  • [170] Δενδρον, Θάμνος, Φρύγανον, Πόα, Arbor, frutex, suffrutex, herba,
  • _and that fifth which comprehendeth the_ fungi _and_ tubera,
  • _whether to be named_ Ἄσχιον _or_ γύμνον, _comprehending also_
  • conserva marina salsa, _and Sea-cords, of so many yards length_.
  • Not to omit the Quintuple Section of a Cone,[171] of handsome practise
  • in Ornamentall Garden-plots, and in some way discoverable in so many
  • works of Nature; In the leaves, fruits, and seeds of Vegetables, and
  • scales of some Fishes, so much considerable in glasses, and the optick
  • doctrine; wherein the learned may consider the Crystalline humour of the
  • eye in the cuttle-fish and _Loligo_.
  • [171] Elleipsis, parabola, Hyperbole, Circulus, Triangulum.
  • He that forgets not how Antiquity named this the Conjugall or wedding
  • Number, and made it the Embleme of the most remarkable conjunction, will
  • conceive it duely appliable unto this handsome Oeconomy, and vegetable
  • combination; May hence apprehend the allegoricall sence of that obscure
  • expression of _Hesiod_,[172] and afford no improbable reason why _Plato_
  • admitted his Nuptiall guests by fives, in the kindred of the
  • married[173] couple.
  • [172] πεμπτας id est nuptias multas. _Rhodig._
  • [173] _Plato_ de leg. 6.
  • And though a sharper mystery might be implied in the Number of the five
  • wise and foolish Virgins, which were to meet the Bridegroom, yet was the
  • same agreeable unto the Conjugall Number, which ancient Numerists made
  • out by two and three, the first parity and imparity, the active and
  • passive digits, the materiall and formall principles in generative
  • Societies. And not discordant even from the customes of the _Romans_,
  • who admitted but five[174] Torches in their Nuptiall Solemnities.
  • Whether there were any mystery or not implied, the most generative
  • animals were created on this day, and had accordingly the largest
  • benediction; And under a Quintuple consideration, wanton Antiquity
  • considered the Circumstances of generation, while by this number of five
  • they naturally divided the Nectar of the fifth Planet.
  • [174] Plutarch problem. Rom. 1.
  • The same number in the Hebrew Mysteries and Cabalistical Accounts was
  • the Character[175] of Generation; declared by the Letter _He_, the fifth
  • in their Alphabet; According to that Cabalisticall _Dogma_: If _Abram_
  • had not had this Letter added unto his Name, he had remained fruitlesse,
  • and without the power of Generation: Not onely because hereby the number
  • of his Name attained two hundred fourty eight, the number of the
  • affirmative precepts, but because as in created natures there is a male
  • and female, so in divine and intelligent productions, the mother of Life
  • and Fountain of souls in Cabalisticall Technology is called _Binah_;
  • whose Seal and Character was _He._ So that being sterill before, he
  • received the power of generation from that measure and mansion in the
  • Archetype; and was made conformable unto _Binah._ And upon such involved
  • considerations, the ten[176] of _Sarai_ was exchanged into five. If any
  • shall look upon this as a stable number, and fitly appropriable unto
  • Trees, as Bodies of Rest and Station, he hath herein a great Foundation
  • in nature, who observing much variety in legges and motive Organs of
  • Animals, as two, four, six, eight, twelve, fourteen, and more, hath
  • passed over five and ten, and assigned them unto none.[177] And for the
  • stability of this Number, he shall not want the sphericity of its
  • nature, which multiplied in it self, will return into its own
  • denomination, and bring up the reare of the account. Which is also one
  • of the Numbers that makes up the mysticall Name of God, which consisting
  • of Letters denoting all the sphæricall Numbers, ten, five, and six;
  • Emphatically sets forth the notion of _Trismegistus_, and that
  • intelligible Sphear which is the Nature of God.
  • [175] Archang. dog. Cabal.
  • [176] Jod _into_ He.
  • [177] Or very few, as the _Phalangium monstrosum Brasilianum, Clusii et
  • Jac de Laet. Cur. poster. Americæ, Descript._ If perfectly
  • described.
  • Many Expressions by this Number occurre in Holy Scripture, perhaps
  • unjustly laden with mysticall Expositions, and little concerning our
  • order. That the Israelites were forbidden to eat the fruit of their new
  • planted Trees, before the fifth yeare, was very agreeable unto the
  • naturall Rules of Husbandry; Fruits being unwholsome, and lash, before
  • the fourth, or fifth Yeare. In the second day or Feminine part of five,
  • there was added no approbation. For in the third or masculine day, the
  • same is twice repeated; and a double benediction inclosed both
  • Creations, whereof the one in some part was but an accomplishment of the
  • other. That the Trespasser[178] was to pay a fifth part above the head
  • or principall, makes no secret in this Number, and implied no more then
  • one part above the principall; which being considered in four parts, the
  • additionall forfeit must bear the Name of a fift. The five golden mice
  • had plainly their determination from the number of the Princes; That
  • five should put to flight an hundred might have nothing mystically
  • implyed; considering a rank of Souldiers could scarce consist of a
  • lesser number. Saint _Paul_ had rather speak five words in a known then
  • ten thousand in an unknown tongue: That is as little as could well be
  • spoken. A simple proposition consisting of three words, and a complexed
  • one, not ordinarily short of five.
  • [178] Lev. 6.
  • More considerable there are in this mysticall account, which we must not
  • insist on. And therefore why the radicall Letters in the Pentateuch
  • should equall the number of the Souldiery of the Tribes; Why our Saviour
  • in the Wildernesse fed five thousand persons with five Barley Loaves,
  • and again, but four thousand with no lesse then seven of Wheat? Why
  • _Joseph_ designed five changes of Rayment unto _Benjamin_? and _David_
  • took just five pibbles[179] out of the Brook against the Pagan Champion?
  • We leave it unto Arithmeticall Divinity, and Theologicall explanation.
  • [179] τέσσαρα ἔν κε _four and one, or five_. Scalig.
  • Yet if any delight in new Problemes, or think it worth the enquiry,
  • whether the Criticall Physician hath rightly hit the nominall notation
  • of Quinque; Why the Ancients mixed five or three but not four parts of
  • water unto their Wine: And _Hippocrates_ observed a fifth proportion in
  • the mixture of water with milk, as in _Dysenteries_ and bloudy fluxes.
  • Under what abstruse foundation Astrologers do figure the good or bad
  • Fate from our Children, in good Fortune,[180] or the fifth house of
  • their Celestial Schemes. Whether the Ægyptians described a Starre by a
  • Figure of five points, with reference unto the five[181] Capitall
  • aspects, whereby they transmit their Influences, or abstruser
  • Considerations? Why the Cabalisticall Doctors, who conceive the whole
  • _Sephiroth_, or divine Emanations to have guided the ten-stringed Harp
  • of _David_, whereby he pacified the evil spirit of _Saul_, in strict
  • numeration doe begin with the Perihypate Meson, or ff fa ut, and so
  • place the Tiphereth answering C sol fa ut, upon the fifth string: Or
  • whether this number be oftner applied unto bad things and ends, then
  • good in holy Scripture, and why? He may meet with abstrusities of no
  • ready resolution.
  • [180] Ἀγαθὴ τυχὴ, _or_ bona fortuna _the name of the fifth
  • house_.
  • [181] _Conjunct, opposite, sextile, trigonal, tetragonal._
  • If any shall question the rationality of that Magick, in the cure of the
  • blinde man by _Serapis_, commanded to place five fingers on his Altar,
  • and then his hand on his Eyes? Why since the whole Comœdy is
  • primarily and naturally comprised in four[182] parts; and Antiquity
  • permitted not so many persons to speak in one Scene, yet would not
  • comprehend the same in more or lesse then five acts? Why amongst
  • Sea-starres nature chiefly delighteth in five points? And since there
  • are found some of no fewer then twelve, and some of seven and nine,
  • there are few or none discovered of six or eight? If any shall enquire
  • why the Flowers of Rue properly consist of four Leaves, The first and
  • third Flower have five? Why since many Flowers have one leaf or
  • none,[183] as _Scaliger_ will have it, diverse three, and the greatest
  • number consist of five divided from their bottomes; there are yet so few
  • of two: or why nature generally beginning or setting out with two
  • opposite leaves at the Root, doth so seldome conclude with that order
  • and number at the Flower? he shall not passe his hours in vulgar
  • speculations.
  • [182] Πρότασις, ἐπíτασις, κατάστασις, καταστροφή.
  • [183] Unifolium nullifolima.
  • If any shall further quæry why magneticall Philosophy excludeth
  • decussations, and needles transversly placed do naturally distract their
  • verticities. Why Geomancers do imitate the Quintuple Figure, in their
  • Mother Characters of Acquisition and Amission, _etc._ somewhat answering
  • the Figures in the Lady or speckled Beetle? With what Equity,
  • Chiromantical conjecturers decry these decussations in the Lines and
  • Mounts of the hand? What that decussated Figure intendeth in the medall
  • of _Alexander_ the Great? Why the Goddesses sit commonly crosse-legged
  • in ancient draughts, Since _Juno_ is described in the same as a
  • venefical posture to hinder the birth of _Hercules_? If any shall doubt
  • why at the Amphidromicall Feasts, on the fifth day after the Childe was
  • born, presents were sent from friends, of _Polipusses_, and Cuttle
  • fishes? Why five must be only left in that Symbolicall mutiny among the
  • men of _Cadmus_? Why _Proteus_ in _Homer_ the Symbole of the first
  • matter, before he setled himself in the midst of his Sea-Monsters, doth
  • place them out by fives? Why the fifth years Oxe was acceptable
  • Sacrifice unto _Jupiter_? Or why the Noble _Antoninus_ in some sence
  • doth call the soul it self a Rhombus? He shall not fall on trite or
  • triviall disquisitions. And these we invent and propose unto acuter
  • enquirers, nauseating crambe verities and questions over-queried. Flat
  • and flexible truths are beat out by every hammer; But _Vulcan_ and his
  • whole forge sweat to work out _Achilles_ his armour. A large field is
  • yet left unto sharper discerners to enlarge upon this order, to search
  • out the _quaternio's_ and figured draughts of this nature, and
  • moderating the study of names, and meer nomenclature of plants, to erect
  • generalities, disclose unobserved proprieties, not only in the
  • vegetable shop, but the whole volume of nature; affording delightfull
  • Truths, confirmable by sense and ocular Observation, which seems to me
  • the surest path, to trace the Labyrinth of truth. For though discursive
  • enquiry and rationall conjecture, may leave handsome gashes and
  • flesh-wounds; yet without conjunction of this expect no mortal or
  • dispatching blows unto errour.
  • But the Quincunx[184] of Heaven runs low, and 'tis time to close the
  • five ports of knowledge; We are unwilling to spin out our awaking
  • thoughts into the phantasmes of sleep, which often continueth
  • præcogitations; making Cables of Cobwebbes and Wildernesses of handsome
  • Groves. Beside _Hippocrates_[185] hath spoke so little and the
  • Oneirocriticall Masters,[186] have left such frigid Interpretations from
  • plants, that there is little encouragement to dream of Paradise it self.
  • Nor will the sweetest delight of Gardens afford much comfort in sleep;
  • wherein the dulnesse of that sense shakes hands with delectable odours;
  • and though in the Bed[187] of _Cleopatra_, can hardly with any delight
  • raise up the ghost of a Rose.
  • [184] Hyades _near the Horizon about midnight, at that time._
  • [185] De insomniis.
  • [186] Artemodorus et Apomazar.
  • [187] _Strewed with roses._
  • Night, which Pagan Theology could make the daughter of _Chaos_, affords
  • no advantage to the description of order: Although no lower then that
  • Masse can we derive its Genealogy. All things began in order, so shall
  • they end, and so shall they begin again; according to the ordainer of
  • order and mystical Mathematicks of the City of heaven.
  • Though _Somnus_ in _Homer_ be sent to rowse up _Agamemnon_, I finde no
  • such effects in the drowsy approaches of sleep. To keep our eyes open
  • longer were but to act our _Antipodes_. The Huntsmen are up in
  • _America_, and they are already past their first sleep in _Persia_. But
  • who can be drowsie at that howr which freed us from everlasting sleep?
  • or have slumbring thoughts at that time, when sleep it self must end,
  • and as some conjecture all shall awake again?
  • _FINIS_
  • THE STATIONER TO THE READER
  • I cannot omit to advertise, that a Book was published not long since,
  • Entituled, _Natures Cabinet Unlockt_, bearing the Name of this Authour:
  • If any man have been benefited thereby this Authour is not so ambitious
  • as to challenge the honour thereof, as having no hand in that Work. To
  • distinguish of true and spurious Peeces was the Originall Criticisme,
  • and some were so handsomely counterfeited, that the Entitled Authours
  • needed not to disclaime them. But since it is so, that either he must
  • write himself, or Others will write for him, I know no better Prevention
  • then to act his own part with lesse intermission of his Pen.
  • CERTAIN
  • MISCELLANY
  • TRACTS.
  • Written by
  • _THOMAS BROWN_, K^t,
  • and Doctour of Physick;
  • late of _NORWICH_.
  • _LONDON_,
  • Printed for _Charles Mearne_, and are to be sold
  • by _Henry Bonwick_, at the _Red Lyon_,
  • in St. _Paul's_ Church-Yard,
  • MDCLXXXIV.
  • THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER
  • The Papers from which these _Tracts_ were printed, were, a while since,
  • deliver'd to me by, those worthy persons, the _Lady_ and _Son_ of the
  • excellent Authour. He himself gave no charge concerning his
  • _Manuscripts_, either for the suppressing or the publishing of them.
  • Yet, seeing he had procured _Transcripts_ of them, and had kept those
  • _Copies_ by him, it seemeth probable that He designed them for publick
  • use.
  • Thus much of his Intention being presumed, and many who had tasted of
  • the fruits of his former studies being covetous of more of the like
  • kind; Also these _Tracts_ having been perused and much approv'd of by
  • some Judicious and Learned men; I was not unwilling to be instrumental
  • in fitting them for the Press.
  • To this end, I selected them out of many disordred Papers, and dispos'd
  • them into such a method as They seem'd capable of; beginning first with
  • _Plants_, going on to _Animals_, proceeding farther to things relating
  • to _Men_, and concluding with _matters_ of a _various nature_.
  • Concerning the _Plants_, I did, on purpose, forbear to range them (as
  • some advised) according to their _Tribes_ and _Families_; because, by so
  • doing, I should have represented that as a studied and formal work,
  • which is but a Collection of _occasional Essaies_. And, indeed, both
  • this _Tract_, and those which follow, were rather the _diversions_ than
  • the _Labours_ of his Pen: and, because He did, as it were, drop down his
  • Thoughts of a sudden, in those little spaces of vacancy which he
  • snatch'd from those very many occasions which gave him hourly
  • interruption; If there appears, here and there, any uncorrectness in the
  • style, a small degree of Candour sufficeth to excuse it.
  • If there be any such errours in the words, I'm sure the Press has not
  • made them fewer; but I do not hold my self oblig'd to answer for That
  • which I could not perfectly govern. However, the matter is not of any
  • great moment: such errours will not mislead a Learned Reader; and He who
  • is not such in some competent degree, is not a fit Peruser of these
  • LETTERS. Such these _Tracts_ are; but, for the Persons to whom they were
  • written, I cannot well learn their _Names_ from those few obscure marks
  • which the Authour has set at the beginning of them. And these Essaies
  • being _Letters_, as many as take offence at some few familiar things
  • which the Authour hath mixed with them, find fault with decence. Men are
  • not wont to set down Oracles in every line they write to their
  • Acquaintance.
  • There, still, remain other brief Discourses written by this most Learned
  • and ingenious Authour. Those, also, may come forth, when some of his
  • Friends shall have sufficient leisure; and at such due distance from
  • these Tracts, that They may follow rather than stifle them.
  • Amongst these Manuscripts there is one which gives a brief Account of
  • all the _Monuments_ of the _Cathedral_ of _Norwich_. It was written
  • merely for private use: and the Relations of the Authour expect such
  • Justice from those into whose hands some imperfect Copies of it are
  • fallen; that, without their Consent first obtain'd, they forbear the
  • publishing of It.
  • The truth is, matter equal to the skill of the Antiquary was not, there,
  • afforded: had a fit Subject of that nature offer'd it self, He would
  • scarce have been guilty of an oversight like to that of _Ausonius_, who,
  • in the description of his native City of _Burdeaux_, omitted the two
  • famous Antiquities of it, _Palais de Tutele_, and, _Palais de Galien_.
  • Concerning the _Authour himself_, I chuse to be silent, though I have
  • had the happiness to have been, for some years, known to him. There is
  • on foot a design of writing his _Life_: and there are, already, some
  • Memorials collected by one of his ancient Friends. Till that work be
  • perfected, the Reader may content himself with these present _Tracts_;
  • all which commending themselves by their _Learning_, _Curiosity_ and
  • _Brevity_, if He be not pleased with them, he seemeth to me to be
  • distemper'd with such a niceness of Imagination as no wise man is
  • concern'd to humour.
  • _THO. TENISON._
  • OBSERVATIONS
  • Upon several
  • PLANTS mention'd in SCRIPTURE.
  • TRACT I
  • [Sidenote: _The Introduction._]
  • SIR,
  • Though many ordinary Heads run smoothly over the Scripture, yet I must
  • acknowledge, it is one of the hardest Books I ever met with: and
  • therefore well deserveth those numerous Comments, Expositions and
  • Annotations which make up a good part of our Libraries.
  • However so affected I am therewith, that I wish there had been more of
  • it: and a larger Volume of that Divine Piece which leaveth such welcome
  • impressions, and somewhat more, in the Readers, than the words and sense
  • after it. At least, who would not be glad that many things barely hinted
  • were at large delivered in it? The particulars of the Dispute between
  • the Doctours and our Saviour could not but be welcome to them, who have
  • every word in honour which proceeded from his mouth, or was otherwise
  • delivered by him: and so would be glad to be assured what he wrote with
  • his Finger on the ground: But especially to have a particular of that
  • instructing Narration or Discourse which he made unto the Disciples
  • after his resurrection, where 'tis said [SN: Luke 24. 27.]: _And
  • beginning at Moses, and all the Prophets, he expounded unto them in all
  • the Scriptures the things concerning himself._
  • But to omit Theological obscurities, you must needs observe that most
  • Sciences do seem to have something more nearly to consider in the
  • expressions of the Scripture.
  • Astronomers find therein the Names but of few Stars, scarce so many as
  • in _Achilles_ his _Buckler_ in _Homer_, and almost the very same. But in
  • some passages of the Old Testament they think they discover the Zodiacal
  • course of the Sun: and they, also, conceive an Astronomical sense in
  • that elegant expression of S. _James_[SN: Jam. 1. 17.] concerning _the
  • father of lights, with whom there is no variableness, neither shadow of
  • turning_: and therein an allowable allusion unto the tropical conversion
  • of the Sun, whereby ensueth a variation of heat, light, and also of
  • shadows from it. But whether the _Stellæ erraticæ_, or wandring Stars in
  • S. _Jude_, may be referr'd to the celestial Planets, or some
  • meteorological wandring Stars, _Ignes fatui, Stellæ cadentes et
  • erraticæ_, or had any allusion unto the Impostour _Barchochebas_, or
  • _Stellæ Filius_, who afterward appeared, and wandred about in the time
  • of _Adrianus_, they leave unto conjecture.
  • Chirurgions may find their whole Art in that one passage, concerning the
  • Rib which God took out of _Adam_, that is their διαίρεσις in opening the
  • Flesh, ἐξαίρεσις in taking out the Rib, and σύνθεσις in closing and
  • healing the part again.
  • Rhetoricians and Oratours take singular notice of very many excellent
  • passages, stately metaphors, noble tropes and elegant expressions, not
  • to be found or parallel'd in any other Authour.
  • Mineralists look earnestly into the twenty eighth of _Job_, take special
  • notice of the early artifice in Brass and Iron under _Tubal-Cain_: And
  • find also mention of Gold, Silver, Brass, Tin, Lead, Iron; beside
  • Refining, Sodering, Dross, Nitre, Saltpits, and in some manner also of
  • Antimony.[188]
  • [188] _Depinxit oculos stibio._ 2 Kings 9. 30. Jerem. 4. 30. Ezek. 23.
  • 40.
  • Gemmarie Naturalists reade diligently the pretious Stones in the holy
  • City of the _Apocalypse_: examine the Breast-plate of _Aaron_, and
  • various Gemms upon it, and think the second Row the nobler of the four:
  • they wonder to find the Art of Ingravery so ancient upon pretious Stones
  • and Signets; together with the ancient use of Ear-rings and Bracelets.
  • And are pleased to find Pearl, Coral, Amber and Crystal in those sacred
  • Leaves, according to our Translation. And when they often meet with
  • Flints and Marbles, cannot but take notice that there is no mention of
  • the Magnet or Loadstone, which in so many similitudes, comparisons, and
  • allusions, could hardly have been omitted in the Works of _Solomon_: if
  • it were true that he knew either the attractive or directive power
  • thereof, as some have believed.
  • Navigatours consider the Ark, which was pitched without and within, and
  • could endure the Ocean without Mast or Sails: They take special notice
  • of the twenty seventh of _Ezekiel_; the mighty Traffick and great
  • Navigation of _Tyre_, with particular mention of their Sails, their
  • Masts of Cedar, Oars of Oak, their skilfull Pilots, Mariners and
  • Calkers; as also of the long Voyages of the Fleets of _Solomon_; of
  • _Jehosaphat's_ Ships broken at _Ezion-Geber_; of the notable Voyage and
  • Shipwreck of S. _Paul_, so accurately delivered in the _Acts_.
  • Oneirocritical Diviners apprehend some hints of their knowledge, even
  • from Divine Dreams; while they take notice of the Dreams of _Joseph_,
  • _Pharaoh_, _Nebuchadnezzar_, and the Angels on _Jacob's_ Ladder; and
  • find, in _Artemidorus_ and _Achmetes_, that Ladders signifie Travels,
  • and the Scales thereof Preferment; and that Oxen Lean and Fat naturally
  • denote Scarcity or Plenty, and the successes of Agriculture.
  • Physiognomists will largely put in from very many passages of Scripture.
  • And when they find in _Aristotle_, _quibus frons quadrangula,
  • commensurata, fortes, referuntur ad leones_, cannot but take special
  • notice of that expression concerning the Gadites; _mighty men of war,
  • fit for battel, whose faces were as the faces of lyons_.
  • Geometrical and Architectonical Artists look narrowly upon the
  • description of the Ark, the fabrick of the Temple, and the holy City in
  • the _Apocalypse_.
  • But the Botanical Artist meets every where with Vegetables, and from the
  • Figg Leaf in _Genesis_ to the Star Wormwood in the _Apocalypse_, are
  • variously interspersed expressions from Plants, elegantly advantaging
  • the significancy of the Text: Whereof many being delivered in a
  • Language proper unto _Judæa_ and neighbour Countries are imperfectly
  • apprehended by the common Reader, and now doubtfully made out, even by
  • the Jewish Expositour.
  • And even in those which are confessedly known, the elegancy is often
  • lost in the apprehension of the Reader, unacquainted with such
  • Vegetables, or but nakedly knowing their natures: whereof holding a
  • pertinent apprehension, you cannot pass over such expressions without
  • some doubt or want of satisfaction in your judgment. Hereof we shall
  • onely hint or discourse some few which I could not but take notice of in
  • the reading of holy Scripture.
  • Many Plants are mention'd in Scripture which are not distinctly known in
  • our Countries, or under such Names in the Original, as they are fain to
  • be rendred by analogy, or by the name of Vegetables of good affinity
  • unto them, and so maintain the textual sense, though in some variation
  • from identity.
  • * * * * *
  • [Sidenote: _The Observations. Kikaion._]
  • 1. The Plant which afforded a shade unto _Jonah_,[189] mention'd by the
  • name of Kikaion, and still retained at least marginally in some
  • Translations, to avoid obscurity _Jerome_ rendred _Hedera_ or Ivy; which
  • notwithstanding (except in its scandent nature) agreed not fully with
  • the other, that is, to _grow up in a night_, or be consumed with a Worm;
  • Ivy being of no swift growth, little subject unto Worms, and a scarce
  • Plant about _Babylon_.
  • [189] Jona 4. 6. _a Gourd_.
  • [Sidenote: _Hyssope._]
  • 2. That Hyssope is taken for that Plant which cleansed the Leper, being
  • a well scented, and very abstersive Simple, may well be admitted; so we
  • be not too confident, that it is strictly the same with our common
  • Hyssope: The Hyssope of those parts differing from that of ours; as
  • _Bellonius_ hath observed in the Hyssope which grows in _Judæa_, and the
  • Hyssope of the Wall mention'd in the Works of _Solomon_, no kind of our
  • Hyssope; and may tolerably be taken for some kind of minor Capillary,
  • which best makes out the Antithesis with the Cedar. Nor when we meet
  • with _Libanotis_, is it to be conceived our common Rosemary, which is
  • rather the first kind thereof among several others, used by the
  • Ancients.
  • [Sidenote: _Hemlock._ Hosea 10. 4. Amos 6. 2.]
  • 3. That it must be taken for Hemlock, which is twice so rendred in our
  • Translation, will hardly be made out, otherwise than in the intended
  • sense, and implying some Plant, wherein bitterness or a poisonous
  • quality is considerable.
  • [Sidenote: Paliurus.]
  • 4. What _Tremelius_ rendreth _Spina_, and the Vulgar Translation
  • _Paliurus_, and others make some kind of _Rhamnus_, is allowable in the
  • sense; and we contend not about the species, since they are known Thorns
  • in those Countries, and in our Fields or Gardens among us: and so common
  • in _Judæa_, that men conclude the thorny Crown of our Saviour was made
  • either of _Paliurus_ or _Rhamnus_.
  • [Sidenote: Rubus.]
  • 5. Whether the Bush which burnt and consumed not, were properly a
  • _Rubus_ or Bramble, was somewhat doubtfull from the Original and some
  • Translations, had not the Evangelist, and S. _Paul_ express'd the same
  • by the Greek word Bάtos, which from the description of
  • _Dioscorides_, Herbarists accept for _Rubus_; although the same word
  • Bάtos expresseth not onely the _Rubus_ or kinds of Bramble, but
  • other Thorn-bushes, and the Hipp-briar is also named Κυνοσβάτος, or the
  • Dog-briar or Bramble.
  • [Sidenote: Myrica. Cant. 1. 14.]
  • 6. That _Myrica_ is rendred, Heath, sounds instructively enough to our
  • ears, who behold that Plant so common in barren Plains among us: But you
  • cannot but take notice that _Erica_, or our Heath is not the same Plant
  • with _Myrica_ or Tammarice, described by _Theophrastus_ and
  • _Dioscorides_, and which _Bellonius_ declareth to grow so plentifully
  • in the Desarts of _Judæa_ and _Arabia_.
  • [Sidenote: _Cypress._ Cant. 1. 14.]
  • 7. That the βότρυς τῆς Κύπρου, _botrus Cypri_, or Clusters of Cypress,
  • should have any reference to the Cypress Tree, according to the original
  • _Copher_, or Clusters of the noble Vine of _Cyprus_, which might be
  • planted into _Judæa_, may seem to others allowable in some latitude. But
  • there seeming some noble Odour to be implied in this place, you may
  • probably conceive that the expression drives at the Κύπρος of
  • _Dioscorides_, some oriental kind of _Ligustrum_ or _Alcharma_, which
  • _Dioscorides_ and _Pliny_ mention under the name of Κύπρος and _Cyprus_,
  • and to grow about _Ægypt_ and _Ascalon_, producing a sweet and odorate
  • bush of Flowers, and out of which was made the famous _Oleum Cyprinum_.
  • But why it should be rendred Camphyre your judgment cannot but doubt,
  • who know that our Camphyre was unknown unto the Ancients, and no
  • ingredient into any composition of great Antiquity: that learned men
  • long conceived it a bituminous and fossile Body, and our latest
  • experience discovereth it to be the resinous substance of a Tree, in
  • _Borneo_ and _China_; and that the Camphyre that we use is a neat
  • preparation of the same.
  • [Sidenote: _Shittah Tree_, etc. Isa. 41. 19.]
  • 8. When 'tis said in _Isaiah 41. I will plant in the wilderness the
  • Cedar, the Shittah Tree, and the Myrtle and the Oil Tree, I will set in
  • the Desart, the Firre Tree, and the Pine, and the Box Tree_: Though some
  • doubt may be made of the Shittah Tree, yet all these Trees here
  • mentioned being such as are ever green, you will more emphatically
  • apprehend the mercifull meaning of God in this mention of no fading, but
  • always verdant Trees in dry and desart places.
  • [Sidenote: _Grapes of_ Eshcol. Num. 13. 23.]
  • 9. _And they cut down a Branch with one cluster of Grapes, and they bare
  • it between two upon a Staff, and they brought Pomegranates and Figgs._
  • This cluster of Grapes brought upon a Staff by the Spies, was an
  • incredible sight, in _Philo Judæus_,[190] seem'd notable in the eyes of
  • the Israelites, but more wonderfull in our own, who look onely upon
  • Northern Vines. But herein you are like to consider, that the Cluster
  • was thus carefully carried to represent it entire, without bruising or
  • breaking; that this was not one Bunch but an extraordinary Cluster, made
  • up of many depending upon one gross stalk. And however, might be
  • parallel'd with the Eastern Clusters of _Margiana_ and _Caramania_, if
  • we allow but half the expressions of _Pliny_ and _Strabo_, whereof one
  • would lade a Curry or small Cart; and may be made out by the clusters of
  • the Grapes of _Rhodes_ presented unto Duke _Radzivil_[191] each
  • containing three parts of an Ell in compass, and the Grapes as big as
  • Prunes.
  • [190] ἄπιστος θέα. Philo.
  • [191] Radzivil _in his Travels_.
  • [Sidenote: _Ingred. of holy Perfume._ _Stacte_, etc. Exod. 30.34, 35.]
  • 10. Some things may be doubted in the species of the holy Ointment and
  • Perfume. With Amber, Musk and Civet we meet not in the Scripture, nor
  • any Odours from Animals; except we take the Onycha of that Perfume for
  • the Covercle of a Shell-fish called _Unguis Odoratus_, or _Blatta
  • Byzantina_, which _Dioscorides_ affirmeth to be taken from a Shell-fish
  • of the Indian Lakes, which feeding upon the Aromatical Plants is
  • gathered when the Lakes are drie. But whether that which we now call
  • _Blatta Byzantina_, or _Unguis Odoratus_, be the same with that odorate
  • one of Antiquity, great doubt may be made; since _Dioscorides_ saith it
  • smelled like _Castoreum_, and that which we now have is of an
  • ungratefull odour.
  • No little doubt may be also made of Galbanum prescribed in the same
  • Perfume, if we take it for Galbanum which is of common use among us,
  • approaching the evil scent of _Assa Fœtida_; and not rather for
  • Galbanum of good odour, as the adjoining words declare, and the original
  • _Chelbena_ will bear; which implies a fat or resinous substance, that
  • which is commonly known among us being properly a gummous body and
  • dissoluble also in Water.
  • The holy Ointment of Stacte or pure Myrrh, distilling from the Plant
  • without expression or firing, of Cinnamon, Cassia and Calamus,
  • containeth less questionable species, if the Cinnamon of the Ancients
  • were the same with ours, or managed after the same manner. For thereof
  • _Dioscorides_ made his noble Unguent. And Cinnamon was so highly valued
  • by Princes, that _Cleopatra_ carried it unto her Sepulchre with her
  • Jewels; which was also kept in wooden Boxes among the rarities of Kings:
  • and was of such a lasting nature, that at his composing of Treacle for
  • the Emperor _Severus_, _Galen_ made use of some which had been laid up
  • by _Adrianus_.
  • [Sidenote: _Husks eaten by the Prodigal._ Luke 15. 16.]
  • 11. That the Prodigal Son desired _to eat of Husks_ given unto Swine,
  • will hardly pass in your apprehension for the Husks of Pease, Beans, or
  • such edulious Pulses; as well understanding that the textual word
  • Κεράτιον or _Ceration_, properly intendeth the Fruit of the _Siliqua_
  • Tree so common in _Syria_, and fed upon by Men and Beasts; called also
  • by some the Fruit of the Locust Tree, and _Panis Sancti Johannis_, as
  • conceiving it to have been part of the Diet of the _Baptist_ in the
  • Desart. The Tree and Fruit is not onely common in _Syria_ and the
  • Eastern parts, but also well known in _Apuglia_, and the Kingdom of
  • _Naples_, growing along the _Via Appia_, from _Fundi_ unto _Mola_; the
  • hard Cods or Husks making a rattling noise in windy weather, by beating
  • against one another: called by the Italians _Carobe_ or _Carobole_, and
  • by the French _Carouges_. With the sweet Pulp hereof some conceive that
  • the Indians preserve Ginger, Mirabolans and Nutmegs. Of the same (as
  • _Pliny_ delivers) the Ancients made one kind of Wine, strongly
  • expressing the Juice thereof; and so they might after give the expressed
  • and less usefull part of the Cods, and remaining Pulp unto their Swine:
  • which being no gustless or unsatisfying Offal, might be well desired by
  • the Prodigal in his hunger.
  • [Sidenote: _Cucumbers_ etc. _of_ Ægypt.]
  • 12. No marvel it is that the Israelites having lived long in a well
  • watred Country, and been acquainted with the noble Water of _Nilus_,
  • should complain for Water in the dry and barren Wilderness. More
  • remarkable it seems that they should extoll and linger after the
  • Cucumbers and Leeks, Onions and Garlick in _Ægypt_: wherein
  • notwithstanding lies a pertinent expression of the Diet of that Country
  • in ancient times, even as high as the building of the Pyramids, when
  • _Herodotus_ delivereth, that so many Talents were spent in Onions and
  • Garlick, for the Food of Labourers and Artificers; and is also
  • answerable unto their present plentifull Diet in Cucumbers, and the
  • great varieties thereof, as testified by _Prosper Alpinus_, who spent
  • many years in _Ægypt_.
  • [Sidenote: _Forbidden Fruit._ Gen. 2. 17. etc.]
  • 13. What Fruit that was which our first Parents tasted in Paradise, from
  • the disputes of learned men seems yet indeterminable. More clear it is
  • that they cover'd their nakedness or secret parts with Figg Leaves;
  • which when I reade, I cannot but call to mind the several considerations
  • which Antiquity had of the Figg Tree, in reference unto those parts,
  • particularly how Figg Leaves by sundry Authours are described to have
  • some resemblance unto the Genitals, and so were aptly formed for such
  • contection of those parts; how also in that famous Statua of
  • _Praxiteles_, concerning _Alexander_ and _Bucephalus_, the Secret Parts
  • are veil'd with Figg Leaves; how this Tree was sacred unto _Priapus_,
  • and how the Diseases of the Secret Parts have derived their Name from
  • Figgs.
  • [Sidenote: _Balsam. Oil._ Luke 10. 34.]
  • 14. That the good Samaritan coming from _Jericho_ used any of the Judean
  • Balsam upon the wounded Traveller, is not to be made out, and we are
  • unwilling to disparage his charitable Surgery in pouring Oil into a
  • green Wound; and therefore when 'tis said he used Oil and Wine, may
  • rather conceive that he made an _Oinelæum_ or medicine of Oil and Wine
  • beaten up and mixed together, which was no improper Medicine, and is an
  • Art now lately studied by some so to incorporate Wine and Oil that they
  • may lastingly hold together, which some pretend to have, and call it
  • _Oleum Samaritanum_, or Samaritans Oil.
  • [Sidenote: _Pulse of_ Daniel. Dan. 1. 12.]
  • 15. When _Daniel_ would not pollute himself with the Diet of the
  • Babylonians, he probably declined Pagan commensation, or to eat of Meats
  • forbidden to the Jews, though common at their Tables, or so much as to
  • taste of their Gentile Immolations, and Sacrifices abominable unto his
  • Palate.
  • But when 'tis said that he made choice of the Diet of Pulse and Water,
  • whether he strictly confined unto a leguminous Food, according to the
  • Vulgar Translation, some doubt may be raised, from the original word
  • _Zeragnim_, which signifies _Seminalia_, and is so set down in the
  • Margin of _Arias Montanus_; and the Greek word _Spermata_, generally
  • expressing Seeds, may signifie any edulious or cerealious Grains besides
  • ὄσπρια or leguminous Seeds.
  • Yet if he strictly made choice of a leguminous Food, and Water instead
  • of his portion from the King's Table, he handsomely declined the Diet
  • which might have been put upon him, and particularly that which was
  • called the _Potibasis_ of the King, which as _Athenæus_ informeth
  • implied the Bread of the King, made of Barley, and Wheat, and the Wine
  • of _Cyprus_, which he drank in an oval Cup. And therefore distinctly
  • from that he chose plain Fare of Water, and the gross Diet of Pulse, and
  • that perhaps not made into Bread, but parched, and tempered with Water.
  • Now that herein (beside the special benediction of God) he made choice
  • of no improper Diet to keep himself fair and plump and so to excuse the
  • Eunuch his Keeper, Physicians will not deny, who acknowledge a very
  • nutritive and impinguating faculty in Pulses, in leguminous Food, and in
  • several sorts of Grains and Corns, is not like to be doubted by such who
  • consider that this was probably a great part of the Food of our
  • Forefathers before the Floud, the Diet also of _Jacob_: and that the
  • Romans (called therefore _Pultifagi_) fed much on Pulse for six hundred
  • years; that they had no Bakers for that time: and their Pistours were
  • such as, before the use of Mills, beat out and cleansed their Corn. As
  • also that the Athletick Diet was of Pulse, _Alphiton_, _Maza_, Barley
  • and Water; whereby they were advantaged sometimes to an exquisite state
  • of health, and such as was not without danger. And therefore though
  • _Daniel_ were no Eunuch, and of a more fatning and thriving temper, as
  • some have phancied, yet was he by this kind of Diet, sufficiently
  • maintained in a fair and carnous state of Body, and accordingly his
  • Picture not improperly drawn, that is, not meagre and lean, like
  • _Jeremy's_, but plump and fair, answerable to the most authentick
  • draught of the _Vatican_, and the late German _Luther's_ Bible.
  • The Cynicks in _Athenæus_ make iterated Courses of Lentils, and prefer
  • that Diet before the Luxury of _Seleucus_. The present Ægyptians, who
  • are observed by _Alpinus_ to be the fattest Nation, and Men to have
  • breasts like Women, owe much, as he conceiveth, unto the Water of
  • _Nile_, and their Diet of Rice, Pease, Lentils and white Cicers. The
  • Pulse-eating Cynicks and Stoicks, are all very long livers in
  • _Laertius_. And _Daniel_ must not be accounted of few years, who, being
  • carried away Captive in the Reign of _Joachim_, by King
  • _Nebuchadnezzar_, lived, by Scripture account, unto the first year of
  • _Cyrus_.
  • [Sidenote: Jacob's _Rods_. Gen. 30. 31.]
  • 16. _And Jacob took Rods of green Poplar, and of the Hazel and the
  • Chesnut Tree, and pilled white streaks in them, and made the white
  • appear which was in the Rods_, etc. Men multiply the Philosophy of
  • _Jacob_, who, beside the benediction of God, and the powerfull effects
  • of imagination, raised in the Goats and Sheep from pilled and
  • party-coloured objects, conceive that he chose out these particular
  • Plants above any other, because he understood they had a particular
  • virtue unto the intended effects, according unto the conception of
  • _Georgius Venetus_.[192]
  • [192] G. Venetus _Problem_ 200.
  • Whereto you will hardly assent, at least till you be better satisfied
  • and assured concerning the true species of the Plants intended in the
  • Text, or find a clearer consent and uniformity in the Translation: For
  • what we render Poplar, Hazel and Chesnut, the Greek translateth _Virgam
  • styracinam, nucinam, plataninam_, which some also render a Pomegranate:
  • and so observing this variety of interpretations concerning common and
  • known Plants among us, you may more reasonably doubt, with what
  • propriety or assurance others less known be sometimes rendred unto us.
  • [Sidenote: _Lilies of the Field._ Matt. 6. 28.]
  • 17. Whether in the Sermon of the Mount, the _Lilies of the Field_ did
  • point at the proper Lilies, or whether those Flowers grew wild in the
  • place where our Saviour preached, some doubt may be made: because Κρίνον
  • the word in that place is accounted of the same signification with
  • Λείριον, and that in _Homer_ is taken for all manner of specious
  • Flowers: so received by _Eustachius_, _Hesychius_, and the Scholiast
  • upon _Apollonius Rhodius_, Καθόλου τὰ ἄνθη Λείρια λέγεται. And Κρίνον
  • is also received in the same latitude, not signifying onely Lilies,
  • but applied unto Daffodils, Hyacinths, Iris's, and the Flowers of
  • _Colocynthis_.
  • Under the like latitude of acception, are many expressions in the
  • _Canticles_ to be received. And when it is said _he feedeth among the
  • Lilies_, therein may be also implied other specious Flowers, not
  • excluding the proper Lilies. But in that expression, _the Lilies drop
  • forth Myrrhe_, neither proper Lilies nor proper Myrrhe can be
  • apprehended, the one not proceeding from the other, but may be received
  • in a Metaphorical sense: and in some latitude may be also made out from
  • the roscid and honey drops observable in the Flowers of Martagon, and
  • inverted flowred Lilies, and, 'tis like, is the standing sweet Dew on
  • the white eyes of the Crown Imperial, now common among us.
  • And the proper Lily may be intended in that expression of 1 _Kings_ 7.
  • that the brazen Sea was of the thickness of a hand breadth, and the brim
  • like a Lily. For the figure of that Flower being round at the bottom,
  • and somewhat repandous, or inverted at the top, doth handsomely
  • illustrate the comparison.
  • But that the Lily of the Valley, mention'd in the _Canticles_[SN: Cant.
  • 2.], _I am the Rose of Sharon, and the Lily of the Valleys_, is that
  • Vegetable which passeth under the same name with us, that is _Lilium
  • convallium_, or the _May_ Lily, you will more hardly believe, who know
  • with what insatisfaction the most learned Botanists reduce that Plant
  • unto any described by the Ancients; that _Anguillara_ will have it to be
  • the _Oenanthe_ of _Athenæus_, _Cordus_ the _Pothos_ of _Theophrastus_;
  • and _Lobelius_ that the Greeks had not described it; who find not six
  • Leaves in the Flower agreeably to all Lilies, but onely six small
  • divisions in the Flower, who find it also to have a single, and no
  • bulbous Root, nor Leaves shooting about the bottom, nor the Stalk round,
  • but angular. And that the learned _Bauhinus_ hath not placed it in the
  • Classis of Lilies, but nervifolious Plants.
  • [Sidenote: _Fitches_, _Cummin_, &c. _in_ Isa. 28. 25]
  • 18. _Doth he not cast abroad the Fitches, and scatter the Cummin Seed,
  • and cast in the principal Wheat, and the appointed Barley, and the Rye
  • in their place_: Herein though the sense may hold under the names
  • assigned, yet is it not so easie to determine the particular Seeds and
  • Grains, where the obscure original causeth such differing Translations.
  • For in the Vulgar we meet with _Milium_ and Gith, which our Translation
  • declineth, placing Fitches for Gith, and Rye for _Milium_ or Millet,
  • which notwithstanding is retained by the Dutch.
  • That it might be _Melanthium_, _Nigella_, or Gith, may be allowably
  • apprehended, from the frequent use of the Seed thereof among the Jews
  • and other Nations, as also from the Translation of _Tremellius_; and
  • the Original implying a black Seed, which is less than Cummin, as, out
  • of _Aben Ezra_, _Buxtorfius_ hath expounded it.
  • But whereas _Milium_ or Κέγχρος of the Septuagint is by ours rendred
  • Rye, there is little similitude or affinity between those Grains; For
  • _Milium_ is more agreeable unto _Spelta_ or Espaut, as the Dutch and
  • others still render it.
  • That we meet so often with Cummin Seed in many parts of Scripture in
  • reference unto _Judæa_, a Seed so abominable at present unto our Palates
  • and Nostrils, will not seem strange unto any who consider the frequent
  • use thereof among the Ancients, not onely in medical but dietetical use
  • and practice: For their Dishes were filled therewith, and the noblest
  • festival preparations in _Apicius_ were not without it: And even in the
  • _Polenta_, and parched Corn, the old Diet of the Romans, (as _Pliny_
  • recordeth) unto every Measure they mixed a small proportion of Lin-seed
  • and Cummin-seed.
  • And so Cummin is justly set down among things of vulgar and common use,
  • when it is said in _Matthew_ 23. v. 23. _You pay Tithe of Mint, Annise
  • and Cummin_: but how to make out the translation of Annise we are still
  • to seek, there being no word in that Text which properly signifieth
  • Annise: the Original being Ἄνηθον, which the Latins call _Anethum_, and
  • is properly englished Dill.
  • That among many expressions, allusions and illustrations made in
  • Scripture from Corns, there is no mention made of Oats, so usefull a
  • Grain among us, will not seem very strange unto you, till you can
  • clearly discover that it was a Grain of ordinary use in those parts; who
  • may also find that _Theophrastus_, who is large about other Grains,
  • delivers very little of it. That _Dioscorides_ is also very short
  • therein. And _Galen_ delivers that it was of some use in _Asia minor_,
  • especially in _Mysia_, and that rather for Beasts than Men: And _Pliny_
  • affirmeth that the _Pulticula_ thereof was most in use among the
  • Germans. Yet that the Jews were not without all use of this Grain seems
  • confirmable from the Rabbinical account, who reckon five Grains liable
  • unto their Offerings, whereof the Cake presented might be made; that is,
  • Wheat, Oats, Rye, and two sorts of Barley.
  • [Sidenote: _Ears of Corn._ Matt. 12. 1.]
  • 19. Why the Disciples being hungry pluck'd the Ears of Corn, it seems
  • strange to us, who observe that men half starved betake not themselves
  • to such supply; except we consider the ancient Diet of _Alphiton_ and
  • _Polenta_, the Meal of dried and parched Corn, or that which was
  • Ὠμήλυσις, or Meal of crude and unparched Corn, wherewith they being well
  • acquainted, might hope for some satisfaction from the Corn yet in the
  • Husk; that is, from the nourishing pulp or mealy part within it.
  • [Sidenote: _Stubble of_ Ægypt Exod. 5.7, etc.]
  • 20. The inhumane oppression of the Ægyptian Task-masters, who, not
  • content with the common tale of Brick, took also from the Children of
  • Israel their allowance of _Straw_, and forced them to gather _Stubble_
  • where they could find it, will be more nearly apprehended, if we
  • consider how hard it was to acquire any quantity of Stubble in _Ægypt_,
  • where the Stalk of Corn was so short, that to acquire an ordinary
  • measure, it required more than ordinary labour; as is discoverable from
  • that account, which _Pliny_[193] hath happily left unto us. In the Corn
  • gather'd in _Ægypt_ the Straw is never a Cubit long: because the Seed
  • lieth very shallow, and hath no other nourishment than from the Mudd and
  • Slime left by the River; For under it is nothing but Sand and Gravel.
  • [193] _Lib. 18. Nat. Hist._
  • So that the expression of Scripture is more Emphatical than is commonly
  • apprehended, when 'tis said, _The people were scattered abroad through
  • all the Land of Ægypt to gather Stubble instead of Straw_. For the
  • Stubble being very short, the acquist was difficult; a few Fields
  • afforded it not, and they were fain to wander far to obtain a sufficient
  • quantity of it.
  • [Sidenote: _Flowers of the Vine._ Cant. 2. 13.]
  • 21. It is said in the _Song of Solomon_, that _the Vines with the tender
  • Grape give a good smell_. That the Flowers of the Vine should be
  • Emphatically noted to give a pleasant smell, seems hard unto our
  • Northern Nostrils, which discover not such Odours, and smell them not in
  • full Vineyards; whereas in hot Regions, and more spread and digested
  • Flowers, a sweet savour may be allowed, denotable from several humane
  • expressions, and the practice of the Ancients, in putting the dried
  • Flowers of the Vine into new Wine to give it a pure and flosculous race
  • or spirit, which Wine was therefore called Οἰνάθινον, allowing unto
  • every _Cadus_ two pounds of dried Flowers.
  • And, therefore, the Vine flowering but in the Spring, it cannot but seem
  • an impertinent objection of the Jews, that the Apostles were _full of
  • new Wine_ at _Pentecost_ when it was not to be found. Wherefore we may
  • rather conceive that the word Γλεύκυ[194] in that place implied
  • not _new Wine_ or _Must_, but some generous strong and sweet Wine,
  • wherein more especially lay the power of inebriation.
  • [194] Acts 2. 13.
  • But if it be to be taken for some kind of _Must_, it might be some kind
  • of Ἀεγίλευκος, or long-lasting _Must_, which might be had at any time of
  • the year, and which, as _Pliny_ delivereth, they made by hindring, and
  • keeping the _Must_ from fermentation or working, and so it kept soft and
  • sweet for no small time after.
  • [Sidenote: _The Olive Leaf in_ Gen. 8. 11.]
  • 22. When the _Dove_, sent out of the Ark, return'd with _a green Olive
  • Leaf_, according to the Original: how the Leaf, after ten Months, and
  • under water, should still maintain a verdure or greenness, need not much
  • amuse the Reader, if we consider that the Olive Tree is Ἀείφυλλον, or
  • continually green; that the Leaves are of a bitter taste, and of a fast
  • and lasting substance. Since we also find fresh and green Leaves among
  • the Olives which we receive from remote Countries; and since the Plants
  • at the bottom of the Sea, and on the sides of Rocks, maintain a deep and
  • fresh verdure.
  • How the Tree should stand so long in the Deluge under Water, may partly
  • be allowed from the uncertain determination of the Flows and Currents of
  • that time, and the qualification of the saltness of the Sea, by the
  • admixture of fresh Water, when the whole watery Element was together.
  • And it may be signally illustrated from the like examples in
  • _Theophrastus_[195] and _Pliny_[196] in words to this effect: Even the
  • Sea affordeth Shrubs and Trees; In the red Sea whole Woods do live,
  • namely of Bays and Olives bearing Fruit. The Souldiers of _Alexander_,
  • who sailed into _India_, made report, that the Tides were so high in
  • some Islands, that they overflowed, and covered the Woods, as high as
  • Plane and Poplar Trees. The lower sort wholly, the greater all but the
  • tops, whereto the Mariners fastned their Vessels at high Waters, and at
  • the root in the Ebb; That the Leaves of these Sea Trees while under
  • water looked green, but taken out presently dried with the heat of the
  • Sun. The like is delivered by _Theophrastus_, that some Oaks do grow and
  • bear Acrons under the Sea.
  • [195] Theophrast. _Hist. Lib. 4. Cap. 7. 8._
  • [196] Plin. _lib. 13. cap. ultimo._
  • [Sidenote: _Grain of Mustard-seed in S._ Matt 13. 31, 32.]
  • 23. _The Kingdom of Heaven is like to a grain of Mustard-seed, which a
  • Man took and sowed in his Field, which indeed is the least of all Seeds;
  • but when 'tis grown is the greatest among Herbs, and becometh a Tree, so
  • that the Birds of the Air come and lodge in the Branches thereof._
  • Luke 13. 19. _It is like a grain of Mustard-seed, which a Man took and
  • cast it into his Garden, and it waxed a great Tree, and the Fowls of the
  • Air lodged in the Branches thereof._
  • This expression by a grain of Mustard-seed, will not seem so strange
  • unto you, who well consider it. That it is simply the least of Seeds,
  • you cannot apprehend, if you have beheld the Seeds of _Rapunculus_,
  • Marjorane, Tobacco, and the smallest Seed of _Lunaria_.
  • But you may well understand it to be the smallest Seed among Herbs which
  • produce so big a Plant, or the least of herbal Plants, which arise unto
  • such a proportion, implied in the expression; _the smallest of Seeds_,
  • and _becometh the greatest of Herbs_.
  • And you may also grant that it is the smallest of Seeds of Plants apt to
  • δενδρίζειν, _arborescere_, _fruticescere_, or to grow unto a ligneous
  • substance, and from an herby and oleraceous Vegetable, to become a kind
  • of Tree, and to be accounted among the _Dendrolachana_, or
  • _Arboroleracea_; as upon strong Seed, Culture and good Ground, is
  • observable in some Cabbages, Mallows, and many more, and therefore
  • expressed by γίνεται τὸ δένδρον, and γίνεται εἰς τὸν δένδρον, it
  • becometh a Tree, or _arborescit_, as _Beza_ rendreth it.
  • Nor if warily considered doth the expression contain such difficulty.
  • For the Parable may not ground it self upon generals, or imply any or
  • every grain of Mustard, but point at such a grain as from its fertile
  • spirit, and other concurrent advantages, hath the success to become
  • arboreous, shoot into such a magnitude, and acquire the like tallness.
  • And unto such a Grain the Kingdom of Heaven is likened which from such
  • slender beginnings shall find such increase and grandeur.
  • The expression also that it might grow into such dimensions that Birds
  • might lodge in the Branches thereof, may be literally conceived; if we
  • allow the luxuriancy of plants in _Judæa_, above our Northern Regions;
  • If we accept of but half the Story taken notice of by Tremellius, from
  • the _Jerusalem Talmud_, of a Mustard Tree that was to be climbed like a
  • Figg Tree; and of another, under whose shade a Potter daily wrought: and
  • it may somewhat abate our doubts, if we take in the advertisement of
  • _Herodotus_ concerning lesser Plants of _Milium_ and _Sesamum_ in the
  • Babylonian Soil: _Milium ac Sesamum in proceritatem instar arborum
  • crescere, etsi mihi compertum, tamen memorare supersedeo, probè sciens
  • cis qui nunquam Babyloniam regionem adierunt perquam incredibile visum
  • iri._ We may likewise consider that the word κατασκηνῶσαι doth not
  • necessarily signifie _making a Nest_, but rather sitting, roosting,
  • covering and resting in the Boughs, according as the same word is used
  • by the _Septuagint_ in other places[197] as the Vulgar rendreth it in
  • this, _inhabitant_, as our Translation, _lodgeth_, and the Rhemish,
  • _resteth_ in the Branches.
  • [197] Dan. 4. 9. Ps. 1. 14. 12.
  • [Sidenote: _The Rod of_ Aaron. Numb. 17. 8.]
  • 24. _And it came to pass that on the morrow Moses went into the
  • Tabernacle of witness, and behold the Rod of Aaron for the House of Levi
  • was budded, and brought forth Buds, and bloomed Blossomes, and yielded
  • Almonds._ In the contention of the Tribes and decision of priority and
  • primogeniture of _Aaron_, declared by the Rod, which in a night budded,
  • flowred and brought forth Almonds, you cannot but apprehend a propriety
  • in the Miracle from that species of Tree which leadeth in the Vernal
  • germination of the year, unto all the Classes of Trees; and so apprehend
  • how properly in a night and short space of time the Miracle arose, and
  • somewhat answerable unto its nature the Flowers and Fruit appeared in
  • this precocious Tree, and whose original Name[198] implies such speedy
  • efflorescence, as in its proper nature flowering in _February_, and
  • shewing its Fruit in _March_.
  • [198] Sbacher _from_ Sbachar festinus fuit _or_ maturuit.
  • This consideration of that Tree maketh the expression in _Jeremy_[SN:
  • Jer. 1. 11.] more Emphatical, when 'tis said, _What seest thou? and he
  • said, A Rod of an Almond Tree. Then said the Lord unto me, Thou hast
  • well seen, for I will hasten the Word to perform it._ I will be quick
  • and forward like the Almond Tree, to produce the effects of my word, and
  • hasten to display my judgments upon them.
  • And we may hereby more easily apprehend the expression in
  • _Ecclesiastes_ [SN: Eccles. 12. 5.]; _When the Almond Tree shall
  • flourish_. That is when the Head, which is the prime part, and first
  • sheweth it self in the world, shall grow white, like the Flowers of the
  • Almond Tree, whose Fruit, as _Athenæus_ delivereth, was first called
  • Κάρηνον, or the Head, from some resemblance and covering parts of it.
  • How properly the priority was confirmed by a Rod or Staff, and why the
  • Rods and Staffs of the Princes were chosen for this decision,
  • Philologists will consider. For these were the badges, signs and
  • cognisances of their places, and were a kind of Sceptre in their hands,
  • denoting their supereminencies. The Staff of Divinity is ordinarily
  • described in the hands of Gods and Goddesses in old draughts. Trojan and
  • Grecian Princes were not without the like, whereof the Shoulders of
  • _Thersites_ felt from the hands of _Ulysses_. _Achilles_ in _Homer_, as
  • by a desperate Oath, swears by his wooden Sceptre, which should never
  • bud nor bear Leaves again; which seeming the greatest impossibility to
  • him, advanceth the Miracle of _Aaron's_ Rod. And if it could be well
  • made out that _Homer_ had seen the Books of _Moses_, in that expression
  • of _Achilles_, he might allude unto this Miracle.
  • That power which proposed the experiment by Blossomes in the Rod, added
  • also the Fruit of Almonds; the Text not strictly making out the Leaves,
  • and so omitting the middle germination: the Leaves properly coming after
  • the Flowers, and before the Almonds. And therefore if you have well
  • perused Medals, you cannot but observe how in the impress of many
  • Shekels, which pass among us by the name of the _Jerusalem_ Shekels, the
  • Rod of _Aaron_ is improperly laden with many Leaves, whereas that which
  • is shewn under the name of the Samaritan Shekel seems most conformable
  • unto the Text, which describeth the Fruit without Leaves.
  • [Sidenote: _The Vine in_ Gen. 49. 11.]
  • 25. _Binding his Foal unto the Vine, and his Asses Colt unto the choice
  • Vine._
  • That Vines, which are commonly supported, should grow so large and
  • bulky, as to be fit to fasten their Juments, and Beasts of labour unto
  • them, may seem a hard expression unto many: which notwithstanding may
  • easily be admitted, if we consider the account of _Pliny_, that in many
  • places out of _Italy_ Vines do grow without any stay or support: nor
  • will it be otherwise conceived of lusty Vines, if we call to mind how
  • the same Authour[199] delivereth, that the _Statua_ of _Jupiter_ was
  • made out of a Vine; and that out of one single Cyprian Vine a Scale or
  • Ladder was made that reached unto the Roof of the Temple of _Diana_ at
  • _Ephesus_.
  • [199] Plin. _lib. 14._
  • [Sidenote: _Rose of_ Jericho. Ecclus. 24. 14.]
  • 26. _I was exalted as a Palm Tree in Engaddi, and as a Rose Plant in
  • Jericho._ That the Rose of _Jericho_, or that Plant which passeth among
  • us under that denomination, was signified in this Text, you are not like
  • to apprehend with some, who also name it the _Rose of S. Mary_, and
  • deliver, that it openeth the Branches, and Flowers upon the Eve of our
  • Saviour's Nativity: But rather conceive it some proper kind of Rose,
  • which thrived and prospered in _Jericho_ more than in the neighbour
  • Countries. For our Rose of _Jericho_ is a very low and hard Plant, a few
  • inches above the ground; one whereof brought from _Judæa_ I have kept by
  • me many years, nothing resembling a Rose Tree, either in Flowers,
  • Branches, Leaves or Growth; and so, improper to answer the Emphatical
  • word of exaltation in the Text: growing not only about _Jericho_, but
  • other parts of _Judæa_ and _Arabia_, as _Bellonius_ hath observed: which
  • being a drie and ligneous Plant, is preserved many years, and though
  • crumpled and furdled up, yet, if infused in Water, will swell and
  • display its parts.
  • [Sidenote: _Turpentine Tree in_ Ecclus. 24. 16.]
  • 27. _Quasi Terebinthus extendi ramos_, when it is said in the same
  • Chapter, _as a Turpentine Tree have I stretched out my Branches_: it
  • will not seem strange unto such as have either seen that Tree, or
  • examined its description: For it is a Plant that widely displayeth its
  • Branches: and though in some European Countries it be but of a low and
  • fruticeous growth, yet _Pliny_[200] observeth that it is great in
  • _Syria_, and so allowably, or at least not improperly mentioned in the
  • expression of _Hosea_[201] according to the Vulgar Translation. _Super
  • capita montium sacrificant,_ etc. _sub quercu, populo et terebintho,
  • quoniam bona est umbra ejus._ And this diffusion and spreading of its
  • Branches, hath afforded the Proverb of _Terebintho stultior_, applicable
  • unto arrogant or boasting persons, who spread and display their own
  • acts, as _Erasmus_ hath observed.
  • [200] Terebinthus in Macedonia fruticat, in Syria, magna est. _Lib. 13._
  • Plin.
  • [201] Hosea. 4. 13.
  • [Sidenote: _Pomegranate in_ 1 Sam. 14. 2.]
  • 28. It is said in our Translation. _Saul tarried in the uppermost parts
  • of Gibeah, under a Pomegranate Tree which is in Migron: and the people
  • which were with him were about six hundred men._ And when it is said in
  • some Latin Translations, _Saul morabatur fixo tentorio sub Malogranato_,
  • you will not be ready to take in the common literal sense, who know that
  • a Pomegranate Tree is but low of growth, and very unfit to pitch a Tent
  • under it; and may rather apprehend it as the name of a place, or the
  • Rock of _Rimmon_, or Pomegranate; so named from Pomegranates which grew
  • there, and which many think to have been the same place mentioned in
  • _Judges_.[202]
  • [202] Judges 20. 45, 47. _Ch._ 21. 13.
  • [Sidenote: _A Green Field in_ Wisd. 19. 7.]
  • 29. It is said in the Book of _Wisedom_, _Where water stood before, drie
  • land appeared, and out of the red Sea a way appeared without impediment,
  • and out of the violent streams a green Field_; or as the Latin renders
  • it, _Campus germinans de profundo_: whereby it seems implied that the
  • Israelites passed over a green Field at the bottom of the Sea: and
  • though most would have this but a Metaphorical expression, yet may it be
  • literally tolerable; and so may be safely apprehended by those that
  • sensibly know what great number of Vegetables (as the several varieties
  • of _Alga's_, _Sea Lettuce_, _Phasganium_, _Conferua_, _Caulis Marina_,
  • _Abies_, _Erica_, _Tamarice_, divers sorts of _Muscus_, _Fucus_,
  • _Quercus Marina_ and _Corallins_) are found at the bottom of the Sea.
  • Since it is also now well known, that the Western Ocean, for many
  • degrees, is covered with _Sargasso_ or _Lenticula Marina_, and found to
  • arise from the bottom of that Sea; since, upon the coast of _Provence_
  • by the Isles of _Eres_, there is a part of the _Mediterranean Sea_,
  • called _la Prairie_, or the _Meadowy Sea_, from the bottom thereof so
  • plentifully covered with Plants: since vast heaps of Weeds are found in
  • the Bellies of some Whales taken in the Northern Ocean, and at a great
  • distance from the Shore: And since the providence of Nature hath
  • provided this shelter for minor Fishes; both for their spawn, and safety
  • of their young ones. And this might be more peculiarly allowed to be
  • spoken of the Red Sea, since the Hebrews named it _Suph_, or the _Weedy
  • Sea_: and, also, seeing _Theophrastus_ and _Pliny_, observing the growth
  • of Vegetables under water, have made their chief illustrations from
  • those in the Red Sea.
  • [Sidenote: _Sycamore._]
  • 30. You will readily discover how widely they are mistaken, who accept
  • the Sycamore mention'd in several parts of Scripture for the Sycamore,
  • or Tree of that denomination, with us: which is properly but one kind or
  • difference of _Acer_, and bears no Fruit with any resemblance unto a
  • Figg.
  • But you will rather, thereby, apprehend the true and genuine Sycamore,
  • or _Sycaminus_, which is a stranger in our parts. A Tree (according to
  • the description of _Theophrastus_, _Dioscorides_ and _Galen_) resembling
  • a Mulberry Tree in the Leaf, but in the Fruit a Figg; which it produceth
  • not in the Twiggs but in the Trunck or greater Branches, answerable to
  • the Sycamore of _Ægypt_, the Ægyptian Figg or Giamez of the Arabians,
  • described by _Prosper Alpinus_, with a Leaf somewhat broader than a
  • Mulberry, and in its Fruit like a Figg. Insomuch that some have fancied
  • it to have had its first production from a Figg Tree grafted on a
  • Mulberry.
  • It is a Tree common in _Judæa_, whereof they made frequent use in
  • Buildings; and so understood, it explaineth that expression in
  • _Isaiah_:[203] _Sycamori excisi sunt, Cedros substituemus. The Bricks
  • are fallen down, we will build with hewen Stones: The Sycamores are cut
  • down, but we will change them into Cedars._
  • [203] Isa. 9. 10
  • It is a broad spreading Tree, not onely fit for Walks, Groves and Shade,
  • but also affording profit. And therefore it is said that King
  • _David_[204] appointed _Baalhanan_ to be over his Olive Trees and
  • Sycamores, which were in great plenty; and it is accordingly
  • delivered,[205] that _Solomon made Cedars to be as the Sycamore Trees
  • that are in the Vale for abundance_. That is, he planted many, though
  • they did not come to perfection in his days.
  • [204] 1 Chron. 27. 28.
  • [205] 1 King. 10. 27.
  • And as it grew plentifully about the Plains, so was the Fruit good for
  • Food; and, as _Bellonius_ and late accounts deliver, very refreshing
  • unto Travellers in those hot and drie Countries: whereby the expression
  • of _Amos_[206] becomes more intelligible, when he said he was _an
  • Herdsman, and a gatherer of Sycamore Fruit_. And the expression of
  • _David_[207] also becomes more Emphatical; _He destroyed their Vines
  • with Hail, and their Sycamore Trees with Frost_. That is, their
  • _Sicmoth_ in the Original, a word in the sound not far from the
  • Sycamore.
  • [206] Amos 7. 14.
  • [207] Psal. 78 47.
  • Thus when it is said,[208] _If ye had Faith as a grain of Mustard-seed,
  • ye might say unto this Sycamine Tree, Be thou plucked up by the roots,
  • and be thou placed in the Sea, and it should obey you_: it might be more
  • significantly spoken of this Sycamore; this being described to be _Arbor
  • vasta_, a large and well rooted Tree, whose removal was more difficult
  • than many others. And so the instance in that Text, is very properly
  • made in the Sycamore Tree, one of the largest and less removable Trees
  • among them. A Tree so lasting and well rooted, that the Sycamore which
  • _Zacheus_ ascended, is still shewn in _Judæa_ unto Travellers; as also
  • the hollow Sycamore at _Maturæa_ in _Ægypt_, where the blessed Virgin is
  • said to have remained: which though it relisheth of the Legend, yet it
  • plainly declareth what opinion they had of the lasting condition of that
  • Tree, to countenance the Tradition; for which they might not be without
  • some experience, since the learned describer of the _Pyramides_[209]
  • observeth, that the old Ægyptians made Coffins of this Wood, which he
  • found yet fresh and undecayed among divers of their Mummies.
  • [208] Luk. 17. 6.
  • [209] D. Greaves.
  • And thus, also, when _Zacheus_ climbed up into a Sycamore above any
  • other Tree, this being a large and fair one, it cannot be denied that he
  • made choice of a proper and advantageous Tree to look down upon our
  • Saviour.
  • [Sidenote: _Increase of Seed 100. fold in_ Matt. 13. 23.]
  • 31. Whether the expression of our Saviour in the Parable of the Sower,
  • and the increase of the Seed _unto thirty, sixty and a hundred fold_,
  • had any reference unto the ages of Believers, and measures of their
  • Faith, as Children, Young and Old Persons, as to beginners, well
  • advanced and strongly confirmed Christians, as learned men have hinted;
  • or whether in this progressional assent there were any latent Mysteries,
  • as the mystical Interpreters of Numbers may apprehend, I pretend not to
  • determine.
  • But, how this multiplication may well be conceived, and in what way
  • apprehended, and that this centesimal increase is not naturally strange,
  • you that are no stranger in Agriculture, old and new, are not like to
  • make great doubt.
  • That every Grain should produce an Ear affording an hundred Grains, is
  • not like to be their conjecture who behold the growth of Corn in our
  • Fields, wherein a common Grain doth produce far less in number. For
  • barley consisting but of two _Versus_ or Rows, seldom exceedeth twenty
  • Grains, that is, ten upon each Στοῖχος, or Row; Rye, of a square figure,
  • is very fruitfull at forty: Wheat, besides the _Frit_ and _Uruncus_, or
  • imperfect Grains of the small Husks at the top and bottom of the Ear, is
  • fruitfull at ten treble _Glumæ_ or Husks in a Row, each containing but
  • three Grains in breadth, if the middle Grain arriveth at all to
  • perfection; and so maketh up threescore Grains in both sides.
  • Yet even this centesimal fructification may be admitted in some sorts of
  • _Cerealia_, and Grains from one Ear: if we take in the _Triticum
  • centigranum_, or _fertilissimum Plinii_, Indian Wheat, and _Panicum_;
  • which, in every Ear, containeth hundreds of Grains.
  • But this increase may easily be conceived of Grains in their total
  • multiplication, in good and fertile ground, since, if every Grain of
  • Wheat produceth but three Ears, the increase will arise above that
  • number. Nor are we without examples of some grounds which have produced
  • many more Ears, and above this centesimal increase: As _Pliny_ hath left
  • recorded of the _Byzacian_ Field in _Africa_. _Misit ex eo loco
  • Procurator ex uno quadraginta minus germina. Misit et Neroni pariter
  • tercentum quadraginta stipulos, ex uno grano. Cum centessimos quidem
  • Leontini Siciliæ campi fundunt, aliique, et tota Bœtica, et imprimis
  • Ægyptus._ And even in our own Country, from one Grain of Wheat sowed in
  • a Garden, I have numbred many more than an hundred.
  • And though many Grains are commonly lost which come not to sprouting or
  • earing, yet the same is also verified in measure; as that one Bushel
  • should produce a hundred, as is exemplified by the Corn in _Gerar_;[210]
  • _Then Isaac sowed in that Land, and received in that year an hundred
  • fold_. That is, as the Chaldee explaineth it, _a hundred for one_, when
  • he measured it. And this _Pliny_ seems to intend, when he saith of the
  • fertile Byzacian Territory before mentioned, _Ex uno centeni
  • quinquaginta modii redduntur_. And may be favourably apprehended of the
  • fertility of some grounds in _Poland_; wherein, after the account of
  • _Gaguinus_, from Rye sowed in _August_, come thirty or forty Ears, and a
  • Man on Horseback can scarce look over it. In the Sabbatical Crop of
  • _Judæa_, there must be admitted a large increase, and probably not short
  • of this centesimal multiplication: For it supplied part of the sixth
  • year, the whole seventh, and eighth untill the Harvest of that year.
  • [210] Gen. 26. 12.
  • The _seven years of plenty in Ægypt_ must be of high increase; when, by
  • storing up but the fifth part, they supplied the whole Land, and many of
  • their neighbours after: for it is said,[211] the Famine was in all the
  • Land about them. And therefore though the causes of the Dearth in
  • _Ægypt_ be made out from the defect of the overflow of _Nilus_,
  • according to the Dream of _Pharaoh_; yet was that no cause of the
  • scarcity of the Land of _Canaan_, which may rather be ascribed to the
  • want of the former and latter rains, for some succeeding years, if their
  • Famine held time and duration with that of _Ægypt_; as may be probably
  • gather'd from that expression of _Joseph_,[212] _Come down unto me [into
  • Ægypt] and tarry not, and there will I nourish you: (for yet there are
  • five years of Famine) lest thou and thy Household, and all that thou
  • hast come to poverty_.
  • [211] Gen. 41. 56.
  • [212] Gen. 45. 9, 11.
  • How they preserved their Corn so long in _Ægypt_ may seem hard unto
  • Northern and moist Climates, except we consider the many ways of
  • preservation practised by antiquity, and also take in that handsome
  • account of _Pliny_; What Corn soever is laid up in the Ear, it taketh no
  • harm keep it as long as you will; although the best and most assured way
  • to keep Corn is in Caves and Vaults under ground, according to the
  • practice of _Cappadocia_ and _Thracia_.
  • In _Ægypt_ and _Mauritania_ above all things they look to this, that
  • their Granaries stand on high ground; and how drie so ever their Floor
  • be, they lay a course of Chaff betwixt it and the ground. Besides, they
  • put up their Corn in Granaries and Binns together with the Ear. And
  • _Varro_ delivereth that Wheat laid up in that manner will last fifty
  • years; Millet an hundred; and Beans so conserved in a Cave of
  • _Ambracia_, were known to last an hundred and twenty years; that is,
  • from the time of King _Pyrrhus_, unto the Pyratick War under the conduct
  • of _Pompey_.
  • More strange it may seem how, after seven years, the Grains conserved
  • should be fruitfull for a new production. For it is said that _Joseph
  • delivered Seed unto the Ægyptians, to sow their Land for the eighth
  • year_: and Corn after seven years is like to afford little or no
  • production, according to _Theophrastus_;[213] _Ad Sementem semen
  • anniculum optimum putatur, binum deterius et trinum; ultra sterile fermè
  • est, quanquam ad usum cibarium idoneum_.
  • [213] Theoph. _Hist. l. 8_.
  • Yet since, from former exemplifications, Corn may be made to last so
  • long, the fructifying power may well be conceived to last in some good
  • proportion, according to the region and place of its conservation, as
  • the same _Theophrastus_ hath observed, and left a notable example from
  • _Cappadocia_, where Corn might be kept sixty years, and remain fertile
  • at forty; according to his expression thus translated; _In Cappadociæ
  • loco quodam petra dicto, triticum ad quadraginta annos fœcundum est, at
  • ad sementem percommodum durare proditum est, sexagenos aut septuagenos
  • ad usum cibarium servari posse idoneum._ The situation of that
  • Conservatory, was, as he delivereth, ἱψηλὸν, εὔπνουν, εὔαυρον, _high,
  • airy and exposed to several favourable winds_. And upon such
  • consideration of winds and ventilation, some conceive the Ægyptian
  • Granaries were made open, the Country being free from rain. Howsoever it
  • was, that contrivance could not be without some hazard:[214] for the
  • great Mists and Dews of that Country might dispose the Corn unto
  • corruption.
  • [214] Ægypt ὁμιχλὼδης, καὶ δρόσερος _Vid._ Theophrastum
  • More plainly may they mistake, who from some analogy of name (as if
  • _Pyramid_ were derived from Πύρον, _Triticum_), conceive the
  • Ægyptian Pyramids to have been built for Granaries; or look for any
  • settled Monuments about the Desarts erected for that intention; since
  • their Store-houses were made in the great Towns, according to Scripture
  • expression,[215] _He gathered up all the Food of seven years, which was
  • in the Land of Ægypt, and laid up the Food in the Cities: the Food of
  • the Field which was round about every City, laid he up in the same_.
  • [215] Gen. 41. 48.
  • [Sidenote: _Olive Tree in_ Rom. 11. 24.]
  • 32. _For if thou wert cut out of the Olive Tree, which is wild by
  • nature, and wert grafted, contrary to nature, into a good Olive Tree,
  • how much more shall these, which be the natural Branches, be grafted
  • into their own Olive Tree?_ In which place, how answerable to the
  • Doctrine of Husbandry this expression of S. _Paul_ is, you will readily
  • apprehend who understand the rules of insition or grafting, and that way
  • of vegetable propagation; wherein that is contrary to nature, or natural
  • rules which Art observeth: _viz._ to make use of a Cyons more ignoble
  • than the Stock, or to graft wild upon domestick and good Plants,
  • according as _Theophrastus_[216] hath anciently observed, and, making
  • instance in the Olive, hath left this Doctrine unto us; _Urbanum
  • Sylvestribus ut satis Oleastris inserere. Nam si è contrario Sylvestrem
  • in Urbanos severis, etsi differentia quædam erit, tamen[217] bonæ frugis
  • Arbor nunquam profecto reddetur_: which is also agreeable unto our
  • present practice, who graft Pears on Thorns, and Apples upon Crabb
  • Stocks, not using the contrary insition. And when it is said, _How much
  • more shall these, which are the natural Branches, be grafted into their
  • own natural Olive Tree?_ this is also agreeable unto the rule of the
  • same Author; Ἔστι δὲ βελτίων ἐγκεντρισμὸς, ὁμοίων εἰς ὅμοια, _Insitio
  • melior est similium in similibus_: For the nearer consanguinity there is
  • between the Cyons and the Stock, the readier comprehension is made, and
  • the nobler fructification. According also unto the later caution of
  • _Laurenbergius_;[218] _Arbores domesticæ insitioni destinatæ, semper
  • anteponendæ Sylvestribus_. And though the success be good, and may
  • suffice upon Stocks of the same denomination; yet, to be grafted upon
  • their own and Mother Stock, is the nearest insition: which way, though
  • less practised of old, is now much imbraced, and found a notable way for
  • melioration of the Fruit; and much the rather, if the Tree to be grafted
  • on be a good and generous Plant, a good and fair Olive, as the Apostle
  • seems to imply by a peculiar word[219] scarce to be found elsewhere.
  • [216] De causis Plant. _Lib. 1. Cap. 7_.
  • [217] Καλλικαρπεῖν οὑκ ἔξει.
  • [218] De horticultura.
  • [219] Καλλιέλαιον Rom. 11. 42.
  • It must be also considered, that the _Oleaster_, or wild Olive, by
  • cutting, transplanting and the best managery of Art, can be made but to
  • produce such Olives as (_Theophrastus_ saith) were particularly named
  • _Phaulia_, that is, but _bad Olives_; and that it was reckon'd among
  • Prodigies, for the _Oleaster_ to become an Olive Tree.
  • And when insition and grafting, in the Text, is applied unto the Olive
  • Tree, it hath an Emphatical sense, very agreeable unto that Tree which
  • is best propagated this way; not at all by surculation, as
  • _Theophrastus_ observeth, nor well by Seed, as hath been observed. _Omne
  • semen simile genus perficit, præter oleam, Oleastrum enim generat, hoc
  • est sylvestrem oleam, et non oleam veram._
  • "If, therefore, thou Roman and Gentile Branch, which wert cut from the
  • wild Olive, art now, by the signal mercy of God, beyond the ordinary and
  • commonly expected way, grafted into the true Olive, the Church of God;
  • if thou, which neither naturally nor by humane art canst be made to
  • produce any good Fruit, and, next to a Miracle, to be made a true Olive,
  • art now by the benignity of God grafted into the proper Olive; how much
  • more shall the Jew, and natural Branch, be grafted into its genuine and
  • mother Tree, wherein propinquity of nature is like, so readily and
  • prosperously, to effect a coalition? And this more especially by the
  • expressed way of insition or implantation, the Olive being not
  • successfully propagable by Seed, nor at all by surculation."
  • [Sidenote: _Stork nesting on Firre Trees in_ Psal. 104. 17.]
  • 33. _As for the Stork, the Firre Trees are her House._ This expression,
  • in our Translation, which keeps close to the Original _Chasidah_, is
  • somewhat different from the Greek and Latin Translation; nor agreeable
  • unto common observation, whereby they are known commonly to build upon
  • Chimneys, or the tops of Houses, and high Buildings, which
  • notwithstanding, the common Translation may clearly consist with
  • observation, if we consider that this is commonly affirmed of the black
  • Stork, and take notice of the description of _Ornithologus_ in
  • _Aldrovandus_, that such Storks are often found in divers parts, and
  • that they do _in Arboribus nidulari, præsertim in abietibus_; Make their
  • Nests on Trees, especially upon Firre Trees. Nor wholly disagreeing unto
  • the practice of the common white Stork, according unto _Varro_,
  • _nidulantur in agris_: and the concession of _Aldrovandus_ that
  • sometimes they build on Trees: and the assertion of _Bellonius_,[220]
  • that men dress them Nests, and place Cradles upon high Trees, in Marish
  • regions, that Storks may breed upon them: which course some observe for
  • Herns and Cormorants with us. And this building of Storks upon Trees,
  • may be also answerable unto the original and natural way of building of
  • Storks before the political habitations of men, and the raising of
  • Houses and high Buildings; before they were invited by such conveniences
  • and prepared Nests, to relinquish their natural places of nidulation. I
  • say, before or where such advantages are not ready; when Swallows found
  • other places than Chimneys, and Daws found other places than holes in
  • high Fabricks to build in.
  • [220] Bellonius _de Avibus_.
  • [Sidenote: _Balm, in_ Gen. 43. 11.]
  • 34. _And, therefore, Israel said carry down the man a present, a little
  • Balm, a little Honey, and Myrrhe, Nuts and Almonds._ Now whether this,
  • which _Jacob_ sent, were the proper Balsam extolled by humane Writers,
  • you cannot but make some doubt, who find the Greek Translation to be
  • Ῥητίνη, that is, _Resina_, and so may have some suspicion that it might
  • be some pure distillation from the Turpentine Tree, which grows
  • prosperously and plentifully in _Judæa_, and seems so understood by the
  • Arabick; and was indeed esteemed by _Theophrastus_ and _Dioscorides_,
  • the chiefest of resinous Bodies, and the word _Resina_ Emphatically used
  • for it.
  • That the Balsam Plant hath grown and prospered in _Judæa_ we believe
  • without dispute. For the same is attested by _Theophrastus_, _Pliny_,
  • _Justinus_, and many more; from the commendation that _Galen_ affordeth
  • of the Balsam of _Syria_, and the story of _Cleopatra_, that she
  • obtain'd some Plants of Balsam from _Herod_ the Great to transplant into
  • _Ægypt_. But whether it was so anciently in _Judæa_ as the time of
  • _Jacob_; nay, whether this Plant was here before the time of _Solomon_,
  • that great collectour of Vegetable rarities, some doubt may be made from
  • the account of _Josephus_, that the Queen of _Sheba_, a part of
  • _Arabia_, among presents unto _Solomon_, brought some Plants of the
  • Balsam Tree, as one of the peculiar estimables of her Country.
  • Whether this ever had its natural growth, or were an original native
  • Plant of _Judæa_, much more that it was peculiar unto that Country, a
  • greater doubt may arise: while we reade in _Pausanias_, _Strabo_ and
  • _Diodorus,_ that it grows also in _Arabia_, and find in
  • _Theophrastus_,[221] that it grew in two Gardens about _Jericho_ in
  • _Judæa_. And more especially whiles we seriously consider that notable
  • discourse between _Abdella_, _Abdachim_ and _Alpinus_, concluding the
  • natural and original place of this singular Plant to be in _Arabia_,
  • about _Mecha_ and _Medina_, where it still plentifully groweth, and
  • Mountains abound therein. From whence it hath been carefully
  • transplanted by the _Basha's_ of _Grand Cairo_, into the Garden of
  • _Matarea_; where, when it dies, it is repaired again from those parts of
  • _Arabia_, from whence the _Grand Signior_ yearly receiveth a present of
  • Balsam from the _Xeriff_ of _Mecha_, still called by the Arabians
  • _Balessan_; whence they believe arose the Greek appellation _Balsam_.
  • And since these Balsam-plants are not now to be found in _Judæa_, and
  • though purposely cultivated, are often lost in _Judæa_, but
  • everlastingly live, and naturally renew in _Arabia_; They probably
  • concluded, that those of _Judæa_ were foreign and transplanted from
  • these parts.
  • [221] Theophrast. _l. 9. c. 6_.
  • All which notwithstanding, since the same Plant may grow naturally and
  • spontaneously in several Countries, and either from inward or outward
  • causes be lost in one Region, while it continueth and subsisteth in
  • another, the Balsam Tree might possibly be a native of _Judæa_ as well
  • as of _Arabia_; which because _de facto_ it cannot be clearly made out,
  • the ancient expressions of Scripture become doubtfull in this point. But
  • since this Plant hath not, for a long time, grown in _Judæa_, and still
  • plentifully prospers in _Arabia_, that which now comes in pretious
  • parcels to us, and still is called the Balsam of _Judæa_, may now
  • surrender its name, and more properly be called the Balsam of _Arabia_.
  • [Sidenote: _Barley Flax, &c. in_ Exod. 9. 31.]
  • 35. _And the Flax and the Barley was smitten; for the Barley was in the
  • Ear, and the Flax was bolled, but the Wheat and the Rye was not smitten,
  • for they were not grown up._[222] How the Barley and the Flax should be
  • smitten in the plague of Hail in _Ægypt_, and the Wheat and Rye escape,
  • because they were not yet grown up, may seem strange unto English
  • observers, who call Barley Summer Corn sown so many months after Wheat,
  • and, beside _hordeum Polystichon_, or big Barley, sowe not Barley in the
  • Winter, to anticipate the growth of Wheat.
  • [222] Linum folliculos germinavit, σπερματίζον _Septuag._ Serotina,
  • _Lat._ ὄψιμα, _Gr._
  • And the same may also seem a preposterous expression unto all who do
  • not consider the various Agriculture, and different Husbandry of
  • Nations, and such as was practised in _Ægypt_, and fairly proved to have
  • been also used in _Judæa_, wherein their Barley Harvest was before that
  • of Wheat; as is confirmable from that expression in _Ruth_, that she
  • _came into Bethlehem at the beginning of Barley Harvest_, and staid unto
  • the end of Wheat Harvest; from the death of _Manasses_ the Father of
  • _Judith_, Emphatically expressed to have happened in the Wheat Harvest,
  • and more advanced heat of the Sun; and from the custom of the Jews, to
  • offer the Barley Sheaf of the first fruits in _March_, and a Cake of
  • Wheat Flower but at the end of _Pentecost_. Consonant unto the practice
  • of the Ægyptians, who (as _Theophrastus_ delivereth) sowed their Barley
  • early in reference to their first Fruits; and also the common rural
  • practice, recorded by the same Authour, _Maturè seritur Triticum,
  • Hordeum, quod etiam maturius seritur; Wheat and Barley are sowed early,
  • but Barley earlier of the two_.
  • Flax was also an early Plant, as may be illustrated from the neighbour
  • Country of _Canaan_. For the Israelites kept the Passover in _Gilgal_ in
  • the fourteenth day of the first Month, answering unto part of our
  • _March_, having newly passed _Jordan_: And the Spies which were sent
  • from _Shittim_ unto _Jericho_, not many days before, were hid by _Rahab_
  • under the stalks of Flax, which lay drying on the top of her House;
  • which sheweth that the Flax was already and newly gathered. For this was
  • the first preparation of Flax, and before fluviation or rotting, which,
  • after _Pliny's_ account, was after Wheat Harvest.
  • _But the Wheat and the Rye were not smitten, for they were not grown
  • up._ The Original signifies that it was _hidden_, or _dark_, the Vulgar
  • and Septuagint that it was _serotinous_ or _late_, and our old
  • Translation that it was _late sown_. And so the expression and
  • interposition of _Moses_, who well understood the Husbandry of _Ægypt_,
  • might Emphatically declare the state of Wheat and Rye in that particular
  • year; and if so, the same is solvable from the time of the floud of
  • _Nilus_, and the measure of its inundation. For if it were very high,
  • and over-drenching the ground, they were forced to later Seed-time; and
  • so the Wheat and the Rye escaped; for they were more slowly growing
  • Grains, and, by reason of the greater inundation of the River, were sown
  • later than ordinary that year, especially in the Plains near the River,
  • where the ground drieth latest.
  • Some think the plagues of _Ægypt_ were acted in one Month, others but in
  • the compass of twelve. In the delivery of Scripture there is no account,
  • of what time of the year or particular Month they fell out; but the
  • account of these grains, which were either smitten or escaped, make the
  • plague of Hail to have probably hapned in _February_: This may be
  • collected from the new and old account of the Seed time and Harvest in
  • _Ægypt_. For, according to the account of _Radzevil_,[223] the river
  • rising in _June_, and the Banks being cut in _September_, they sow about
  • S. _Andrews_, when the Floud is retired, and the moderate driness of the
  • ground permitteth. So that the Barley anticipating the Wheat, either in
  • time of sowing or growing, might be in Ear in _February_.
  • [223] Radzevil's _Travels_.
  • The account of _Pliny_[224] is little different. They cast the Seed upon
  • the Slime and Mudd when the River is down, which commonly happeneth in
  • the beginning of _November_. They begin to reap and cut down a little
  • before the Calends of _April_, about the middle of _March_, and in the
  • Month of _May_ their Harvest is in. So that Barley anticipating Wheat,
  • it might be in Ear in _February_, and Wheat not yet grown up, at least
  • to the Spindle or Ear, to be destroyed by the Hail. For they cut down
  • about the middle of _March_, at least their forward Corns, and in the
  • Month of _May_ all sorts of Corns were in.
  • [224] Plin. _lib. 18. cap. 18_.
  • The _turning of the River into Bloud_ shews in what Month this happened
  • not. That is, not when the River had overflown; for it is said, _the
  • Ægyptians digged round about the River for Water to drink_, which they
  • could not have done, if the River had been out, and the Fields under
  • Water.
  • In the same Text you cannot, without some hesitation, pass over the
  • translation of Rye, which the Original nameth _Cassumeth_, the Greek
  • rendreth _Olyra_, the French and Dutch _Spelta_, the Latin _Zea_, and
  • not _Secale_ the known word for Rye. But this common Rye so well
  • understood at present, was not distinctly described, or not well known
  • from early Antiquity. And therefore, in this uncertainty, some have
  • thought it to have been the _Typha_ of the Ancients. _Cordus_ will have
  • it to be _Olyra_, and _Ruellius_ some kind of _Oryza_. But having no
  • vulgar and well known name for those Grains, we warily embrace an
  • appellation of near affinity, and tolerably render it _Rye_.
  • While Flax, Barley, Wheat and Rye are named, some may wonder why no
  • mention is made of Ryce, wherewith, at present, _Ægypt_ so much
  • aboundeth. But whether that Plant grew so early in that Country, some
  • doubt may be made: for Ryce is originally a Grain of _India_, and might
  • not then be transplanted into _Ægypt_.
  • [Sidenote: _Sheaves of Grass, in_ Psal. 12. 6, 7.]
  • 36. _Let them become as the Grass growing upon the House top, which
  • withereth before it be plucked up, whereof the mower filleth not his
  • hand, nor he that bindeth Sheaves his bosome._ Though the _filling of
  • the hand_, and mention of _Sheaves of Hay_, may seem strange unto us,
  • who use neither handfulls nor Sheaves in that kind of Husbandry, yet may
  • it be properly taken, and you are not like to doubt thereof, who may
  • find the like expressions in the Authours _de Re rustica_, concerning
  • the old way of this Husbandry.
  • _Columella_,[225] delivering what Works were not to be permitted upon
  • the Roman _Feriæ_, or Festivals, among others sets down, that upon such
  • days, it was not lawfull to carry or bind up Hay, _nec fœnum vincire
  • nec vehere, per religiones Ponteficum licet_.
  • [225] Columella _lib. 2 cap. 22_.
  • _Marcus Varro_[226] is more particular; _Primum de pratis herbarum cum
  • crescere desiit, subsecari falcibus debet, et quoad peracescat furcillis
  • versari, cum peracuit, de his manipulos fieri et vehi in villam_.
  • [226] Varro _lib. 1. cap. 49_.
  • And their course of mowing seems somewhat different from ours. For they
  • cut not down clear at once, but used an after section, which they
  • peculiarly called _Sicilitium_, according as the word is expounded by
  • _Georgius Alexandrinus_, and _Beroaldus_ after _Pliny_; _Sicilire est
  • falcibus consectari quæ fœnisecæ præterierunt, aut ea secare quæ
  • fœnisecæ præterierunt_.
  • [Sidenote: _Juniper Tree, in_ 1 King. 19. 5, etc.]
  • 37. When 'tis said that _Elias_ lay and slept under a Juniper Tree,
  • some may wonder how that Tree, which in our parts groweth but low and
  • shrubby, should afford him shade and covering. But others know that
  • there is a lesser and a larger kind of that Vegetable; that it makes a
  • Tree in its proper soil and region. And may find in _Pliny_ that in the
  • Temple of _Diana Saguntina_ in _Spain_, the Rafters were made of
  • Juniper.
  • In that expression of _David_,[227] _Sharp Arrows of the mighty, with
  • Coals of Juniper_; Though Juniper be left out in the last Translation,
  • yet may there be an Emphatical sense from that word; since Juniper
  • abounds with a piercing Oil, and makes a smart Fire. And the rather, if
  • that quality be half true, which _Pliny_ affirmeth, that the Coals of
  • Juniper raked up will keep a glowing Fire for the space of a year. For
  • so the expression will Emphatically imply, not onely the _smart burning,
  • but the lasting fire of their malice_.
  • [227] Psal. 120. 4.
  • That passage of _Job_,[228] wherein he complains that poor and half
  • famished fellows despised him, is of greater difficulty; _For want and
  • famine they were solitary, they cut up Mallows by the Bushes, and
  • Juniper roots for meat_. Wherein we might at first doubt the
  • Translation, not onely from the Greek Text but the assertion of
  • _Dioscorides_, who affirmeth that the roots of Juniper are of a venomous
  • quality. But _Scaliger_ hath disproved the same from the practice of the
  • African Physicians, who use the decoction of Juniper roots against the
  • Venereal Disease. The Chaldee reads it _Genista_, or some kind of Broom,
  • which will be also unusual and hard Diet, except thereby we understand
  • the _Orobanche_, or Broom Rape, which groweth from the roots of Broom;
  • and which, according to _Dioscorides_, men used to eat raw or boiled in
  • the manner of _Asparagus_.
  • [228] Job 30. 3, 4.
  • And, therefore, this expression doth highly declare the misery, poverty
  • and extremity of the persons who were now mockers of him; they being so
  • contemptible and necessitous, that they were fain to be content, not
  • with a mean Diet, but such as was no Diet at all, the roots of Trees,
  • the roots of Juniper, which none would make use of for Food, but in the
  • lowest necessity, and some degree of famishing.
  • [Sidenote: _Scarlet Tincture, in_ Gen. 38. 28. Exod. 25. 4, etc.]
  • 38. While some have disputed whether _Theophrastus_ knew the Scarlet
  • Berry, others may doubt whether that noble tincture were known unto the
  • Hebrews, which notwithstanding seems clear from the early and iterated
  • expressions of Scripture concerning the Scarlet Tincture, and is the
  • less to be doubted because the Scarlet Berry grew plentifully in the
  • Land of _Canaan_, and so they were furnished with the Materials of that
  • Colour. For though _Dioscorides_ saith it groweth in _Armenia_ and
  • _Cappadocia_, yet that it also grew in _Judæa_, seems more than probable
  • from the account of _Bellonius_, who observed it to be so plentifull in
  • that Country, that it afforded a profitable Commodity, and great
  • quantity thereof was transported by the Venetian Merchants.
  • How this should be fitly expressed by the word _Tolagnoth_, _Vermis_, or
  • _Worm_, may be made out from _Pliny_, who calls it _Coccus Scolecius_,
  • or the _Wormy Berry_; as also from the name of that Colour called
  • _Vermilion_, or the _Worm Colour_; and which is also answerable unto the
  • true nature of it. For this is no proper Berry containing the
  • fructifying part, but a kind of Vessicular excrescence, adhering
  • commonly to the Leaf of the _Ilex Coccigera_, or dwarf and small kind of
  • Oak, whose Leaves are always green, and its proper seminal parts
  • Acrons. This little Bagg containeth a red Pulp, which, if not timely
  • gathered, or left to it self, produceth small red Flies, and partly a
  • red powder, both serviceable unto the tincture. And therefore, to
  • prevent the generation of Flies, when it is first gathered, they
  • sprinkle it over with Vinegar, especially such as make use of the fresh
  • Pulp for the confection of _Alkermes_; which still retaineth the Arabick
  • name, from the _Kermesberry_; which is agreeable unto the description of
  • _Bellonius_ and _Quinqueranus_. And the same we have beheld in
  • _Provence_ and _Languedock_, where it is plentifully gathered, and
  • called _Manna Rusticorum_, from the considerable profit which the
  • Peasants make by gathering of it.
  • [Sidenote: _Oaks, in_ Gen. 35. 4, 8. Josh. 24. 26. Isa. 1. 29. Ezek. 27.
  • 6. Hosea. 4. 13, etc.]
  • 39. Mention is made of Oaks in divers parts of Scripture, which though
  • the Latin sometimes renders a Turpentine Tree, yet surely some kind of
  • Oak may be understood thereby; but whether our common Oak as is commonly
  • apprehended, you may well doubt; for the common Oak, which prospereth so
  • well with us, delighteth not in hot regions. And that diligent Botanist
  • _Bellonius_, who took such particular notice of the Plants of _Syria_
  • and _Judæa_, observed not the vulgar Oak in those parts. But he found
  • the _Ilex_, _Chesne Vert_, or Ever-green Oak, in many places; as also
  • that kind of Oak which is properly named _Esculus_: and he makes mention
  • thereof in places about _Jerusalem_, and in his Journey from thence unto
  • _Damascus_, where he found _Montes Ilice, et Esculo virentes_; which, in
  • his Discourse of _Lemnos_, he saith are always green. And therefore when
  • it is said[229] of _Absalom_, that his _Mule went under the thick Boughs
  • of a great Oak, and his Head caught hold of the Oak, and he was taken up
  • between the Heaven and the Earth_, that Oak might be some _Ilex_, or
  • rather _Esculus_. For that is a thick and bushy kind, in _Orbem comosa_,
  • as _Dale-champius_; _ramis in orbem dispositis comans_, as _Renealmus_
  • describeth it. And when it is said[230] that _Ezechias broke down the
  • Images, and cut down the Groves_, they might much consist of Oaks, which
  • were sacred unto Pagan Deities, as this more particularly, according to
  • that of _Virgil_,
  • _Nemorúmque Jovi quæ maxima frondet Esculus._
  • And, in _Judæa_, where no hogs were eaten by the Jews, and few kept by
  • others, 'tis not unlikely that they most cherished the _Esculus_, which
  • might serve for Food of men. For the Acrons thereof are the sweetest of
  • any Oak, and taste like Chesnuts; and so producing an edulious or
  • esculent Fruit, is properly named _Esculus_.
  • [229] 2 Sam. 18. 9, 14.
  • [230] 2 King. 18. 4.
  • They which know the _Ilex_, or Ever-green Oak, with somewhat prickled
  • leaves, named Πρίνος, will better understand the irreconcileable answer
  • of the two Elders, when the one accused _Susanna_ of incontinency under
  • a Πρίνος, or Ever-green Oak, the other under a Σχῖνος, _Lentiscus_, or
  • Mastick Tree, which are so different in Bigness, Boughs, Leaves and
  • Fruit, the one bearing Acrons, the other Berries: And, without the
  • knowledge hereof, will not Emphatically or distinctly understand that of
  • the Poet,
  • _Flaváque de viridi stillabant Ilice mella._
  • [Sidenote: _Cedars of_ Libanus.]
  • 40. When we often meet with the Cedars of _Libanus_, that expression may
  • be used not onely because they grew in a known and neighbour Country,
  • but also because they were of the noblest and largest kind of that
  • Vegetable, and we find the Phœnician Cedar magnified by the Ancients.
  • The Cedar of _Libanus_ is a _coniferous_ Tree, bearing _Cones_ or
  • Cloggs; (not Berries) of such a vastness, that _Melchior Lussy_, a great
  • Traveller, found one upon _Libanus_ as big as seven men could compass.
  • Some are now so curious as to keep the Branches and _Cones_ thereof
  • among their rare Collections. And, though much Cedar Wood be now brought
  • from _America_, yet 'tis time to take notice of the true Cedar of
  • _Libanus_, imployed in the Temple of _Solomon_; for they have been much
  • destroyed and neglected, and become at last but thin. _Bellonius_ could
  • reckon but twenty eight, _Rowolfius_ and _Radzevil_ but twenty four, and
  • _Bidulphus_ the same number. And a later account[231] of some English
  • Travellers saith, that they are now but in one place, and in a small
  • compass, in _Libanus_.
  • [231] _A journey to_ Jerusalem, 1672.
  • [Sidenote: _Uncircumcised Fruit, in_ Levit. 19. 23.]
  • _Quando ingressi fueritis terram, et Plantaveritis in illa ligna
  • Pomifera, auferetis præputia eorum. Poma quæ germinant immunda erunt
  • vobis, nec edetis ex eis. Quarto autem anno, omnis fructus eorum
  • sanctificabitur, laudabilis Domino. Quinto autem anno comedetis
  • fructus._ By this Law they were injoyned not to eat of the Fruits of the
  • Trees which they planted for the _first three years_: and, as the Vulgar
  • expresseth it, to take away the Prepuces, from such Trees, during that
  • time; the Fruits of _the fourth year being holy unto the Lord_, and
  • those of the fifth allowable unto others. Now if _auferre præputia_ be
  • taken, as many learned men have thought, to pluck away the bearing Buds,
  • before they proceed unto Flowers or Fruit, you will readily apprehend
  • the Metaphor, from the analogy and similitude of those Sprouts and Buds,
  • which, shutting up the fruitfull particle, resembleth the preputial
  • part.
  • And you may also find herein a piece of Husbandry not mentioned in
  • _Theophrastus_, or _Columella_. For by taking away of the Buds, and
  • hindering fructification, the Trees become more vigorous, both in growth
  • and future production. By such a way King _Pyrrhus_ got into a lusty
  • race of Beeves, and such as were desired over all _Greece_, by keeping
  • them from Generation untill the ninth year.
  • And you may also discover a physical advantage of the goodness of the
  • Fruit, which becometh less crude and more wholsome, upon the fourth or
  • fifth years production.
  • [Sidenote: _Partition of Plants into Herb and Tree, in_ Gen. 1. 11.]
  • 41. While you reade in _Theophrastus_, or modern Herbalists, a strict
  • division of Plants, into _Arbor_, _Frutex_, _Suffrutex et Herba_, you
  • cannot but take notice of the Scriptural division at the Creation, into
  • _Tree_ and _Herb_: and this may seem too narrow to comprehend the
  • Classis of Vegetables; which, notwithstanding, may be sufficient, and a
  • plain and intelligible division thereof. And therefore in this
  • difficulty concerning the division of Plants, the learned Botanist,
  • _Cæsalpinus_, thus concludeth. _Clarius agemus si alterâ divisione
  • neglectâ, duo tantùm Plantarum genera substituamus, Arborem scilicet, et
  • Herbam, conjungentes cum Arboribus Frutices, et cum Herba Suffrutices_;
  • _Frutices_ being the lesser Trees, and _Suffrutices_ the larger, harder
  • and more solid Herbs.
  • And this division into Herb and Tree, may also suffice, if we take in
  • that natural ground of the division of perfect Plants, and such as grow
  • from Seeds. For Plants, in their first production, do send forth two
  • Leaves adjoining to the Seed; and then afterwards, do either produce two
  • other Leaves, and so successively before any Stalk; and such go under
  • the name of Πόα, Βοτάνη, or _Herb_; or else, after the first Leaves
  • succeeding to the Seed Leaves, they send forth a Stalk, or rudiment of a
  • Stalk before any other Leaves, and such fall under the Classis of
  • Δένδρον, or _Tree_. So that, in this natural division, there are but two
  • grand differences, that is, _Tree_ and _Herb_. The _Frutex_ and
  • _Suffrutex_ have the way of production from the Seed, and in other
  • respects the _Suffrutices_, or _Cremia_, have a middle and participating
  • nature, and referable unto Herbs.
  • [Sidenote: _The Bay Tree, in_ Psal. 37. 35]
  • 42. _I have seen the ungodly in great power, and flourishing like a
  • green Bay Tree._ Both Scripture and humane Writers draw frequent
  • illustrations from Plants. _Scribonius Largus_ illustrates the old
  • Cymbals from the _Cotyledon Palustris_, or _Umbelicus Veneris_. Who
  • would expect to find _Aaron's_ Mitre in any Plant? yet _Josephus_ hath
  • taken some pains to make out the same in the seminal knop of
  • _Hyoscyamus_, or Henbane. The Scripture compares the Figure of Manna
  • unto the Seed of Coriander. In _Jeremy_[232] we find the expression,
  • _Streight as a Palm Tree_: And here the wicked in their flourishing
  • state are likened unto a Bay Tree. Which, sufficiently answering the
  • sense of the Text, we are unwilling to exclude that noble Plant from the
  • honour of having its name in Scripture. Yet we cannot but observe, that
  • the Septuagint renders it _Cedars_, and the Vulgar accordingly, _Vidi
  • impium superexaltatum, et elevatum sicut Cedros Libani_; and the
  • Translation of _Tremelius_ mentions neither Bay nor Cedar; _Sese
  • explicantem tanquam Arbor indigena virens_; which seems to have been
  • followed by the last Low Dutch Translation. A private Translation
  • renders it like _a green self-growing[233] Laurel_, The High Dutch of
  • _Luther's_ Bible, retains the word _Laurel_; and so doth the old Saxon
  • and Island Translation; so also the French, Spanish; and Italian of
  • _Diodati_: yet his Notes acknowledge that some think it rather a Cedar,
  • and others any large Tree in a prospering and natural Soil.
  • [232] Jer. 10. 5.
  • [233] Ainsworth.
  • But however these Translations differ, the sense is allowable and
  • obvious unto apprehension: when no particular Plant is named, any proper
  • to the sense may be supposed; where either Cedar or Laurel is
  • mentioned, if the preceding words [_exalted and elevated_] be used, they
  • are more appliable unto the Cedar; where the word [_flourishing_] is
  • used, it is more agreeable unto the Laurel, which, in its prosperity,
  • abounds with pleasant flowers, whereas those of the Cedar are very
  • little, and scarce perceptible, answerable to the Firre, Pine and other
  • coniferous Trees.
  • [Sidenote: _The Figg Tree, in_ S. Mark. 11. 13, etc.]
  • 43. _And in the morning, when they were come from Bethany, he was
  • hungry; and seeing a Figg Tree afar off having Leaves, he came, if haply
  • he might find any thing thereon; and when he came to it, he found
  • nothing but leaves: for the time of Figgs was not yet._ Singular
  • conceptions have passed from learned men to make out this passage of S.
  • _Mark_, which S. _Matthew_[234] so plainly delivereth; most men doubting
  • why our Saviour should curse the Tree for bearing no Fruit, when the
  • time of Fruit was not yet come; or why it is said that _the time of
  • Figgs was not yet_, when, notwithstanding, Figgs might be found at that
  • season.
  • [234] Matt. 21. 19.
  • _Heinsius_,[235] who thinks that _Elias_ must salve the doubt, according
  • to the received Reading of the Text, undertaketh to vary the same,
  • reading οὕ γὰρ ἦν, καιρὸς σύκων, that is, _for where he was, it was the
  • season or time of Figgs_.
  • [235] Heinsius _in_ Nonnum.
  • A learned Interpreter[236] of our own, without alteration of accents or
  • words, endeavours to salve all, by another interpretation of the same,
  • Οὐ γὰρ καιρὸς σύκων, _For it was not a good or seasonable year for
  • Figgs_.
  • [236] D. Hammond.
  • But, because men part not easily with old beliefs, or the received
  • construction of words, we shall briefly set down what may be alledged
  • for it.
  • And, first, for the better comprehension of all deductions hereupon, we
  • may consider the several differences and distinctions both of Figg Trees
  • and their Fruits. _Suidas_ upon the word Ἰschὰs makes four divisions of
  • Figgs, Ὄλυνθος, Φήληξ, Σῦκον and Ἰschὰs. But because Φήληξ makes no
  • considerable distinction, learned men do chiefly insist upon the three
  • others; that is, Ὄλυνθος, or _Grossus_, which are the Buttons, or small
  • sort of Figgs, either not ripe, or not ordinarily proceeding to
  • ripeness, but fall away at least in the greatest part, and especially in
  • sharp Winters; which are also named Συκάδες, and distinguished from the
  • Fruit of the wild Figg, or _Caprificus_, which is named Ἐρινεὸς, and
  • never cometh unto ripeness. The second is called Σῦκον, or _Ficus_,
  • which commonly proceedeth unto ripeness in its due season. A third the
  • ripe Figg dried, which maketh the Ἰσχάδες, or _Carrier_.
  • Of Figg Trees there are also many divisions; For some are _prodromi_, or
  • precocious, which bear Fruit very early, whether they bear once, or
  • oftner in the year; some are _protericæ_, which are the most early of
  • the precocious Trees, and bear soonest of any; some are _æstivæ_, which
  • bear in the common season of the Summer, and some _serotinæ_ which bear
  • very late.
  • Some are _biferous_ and _triferous_, which bear twice or thrice in the
  • year, and some are of the ordinary standing course, which make up the
  • expected season of Figgs.
  • Again some Figg Trees, either in their proper kind, or fertility in some
  • single ones, do bear Fruit or rudiments of Fruit all the year long; as
  • is annually observable in some kind of Figg Trees in hot and proper
  • regions; and may also be observed in some Figg Trees of more temperate
  • Countries, in years of no great disadvantage, wherein, when the
  • Summer-ripe Figg is past, others begin to appear, and so, standing in
  • Buttons all the Winter, do either fall away before the Spring, or else
  • proceed to ripeness.
  • Now, according to these distinctions, we may measure the intent of the
  • Text, and endeavour to make out the expression. For, considering the
  • diversity of these Trees, and their several fructifications, probable or
  • possible it is, that some thereof were implied, and may literally afford
  • a solution.
  • And first, though it was not the season for Figgs, yet some Fruit might
  • have been expected, even in ordinary bearing Trees. For the _Grossi_ or
  • Buttons appear before the Leaves, especially before the Leaves are well
  • grown. Some might have stood during the Winter, and by this time been of
  • some growth: Though many fall off, yet some might remain on, and proceed
  • towards maturity. And we find that good Husbands had an art to make them
  • hold on, as is delivered by _Theophrastus_.
  • The Σῦκον or common Summer Figg was not expected; for that is placed by
  • _Galen_ among the _Fructus Horarii_, or _Horæi_, which ripen in that
  • part of Summer, called Ὤρα, and stands commended by him above other
  • Fruits of that season. And of this kind might be the Figgs which were
  • brought unto _Cleopatra_ in a Basket together with an Asp, according to
  • the time of her death on the nineteenth of _August_. And that our
  • Saviour expected not such Figgs, but some other kind, seems to be
  • implied in the indefinite expression, _if haply he might find any thing
  • thereon_; which in that Country, and the variety of such Trees, might
  • not be despaired of, at this season, and very probably hoped for in the
  • first precocious and early bearing Trees. And that there were precocious
  • and early bearing Trees in _Judæa_, may be illustrated from some
  • expressions in Scripture concerning precocious Figgs;[237] _Calathus
  • unus habebat Ficus bonas nimis, sicut solent esse Ficus primi temporis;
  • One Basket had very good Figgs, even like the Figgs that are first
  • ripe_. And the like might be more especially expected in this place, if
  • this remarkable Tree be rightly placed in some Mapps of _Jerusalem_; for
  • it is placed, by _Adrichomius_, in or near _Bethphage_, which some
  • conjectures will have to be the _House of Figgs_: and at this place Figg
  • Trees are still to be found, if we consult the Travels of _Bidulphus_.
  • [237] Jer. 24. 2.
  • Again, in this great variety of Figg Trees, as precocious, proterical,
  • biferous, triferous, and always bearing Trees, something might have been
  • expected, though the time of common Figgs was not yet. For some Trees
  • bear in a manner all the year; as may be illustrated from the Epistle of
  • the Emperour _Julian_, concerning his Present of _Damascus_ Figgs, which
  • he commendeth from their successive and continued growing and bearing,
  • after the manner of the Fruits which _Homer_ describeth in the Garden of
  • _Alcinous_. And though it were then but about the eleventh of _March_,
  • yet, in the Latitude of _Jerusalem_, the Sun at that time hath a good
  • power in the day, and might advance the maturity of precocious
  • often-bearing or ever-bearing Figgs. And therefore when it is said that
  • S. _Peter_[238] stood and warmed himself by the Fire in the Judgment
  • Hall, and the reason is added [_for it was cold_[239]] that expression
  • might be interposed either to denote the coolness in the Morning,
  • according to hot Countries, or some extraordinary and unusual coldness,
  • which happened at that time. For the same _Bidulphus_, who was at that
  • time of the year at _Jerusalem_, saith, that it was then as hot as at
  • _Midsummer_ in _England_: and we find in Scripture, that the first Sheaf
  • of Barley was offer'd in _March_.
  • [238] _S._ Mark 14. 67. _S._ Luke 22. 55, 56.
  • [239] _S._ John 18. 18.
  • Our Saviour therefore, seeing a Figg Tree with Leaves well spread, and
  • so as to be distinguished a far off, went unto it, and when he came,
  • found nothing but Leaves; he found it to be no precocious, or
  • always-bearing Tree: And though it were not the time for Summer Figgs,
  • yet he found no rudiments thereof: and though he expected not common
  • Figgs, yet something might happily have been expected of some other
  • kind, according to different fertility, and variety of production; but,
  • discovering nothing, he found a Tree answering the State of the Jewish
  • Rulers, barren unto all expectation.
  • And this is consonant unto the mystery of the Story, wherein the Figg
  • Tree denoteth the Synagogue and Rulers of the Jews, whom God having
  • peculiarly cultivated, singularly blessed and cherished, he expected
  • from them no ordinary, slow, or customary fructification, but an
  • earliness in good Works, a precocious or continued fructification, and
  • was not content with common after-bearing; and might justly have
  • expostulated with the Jews, as God by the Prophet _Micah_[240] did with
  • their Forefathers; _Præcoquas Ficus desideravit Anima mea, My Soul
  • longed for_, (or desired) _early ripe Fruits, but ye are become as a
  • Vine already gathered, and there is no cluster upon you_.
  • [240] Micah 7. 1.
  • Lastly, In this account of the Figg Tree, the mystery and symbolical
  • sense is chiefly to be looked upon. Our Saviour, therefore, taking a
  • hint from his hunger to go unto this specious Tree, and intending, by
  • this Tree, to declare a Judgment upon the Synagogue and people of the
  • Jews, he came unto the Tree, and, after the usual manner, inquired, and
  • looked about for some kind of Fruit, as he had done before in the Jews,
  • but found nothing but Leaves and specious outsides, as he had also found
  • in them; and when it bore no Fruit like them, when he expected it, and
  • came to look for it, though it were not the time of ordinary Fruit, yet
  • failing when he required it, in the mysterious sense, 'twas fruitless
  • longer to expect it. For he had come unto them, and they were nothing
  • fructified by it, his departure approached, and his time of preaching
  • was now at an end.
  • Now, in this account, besides the Miracle, some things are naturally
  • considerable. For it may be question'd how the Figg Tree, naturally a
  • fruitfull Plant, became barren, for it had no shew or so much as
  • rudiment of Fruit: And it was in old time, a signal Judgment of God,
  • that _the Figg Tree should bear no Fruit_: and therefore this Tree may
  • naturally be conceived to have been under some Disease indisposing it to
  • such fructification. And this, in the Pathology of Plants, may be the
  • Disease of φυλλομανία ἐμφυλλισμὸς; or superfolliation mention'd by
  • _Theophrastus_; whereby the fructifying Juice is starved by the excess
  • of Leaves; which in this Tree were already so full spread, that it might
  • be known and distinguished a far off. And this was, also, a sharp
  • resemblance of the hypocrisie of the Rulers, made up of specious
  • outsides, and fruitless ostentation, contrary to the Fruit of the Figg
  • Tree, which, filled with a sweet and pleasant pulp, makes no shew
  • without, not so much as of any Flower.
  • Some naturals are also considerable from the propriety of this
  • punishment settled upon a Figg Tree: For infertility and barrenness
  • seems more intolerable in this Tree than in any, as being a Vegetable
  • singularly constituted for production; so far from bearing no Fruit that
  • it may be made to bear almost any. And therefore the Ancients singled
  • out this as the fittest Tree whereon to graft and propagate other
  • Fruits, as containing a plentifull and lively Sap, whereby other Cyons
  • would prosper: And, therefore, this Tree was also sacred unto the Deity
  • of Fertility: and the _Statua_ of _Priapus_ was made of the Figg Tree.
  • _Olim Truncus eram Ficulnus inutile Lignum._
  • It hath also a peculiar advantage to produce and maintain its Fruit
  • above all other Plants, as not subject to miscarry in Flowers and
  • Blossomes, from accidents of Wind and Weather. For it beareth no Flowers
  • outwardly, and such as it hath, are within the Coat, as the later
  • examination of Naturalists hath discovered.
  • Lastly, It was a Tree wholly constituted for Fruit, wherein if it
  • faileth, it is in a manner useless, the Wood thereof being of so little
  • use, that it affordeth proverbial expressions,
  • _Homo Ficulneus, argumentum Ficulneum_,
  • for things of no validity.
  • [Sidenote: _The Palm Tree, in_ Cant. 7. 8.]
  • 44. _I said I will go up into the Palm Tree, and take hold of the Boughs
  • thereof._ This expression is more agreeable unto the Palm than is
  • commonly apprehended, for that it is a tall bare Tree bearing its Boughs
  • but at the top and upper part; so that it must be ascended before its
  • Boughs or Fruit can be attained: And the going, getting or climbing up,
  • may be Emphatical in this Tree; for the Trunk or Body thereof is
  • naturally contrived for ascension, and made with advantage for getting
  • up, as having many welts and eminencies, and so as it were a natural
  • Ladder, and Staves, by which it may be climbed, as _Pliny_[241]
  • observeth, _Palmæ teretes atque proceres, densis quadratisque pollicibus
  • faciles se ad scandendum præbent_, by this way men are able to get up
  • into it. And the Figures of Indians thus climbing the same are
  • graphically described in the Travels of _Linschoten_. This Tree is often
  • mentioned in Scripture, and was so remarkable in _Judæa_, that in
  • after-times it became the Emblem of that Country, as may be seen in that
  • Medal of the Emperour _Titus_, with a Captive Woman sitting under a
  • Palm, and the Inscription of _Judæa Capta_. And _Pliny_ confirmeth the
  • same when he saith, _Judæa Palmis inclyta_.
  • [241] Plin. 13. _cap. 4_.
  • [Sidenote: _Lilies, in_ Cant. 2. 1, 2, 16.]
  • 45. Many things are mention'd in Scripture, which have an Emphasis from
  • this or the neighbour Countries: For besides the Cedars, the Syrian
  • Lilies are taken notice of by Writers. That expression in the
  • _Canticles_,[242] _Thou art fair, thou art fair, thou hast Doves eyes_,
  • receives a particular character, if we look not upon our common Pigeons,
  • but the beauteous and fine ey'd Doves of Syria.
  • [242] Cant. 4. 1.
  • When the Rump is so strictly taken notice of in the Sacrifice of the
  • Peace Offering, in these words,[243] _The whole Rump, it shall be taken
  • off hard by the Back-bone_, it becomes the more considerable in
  • reference to this Country, where Sheep had so large Tails; which,
  • according to _Aristotle_,[244] were a Cubit broad; and so they are
  • still, as _Bellonius_ hath delivered.
  • [243] Levit. 3. 9.
  • [244] Aristot. _Hist. Animal. lib. 8_.
  • When 'tis said in the _Canticles_,[245] _Thy Teeth are as a Flock of
  • Sheep, which go up from the washing, whereof every one beareth Twins,
  • and there is not one barren among them_; it may seem hard unto us of
  • these parts to find whole Flocks bearing Twins, and not one barren among
  • them; yet may this be better conceived in the fertile Flocks of those
  • Countries, where Sheep have so often two, sometimes three, and sometimes
  • four, and which is so frequently observed by Writers of the neighbour
  • Country of _Ægypt_. And this fecundity, and fruitfulness of their
  • Flocks, is answerable unto the expression of the Psalmist,[246] _That
  • our Sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our Streets_.
  • And hereby, besides what was spent at their Tables, a good supply was
  • made for the great consumption of Sheep in their several kinds of
  • Sacrifices; and of so many thousand Male unblemished yearling Lambs,
  • which were required at their Passeovers.
  • [245] Cant. 4. 2.
  • [246] Psal. 144. 13.
  • Nor need we wonder to find so frequent mention both of Garden and Field
  • Plants; since _Syria_ was notable of old for this curiosity and variety,
  • according to _Pliny_, _Syria hortis operosissima_; and since _Bellonius_
  • hath so lately observed of _Jerusalem_, that its hilly parts did so
  • abound with Plants, that they might be compared unto Mount _Ida_ in
  • _Crete_ or _Candia_: which is the most noted place for noble Simples yet
  • known.
  • [Sidenote: _Trees and Herbs not expresly nam'd in Scripture._]
  • 46. Though so many Plants have their express Names in Scripture, yet
  • others are implied in some Texts which are not explicitly mention'd. In
  • the Feast of _Tabernacles_ or _Booths_, the Law was this,[247] _Thou
  • shalt take unto thee Boughs of goodly Trees, Branches of the Palm, and
  • the Boughs of thick Trees, and Willows of the Brook_. Now though the
  • Text descendeth not unto particulars of the _goodly Trees_, and _thick
  • Trees_; yet _Maimonides_ will tell us that for a _goodly Tree_ they made
  • use of the Citron Tree, which is fair and goodly to the eye, and well
  • prospering in that Country: And that for the _thick Trees_ they used the
  • Myrtle, which was no rare or infrequent Plant among them. And though it
  • groweth but low in our Gardens, was not a little Tree in those parts; in
  • which Plant also the Leaves grew thick, and almost covered the Stalk.
  • And _Curtius[248] Symphorianus_ in his description of the _Exotick_
  • Myrtle, makes it, _Folio densissimo senis in ordinem versibus_. The
  • Paschal Lamb was to be eaten with bitterness or bitter Herbs, not
  • particularly set down in Scripture: but the Jewish Writers declare, that
  • they made use of Succory, and wild Lettuce, which Herbs while some
  • conceive they could not get down, as being very bitter, rough and
  • prickly, they may consider that the time of the Passeover was in the
  • Spring, when these Herbs are young and tender, and consequently less
  • unpleasant: besides, according to the Jewish custom, these Herbs were
  • dipped in the _Charoseth_ or Sawce made of Raisins stamped with Vinegar,
  • and were also eaten with Bread; and they had four Cups of Wine allowed
  • unto them; and it was sufficient to take but a pittance of Herbs, or the
  • quantity of an Olive.
  • [247] Levit. 23. 40.
  • [248] Curtius _de Hortis._
  • [Sidenote: _Reeds in Scripture._]
  • 47. Though the famous paper Reed of _Ægypt_, be onely particularly named
  • in Scripture; yet when Reeds are so often mention'd, without special
  • name or distinction, we may conceive their differences may be
  • comprehended, and that they were not all of one kind, or that the common
  • Reed was onely implied. For mention is made in _Ezekiel_[249] of _a
  • measuring Reed of six Cubits_: we find that they smote our Saviour on
  • the Head with a Reed,[250] and put a Sponge with Vinegar on a Reed,
  • which was long enough to reach to his mouth, while he was upon the
  • Cross; And with such differences of Reeds, _Vallatory_, _Sagittary_,
  • _Scriptory_, and others, they might be furnished in _Judæa_: For we find
  • in the portion of _Ephraim_,[251] _Vallis arundineti_; and so set down
  • in the Mapps of _Adricomius_, and in our Translation the River _Kana_,
  • or Brook of _Canes_. And _Bellonius_ tells us that the River _Jordan_
  • affordeth plenty and variety of Reeds; out of some whereof the Arabs
  • make Darts, and light Lances, and out of others, Arrows; and withall
  • that there plentifully groweth the fine _Calamus, arundo Scriptoria_, or
  • writing Reed, which they gather with the greatest care, as being of
  • singular use and commodity at home and abroad; a hard Reed about the
  • compass of a Goose or Swans Quill, whereof I have seen some polished and
  • cut with a Webb; which is in common use for writing throughout the
  • Turkish Dominions, they using not the Quills of Birds.
  • [249] Ezek. 40. 5.
  • [250] _S._ Matt 27. 30, 48.
  • [251] Josh. 16. 17.
  • And whereas the same Authour with other describers of these parts
  • affirmeth, that the River _Jordan_ not far from _Jerico_, is but such a
  • Stream as a youth may throw a Stone over it, or about eight fathoms
  • broad, it doth not diminish the account and solemnity of the miraculous
  • passage of the Israelites under _Joshua_; For it must be considered,
  • that they passed it in the time of Harvest, when the River was high, and
  • the Grounds about it under Water, according to that pertinent
  • parenthesis, _As the Feet of the Priests, which carried the Ark, were
  • dipped in the brim of the Water, (for Jordan[252] overfloweth all its
  • Banks at the time of Harvest.)_ In this consideration it was well joined
  • with the great River _Euphrates_, in that expression in
  • _Ecclesiasticus_,[253] _God maketh the understanding to abound like
  • Euphrates, and as Jordan in the time of Harvest_.
  • [252] Josh. 3. 13.
  • [253] Ecclus. 24. 26.
  • [Sidenote: _Zizania, in S._ Matt. 13. 24, 25, etc.]
  • 48. _The Kingdom of Heaven is likened unto a man which sowed good Seed
  • in his Field, but while men slept, his Enemy came and sowed Tares_ (or,
  • as the Greek, _Zizania_) _among the Wheat._
  • Now, how to render _Zizania_, and to what species of Plants to confine
  • it, there is no slender doubt; for the word is not mention'd in other
  • parts of Scripture, nor in any ancient Greek Writer: it is not to be
  • found in _Aristotle_, _Theophrastus_, or _Dioscorides_. Some Greek and
  • Latin Fathers have made use of the same, as also _Suidas_ and
  • _Phavorinus_; but probably they have all derived it from this Text.
  • And therefore this obscurity might easily occasion such variety in
  • Translations and Expositions. For some retain the word _Zizania_, as the
  • Vulgar, that of _Beza_, of _Junius_, and also the Italian and Spanish.
  • The Low Dutch renders it _Oncruidt_, the German _Oncraut_, or _Herba
  • Mala_, the French _Turoye_ or _Lolium_, and the English _Tares_.
  • Besides, this being conceived to be a Syriack word, it may still add
  • unto the uncertainty of the sense. For though this Gospel were first
  • written in Hebrew, or Syriack, yet it is not unquestionable whether the
  • true Original be any where extant: And that Syriack Copy which we now
  • have, is conceived to be of far later time than S. _Matthew_.
  • Expositours and Annotatours are also various. _Hugo Grotius_ hath passed
  • the word _Zizania_ without a Note. _Diodati_, retaining the word
  • _Zizania_, conceives that it was some peculiar Herb growing among the
  • Corn of those Countries, and not known in our Fields. But _Emanuel de
  • Sa_ interprets it, _Plantas semini noxias_, and so accordingly some
  • others.
  • _Buxtorfius_, in his Rabbinical Lexicon, gives divers interpretations,
  • sometimes for degenerated Corn, sometimes for the black Seeds in Wheat,
  • but withall concludes, _an hæc sit eadem vox aut species, cum Zizaniâ
  • apud Evangelistam, quærant alii_. But Lexicons and Dictionaries by
  • _Zizania_ do almost generally understand _Lolium_, which we call
  • _Darnel_, and commonly confine the signification to that Plant:
  • Notwithstanding, since _Lolium_ had a known and received Name in Greek,
  • some may be apt to doubt, why, if that Plant were particularly intended,
  • the proper Greek word was not used in the Text. For _Theophrastus_[254]
  • named _Lolium_ Αἰρα, and hath often mentioned that Plant; and
  • in one place saith that Corn doth sometimes _Loliescere_ degenerate into
  • _Darnel_. _Dioscorides_, who travelled over _Judæa_, gives it the same
  • name, which is also to be found in _Galen_, _Ætius_ and _Ægineta_; and
  • _Pliny_ hath sometimes latinized that word into _Æra_.
  • [254] ἐξαίρησθαι. Theophrast. _Hist. Plant. l. 8_.
  • Besides, _Lolium_ or Darnel shews it self in the Winter, growing up with
  • the Wheat; and _Theophrastus_ observed that it was no Vernal Plant, but
  • came up in the Winter; which will not well answer the expression of the
  • Text, _And when the Blade came up, and brought forth Fruit_, or gave
  • evidence of its Fruit, _the Zizania_ appeared. And if the Husbandry of
  • the Ancients were agreeable unto ours, they would not have been so
  • earnest to weed away the Darnel; for our Husbandmen do not commonly weed
  • it in the Field, but separate the Seeds after Thrashing. And therefore
  • _Galen_ delivereth, that in an unseasonable year, and great scarcity of
  • Corn, when they neglected to separate the Darnel, the Bread proved
  • generally unwholsome, and had evil effects on the Head.
  • Our old and later Translation render _Zizania_, _Tares_, which name our
  • English Botanists give unto _Aracus_, _Cracca_, _Vicia sylvestris_,
  • calling them Tares, and strangling Tares. And our Husbandmen by Tares
  • understand some sorts of wild Fitches, which grow amongst Corn, and
  • clasp upon it, according to the Latin Etymology, _Vicia à Vinciendo_.
  • Now in this uncertainty of the Original, Tares as well as some others,
  • may make out the sense, and be also more agreeable unto the
  • circumstances of the Parable. For they come up and appear what they are,
  • when the Blade of the Corn is come up, and also the Stalk and Fruit
  • discoverable. They have likewise little spreading Roots, which may
  • intangle or rob the good Roots, and they have also tendrils and
  • claspers, which lay hold of what grows near them, and so can hardly be
  • weeded without endangering the neighbour Corn.
  • However, if by _Zizania_ we understand _Herbas segeti noxias_, or _vitia
  • segetum_, as some Expositours have done, and take the word in a more
  • general sense, comprehending several Weeds and Vegetables offensive unto
  • Corn, according as the Greek word in the plural Number may imply, and as
  • the learned _Laurenbergius_[255] hath expressed, _Runcare quod apud
  • nostrates Weden dicitur, Zizanias inutiles est evellere_. If, I say, it
  • be thus taken, we shall not need to be definitive, or confine unto one
  • particular Plant, from a word which may comprehend divers: And this may
  • also prove a safer sense, in such obscurity of the Original.
  • [255] De Horticultura.
  • And therefore since in this Parable the sower of the _Zizania_ is the
  • Devil, and the _Zizania_ wicked persons; if any from this larger
  • acception, will take in Thistles, Darnel, Cockle, wild strangling
  • Fitches, Bindweed, _Tribulus_, Restharrow and other _Vitia Segetum_; he
  • may, both from the natural and symbolical qualities of those Vegetables,
  • have plenty of matter to illustrate the variety of his mischiefs, and of
  • the wicked of this world.
  • [Sidenote: _Cockle, in_ Job 31. 40.]
  • 49. When 'tis said in _Job_, _Let Thistles grow up instead of Wheat, and
  • Cockle instead of Barley_, the words are intelligible, the sense
  • allowable and significant to this purpose: but whether the word _Cockle_
  • doth strictly conform unto the Original, some doubt may be made from the
  • different Translations of it; For the Vulgar renders it _Spina_,
  • _Tremelius Vitia Frugum_, and the _Geneva Turoye_ or Darnel. Besides,
  • whether Cockle were common in the ancient Agriculture of those parts, or
  • what word they used for it, is of great uncertainty. For the Elder
  • Botanical Writers have made no mention thereof, and the Moderns have
  • given it the Name of _Pseudomelanthium_, _Nigellastrum_, _Lychnoeides
  • Segetum_, names not known unto Antiquity: And therefore our Translation
  • hath warily set down [_noisome Weeds_] in the Margin.
  • OF GARLANDS
  • and Coronary or Garden-plants.
  • TRACT II
  • SIR,
  • The use of flowry Crowns and Garlands is of no slender Antiquity, and
  • higher than I conceive you apprehend it. For, besides the old Greeks and
  • Romans, the Ægyptians made use hereof; who, beside the bravery of their
  • Garlands, had little Birds upon them to peck their Heads and Brows, and
  • so to keep them sleeping at their Festival compotations. This practice
  • also extended as far as _India_: for at the Feast with the Indian King,
  • it is peculiarly observed by _Philostratus_ that their custom was to
  • wear Garlands, and come crowned with them unto their Feast.
  • The Crowns and Garlands of the Ancients were either Gestatory, such as
  • they wore about their Heads or Necks; Portatory, such as they carried at
  • solemn Festivals; Pensile or Suspensory, such as they hanged about the
  • Posts of their Houses in honour of their Gods, as of _Jupiter Thyræus_
  • or _Limeneus_; or else they were Depository, such as they laid upon the
  • Graves and Monuments of the dead. And these were made up after all ways
  • of Art, Compactile, Sutile, Plectile; for which Work there were
  • στεφανοπλόκοι or expert Persons to contrive them after the best grace
  • and property.
  • Though we yield not unto them in the beauty of flowry Garlands, yet some
  • of those of Antiquity were larger than any we lately meet with: for we
  • find in _Athenæus_ that a Myrtle Crown of one and twenty foot in compass
  • was solemnly carried about at the Hellotian Feast in _Corinth_, together
  • with the Bones of _Europa_.
  • And Garlands were surely of frequent use among them; for we reade in
  • _Galen_[256] that when _Hippocrates_ cured the great Plague of _Athens_
  • by Fires kindled in and about the City; the fuel thereof consisted much
  • of their Garlands. And they must needs be very frequent and of common
  • use, the ends thereof being many. For they were convivial, festival,
  • sacrificial, nuptial, honorary, funebrial. We who propose unto our
  • selves the pleasure of two Senses, and onely single out such as are of
  • Beauty and good Odour, cannot strictly confine our selves unto imitation
  • of them.
  • [256] _De Theriaca ad Pisonem._
  • For, in their convivial Garlands, they had respect unto Plants
  • preventing drunkenness, or discussing the exhalations from Wine;
  • wherein, beside Roses, taking in Ivy, Vervain, Melilote, _etc._ they
  • made use of divers of small Beauty or good Odour. The solemn festival
  • Garlands were made properly unto their Gods, and accordingly contrived
  • from Plants sacred unto such Deities; and their sacrificial ones were
  • selected under such considerations. Their honorary Crowns triumphal,
  • ovary, civical, obsidional, had little of Flowers in them: and their
  • funebrial Garlands had little of beauty in them beside Roses, while they
  • made them of Myrtle, Rosemary, Apium, _etc._ under symbolical
  • intimations: but our florid and purely ornamental Garlands, delightfull
  • unto sight and smell, nor framed according to mystical and symbolical
  • considerations, are of more free election, and so may be made to excell
  • those of the Ancients; we having _China_, _India_, and a new world to
  • supply us, beside the great distinction of Flowers unknown unto
  • Antiquity, and the varieties thereof arising from Art and Nature.
  • But, beside Vernal, Æstival and Autumnal made of Flowers, the Ancients
  • had also Hyemal Garlands; contenting themselves at first with such as
  • were made of Horn died into several Colours, and shaped into the Figures
  • of Flowers, and also of _Æs Coronarium_ or _Clincquant_ or Brass thinly
  • wrought out into Leaves commonly known among us. But the curiosity of
  • some Emperours for such intents had Roses brought from _Ægypt_ untill
  • they had found the art to produce late Roses in _Rome_, and to make them
  • grow in the Winter, as is delivered in that handsome Epigramme of
  • _Martial_,
  • _At tu Romanæ jussus jam cedere Brumæ
  • Mitte tuas messes, Accipe, Nile, Rosas._
  • Some American Nations, who do much excell in Garlands, content not
  • themselves onely with Flowers, but make elegant Crowns of Feathers,
  • whereof they have some of greater radiancy and lustre than their
  • Flowers: and since there is an Art to set into shapes, and curiously to
  • work in choicest Feathers, there could nothing answer the Crowns made of
  • the choicest Feathers of some _Tomineios_ and Sun Birds.
  • * * * * *
  • The Catalogue of Coronary Plants is not large in _Theophrastus_,
  • _Pliny_, _Pollux_, or _Athenæus_: but we may find a good enlargement in
  • the Accounts of Modern Botanists; and additions may still be made by
  • successive acquists of fair and specious Plants, not yet translated from
  • foreign Regions or little known unto our Gardens: he that would be
  • complete may take notice of these following,
  • _Flos Tigridis._
  • _Flos Lyncis._
  • _Pinea Indica Recchi, Talama Ouiedi._
  • _Herba Paradisea._
  • _Volubilis Mexicanus._
  • _Narcissus Indicus Serpentarius._
  • _Helichrysum Mexicanum._
  • _Xicama._
  • _Aquilegia novæ Hispaniæ Cacoxochitli Recchi._
  • _Aristochæa Mexicana._
  • _Camaratinga sive Caragunta quarta Pisonis._
  • _Maracuia Granadilla._
  • _Cambay sive Myrtus Americana._
  • _Flos Auriculæ Flor de la Oreia._
  • _Floripendio novæ Hispaniæ._
  • _Rosa Indica._
  • _Zilium Indicum._
  • _Fula Magori Garciæ._
  • _Champe Garciæ Champacca Bontii._
  • _Daullontas frutex odoratus seu Chamæmelum arborescens Bontii._
  • _Beidelsar Alpini._
  • _Sambuc._
  • _Amberboi Turcarum._
  • _Nuphar Ægyptium._
  • _Lilionarcissus Indicus._
  • _Bamma Ægyptiacum._
  • _Hiucca Canadensis horti Farnesiani._
  • _Bupthalmum novæ Hispaniæ Alepocapath._
  • _Valeriana seu Chrysanthemum Americanum Acocotlis._
  • _Flos Corvinus Coronarius Americanus._
  • _Capolin Cerasus dulcis Indicus Floribus racemosis._
  • _Asphodelus Americanus._
  • _Syringa Lutea Americana._
  • _Bulbus unifolius._
  • _Moly latifolium Flore luteo._
  • _Conyza Americana purpurea._
  • _Salvia Cretica pomifera Bellonii._
  • _Lausus Serrata Odora._
  • _Ornithogalus Promontorii Bonæ Spei._
  • _Fritallaria crassa Soldanica Promontorii Bonæ Spei._
  • _Sigillum Solomonis Indicum._
  • _Tulipa Promontorii Bonæ Spei._
  • _Iris Uvaria._
  • _Nopolxoch sedum elegans novæ Hispaniæ._
  • More might be added unto this List; and I have onely taken the pains to
  • give you a short Specimen of those many more which you may find in
  • respective Authours, and which time and future industry may make no
  • great strangers in _England_. The Inhabitants of _Nova Hispania_, and a
  • great part of _America_, Mahometans, Indians, Chineses, are eminent
  • promoters of these coronary and specious Plants: and the annual tribute
  • of the King of _Bisnaguer_ in _India_, arising out of Odours and
  • Flowers, amounts unto many thousands of Crowns.
  • Thus, in brief, of this matter. I am, _etc._
  • OF THE FISHES EATEN BY OUR SAVIOUR
  • with His Disciples after His Resurrection
  • from the Dead.
  • TRACT III
  • SIR,
  • I have thought, a little, upon the Question proposed by you [viz. _What
  • kind of Fishes those were of which our Saviour ate with his Disciples
  • after his Resurrection?_[257]] and I return you such an Answer, as, in
  • so short time for study, and in the midst of my occasions, occurs to me.
  • [257] _S._ Joh. 21. 9, 10, 11, 13.
  • The Books of Scripture (as also those which are Apocryphal) are often
  • silent, or very sparing, in the particular Names of Fishes; or in
  • setting them down in such manner as to leave the kinds of them without
  • all doubt and reason for farther inquiry. For, when it declareth what
  • Fishes were allowed the Israelites for their Food, they are onely set
  • down in general which have Finns and Scales; whereas, in the account of
  • _Quadrupeds_ and Birds, there is particular mention made of divers of
  • them. In the Book of _Tobit_ that Fish which he took out of the River is
  • onely named a great Fish, and so there remains much uncertainty to
  • determine the Species thereof. And even the Fish which swallowed
  • _Jonah_, and is called a _great Fish_, and commonly thought to be a
  • great Whale, is not received without all doubt; while some learned men
  • conceive it to have been none of our Whales, but a large kind of
  • _Lamia_.
  • And, in this narration of S. _John_, the Fishes are onely expressed by
  • their Bigness and Number, not their Names, and therefore it may seem
  • undeterminable what they were: notwithstanding, these Fishes being taken
  • in the great Lake or Sea of _Tiberias_, something may be probably stated
  • therein. For since _Bellonius_, that diligent and learned Traveller,
  • informeth us, that the Fishes of this Lake were Trouts, Pikes, Chevins
  • and Tenches; it may well be conceived that either all or some thereof
  • are to be understood in this Scripture. And these kind of Fishes become
  • large and of great growth, answerable unto the expression of Scripture,
  • _One hundred and fifty-three great Fishes_; that is, large in their own
  • kinds, and the largest kinds in this Lake and fresh Water, wherein no
  • great variety, and of the larger sort of Fishes, could be expected. For
  • the River _Jordan_, running through this Lake, falls into the Lake of
  • _Asphaltus_, and hath no mouth into the Sea, which might admit of great
  • Fishes or greater variety to come up into it.
  • And out of the mouth of some of these forementioned Fishes might the
  • _Tribute money_ be taken, when our Saviour, at _Capernaum_, seated upon
  • the same Lake, said unto _Peter_, _Go thou to the Sea, and cast an Hook,
  • and take up the Fish that first cometh; and when thou hast opened his
  • mouth thou shalt find a piece of money; that take and give them for thee
  • and me_.
  • And this makes void that common conceit and tradition of the Fish called
  • _Fabermarinus_, by some, a _Peter_ or _Penny Fish_; which having two
  • remarkable round spots upon either side, these are conceived to be the
  • marks of S. _Peter's_ Fingers or signatures of the Money: for though it
  • hath these marks, yet is there no probability that such a kind of Fish
  • was to be found in the Lake of _Tiberias_, _Geneserah_ or _Galilee_,
  • which is but sixteen miles long and six broad, and hath no communication
  • with the Sea; for this is a mere Fish of the Sea and salt Water, and
  • (though we meet with some thereof on our Coast) is not to be found in
  • many Seas.
  • Thus having returned no improbable Answer unto your Question, I shall
  • crave leave to ask another of your self concerning that Fish mentioned
  • by _Procopius_,[258] which brought the famous King _Theodorick_ to his
  • end: his words are to this effect: 'The manner of his Death was this,
  • _Symmachus_ and his Son-in-law _Boëthius_, just men and great relievers
  • of the poor, Senatours and Consuls, had many enemies, by whose false
  • accusations _Theodorick_ being perswaded that they plotted against him,
  • put them to death and confiscated their Estates. Not long after his
  • Waiters set before him at Supper a great Head of a Fish, which seemed to
  • him to be the Head of _Symmachus_ lately murthered; and with his Teeth
  • sticking out, and fierce glaring eyes to threaten him: being frighted,
  • he grew chill, went to Bed, lamenting what he had done to _Symmachus_
  • and _Boëthius_; and soon after died.' What Fish do you apprehend this to
  • have been? I would learn of you; give me your thoughts about it.
  • [258] _De Bello Gothico, lib. 1._
  • _I am_, etc.
  • AN ANSWER TO CERTAIN QUERIES
  • relating to Fishes, Birds, Insects.
  • TRACT IV
  • SIR,
  • I return the following Answers to your Queries which were these,
  • [1. What Fishes are meant by the Names, _Halec_ and _Mugil_?
  • 2. What is the Bird which you will receive from the Bearer? and
  • what Birds are meant by the Names _Halcyon_, _Nysus_, _Ciris_,
  • _Nycticorax_?
  • 3. What Insect is meant by the word _Cicada_?]
  • [Sidenote: _Answer to Query 1._]
  • The word _Halec_ we are taught to render an _Herring_, which, being an
  • ancient word, is not strictly appropriable unto a Fish not known or not
  • described by the Ancients; and which the modern Naturalists are fain to
  • name _Harengus_; the word _Halecula_ being applied unto such little Fish
  • out of which they were fain to make Pickle; and _Halec_ or _Alec_, taken
  • for the Liquamen or Liquor itself, according to that of the Poet,
  • ----_Ego fæcem primus et Alec
  • Primus et inveni piper album_----
  • And was a conditure and Sawce much affected by Antiquity, as was also
  • _Muria_ and _Garum_.
  • * * * * *
  • In common constructions, _Mugil_ is rendred a _Mullet_, which,
  • notwithstanding, is a different Fish from the _Mugil_ described by
  • Authours; wherein, if we mistake, we cannot so closely apprehend the
  • expression of _Juvenal_,
  • ----_Quosdam ventres et Mugilis intrat._
  • And misconceive the Fish, whereby Fornicatours were so opprobriously and
  • irksomely punished; for the _Mugil_ being somewhat rough and hard
  • skinned, did more exasperate the gutts of such offenders: whereas the
  • Mullet was a smooth Fish, and of too high esteem to be imployed in such
  • offices.
  • * * * * *
  • [Sidenote: _Answer to Query 2._]
  • I cannot but wonder that this Bird you sent should be a stranger unto
  • you, and unto those who had a sight thereof: for, though it be not seen
  • every day, yet we often meet with it in this Country. It is an elegant
  • Bird, which he that once beholdeth can hardly mistake any other for it.
  • From the proper Note it is called an _Hoopebird_ with us; in Greek
  • _Epops_, in Latin _Upupa_. We are little obliged unto our School
  • instruction, wherein we are taught to render _Upupa_, a _Lapwing_, which
  • Bird our natural Writers name _Vannellus_; for thereby we mistake this
  • remarkable Bird, and apprehend not rightly what is delivered of it.
  • We apprehend not the Hieroglyphical considerations which the old
  • Ægyptians made of this observable Bird; who considering therein the
  • order and variety of Colours, the twenty six or twenty eight Feathers in
  • its Crest, his latitancy, and mewing this handsome outside in the
  • Winter; they made it an Emblem of the varieties of the World, the
  • succession of Times and Seasons, and signal mutations in them. And
  • therefore _Orus_, the Hieroglyphick of the World, had the Head of an
  • Hoopebird upon the top of his Staff.
  • Hereby we may also mistake the _Duchiphath_, or Bird forbidden for Food
  • in _Leviticus_ [SN: Levit. 11. 19.]; and, not knowing the Bird, may the
  • less apprehend some reasons of that prohibition; that is, the magical
  • virtues ascribed unto it by the Ægyptians, and the superstitious
  • apprehensions which that Nation held of it, whilst they precisely
  • numbred the Feathers and Colours thereof, while they placed it on the
  • Heads of their Gods, and near their Mercurial Crosses, and so highly
  • magnified this Bird in their sacred Symbols.
  • Again, not knowing or mistaking this Bird, we may misapprehend, or not
  • closely apprehend, that handsome expression of _Ovid_, when _Tereus_ was
  • turned into an _Upupa_, or Hoopebird.
  • _Vertitur in volucrem cui sunt pro vertice Cristæ,
  • Protinus immodicum surgit pro cuspide rostrum
  • Nomen Epops volucri, facies armata videtur._
  • For, in this military shape, he is aptly phancied even still
  • revengefully to pursue his hated Wife _Progne_: in the propriety of his
  • Note crying out, _Pou, pou, ubi, ubi_, or _Where are you?_
  • Nor are we singly deceived in the nominal translation of this Bird: in
  • many other Animals we commit the like mistake. So _Gracculus_ is rendred
  • a _Jay_, which Bird notwithstanding must be of a dark colour according
  • to that of _Martial_,
  • _Sed quandam volo nocte nigriorem
  • Formica, pice, Gracculo, cicada._
  • _Halcyon_[259] is rendred a _King-fisher_, a Bird commonly known among
  • us, and by Zoographers and Naturals the same is named _Ispida_, a well
  • coloured Bird frequenting Streams and Rivers, building in holes of Pits,
  • like some Martins, about the end of the Spring; in whose Nests we have
  • found little else than innumerable small Fish Bones, and white round
  • Eggs of a smooth and polished surface, whereas the true _Alcyon_ is a
  • Sea Bird, makes an handsome Nest floating upon the Water, and breedeth
  • in the Winter.
  • [259] _See Vulg. Err. B. 3. c. 10._
  • That _Nysus_ should be rendred either an _Hobby_ or a _Sparrow Hawk_, in
  • the Fable of _Nysus_ and _Scylla_ in _Ovid_, because we are much to seek
  • in the distinction of Hawks according to their old denominations, we
  • shall not much contend, and may allow a favourable latitude therein: but
  • that the _Ciris_ or Bird into which _Scylla_ was turned should be
  • translated a _Lark_, it can hardly be made out agreeable unto the
  • description of _Virgil_ in his Poem of that name,
  • _Inde alias volucres mimóque infecta rubenti
  • Crura_----
  • But seems more agreeable unto some kind of _Hæmantopus_ or Redshank; and
  • so the _Nysus_ to have been some kind of Hawk, which delighteth about
  • the Sea and Marishes, where such prey most aboundeth, which sort of Hawk
  • while _Scaliger_ determineth to be a Merlin, the French Translatour
  • warily expoundeth it to be some kind of Hawk.
  • _Nycticorax_ we may leave unto the common and verbal translation of a
  • _Night Raven_, but we know no proper kind of Raven unto which to confine
  • the same, and therefore some take the liberty to ascribe it unto some
  • sort of Owls, and others unto the Bittern; which Bird in its common
  • Note, which he useth out of the time of coupling and upon the Wing, so
  • well resembleth the croaking of a Raven that I have been deceived by it.
  • * * * * *
  • [Sidenote: _Answer to Query 3._]
  • While _Cicada_ is rendred a _Grashopper_, we commonly think that which
  • is so called among us to be the true _Cicada_; wherein, as we have
  • elsewhere declared,[260] there is a great mistake: for we have not the
  • _Cicada_ in _England_, and indeed no proper word for that Animal, which
  • the French nameth _Cigale_. That which we commonly call a Grashopper,
  • and the French _Saulterelle_ being one kind of Locust, so rendred in the
  • Plague of _Ægypt_, and, in old Saxon named _Gersthop_.
  • [260] _Vulg. Err. B. 5. c. 3._
  • * * * * *
  • I have been the less accurate in these Answers, because the Queries are
  • not of difficult Resolution, or of great moment: however, I would not
  • wholly neglect them or your satisfaction, as being, Sir,
  • _Yours_, etc.
  • OF HAWKS AND FALCONRY
  • Ancient and Modern.
  • TRACT V
  • SIR,
  • In vain you expect much information, _de Re Accipitraria_, of Falconry,
  • Hawks or Hawking, from very ancient Greek or Latin Authours; that Art
  • being either unknown or so little advanced among them, that it seems to
  • have proceeded no higher than the daring of Birds: which makes so little
  • thereof to be found in _Aristotle_, who onely mentions some rude
  • practice thereof in _Thracia_; as also in _Ælian_, who speaks something
  • of Hawks and Crows among the Indians; little or nothing of true Falconry
  • being mention'd before _Julius Firmicus_, in the days of _Constantius_,
  • Son to _Constantine_ the Great.
  • Yet if you consult the accounts of later Antiquity left by _Demetrius_
  • the Greek, by _Symmachus_ and _Theodosius_, and by _Albertus Magnus_,
  • about five hundred years ago, you, who have been so long acquainted with
  • this noble Recreation, may better compare the ancient and modern
  • practice, and rightly observe how many things in that Art are added,
  • varied, disused or retained in the practice of these days.
  • In the Diet of Hawks, they allowed of divers Meats which we should
  • hardly commend. For beside the Flesh of Beef, they admitted of Goat,
  • Hog, Deer, Whelp and Bear. And how you will approve the quantity and
  • measure thereof, I make some doubt; while by weight they allowed half a
  • pound of Beef, seven ounces of Swines Flesh, five of Hare, eight ounces
  • of Whelp, as much of Deer, and ten ounces of He-Goats Flesh.
  • In the time of _Demetrius_ they were not without the practice of
  • Phlebotomy or Bleeding, which they used in the Thigh and Pounces; they
  • plucked away the Feathers on the Thigh, and rubbed the part, but if the
  • Vein appeared not in that part, they opened the Vein of the fore Talon.
  • In the days of _Albertus_, they made use of Cauteries in divers places:
  • to advantage their sight they seared them under the inward angle of the
  • eye; above the eye in distillations and diseases of the Head; in upward
  • pains they seared above the Joint of the Wing, and at the bottom of the
  • Foot, against the Gout; and the chief time for these cauteries they made
  • to be the month of _March_.
  • In great coldness of Hawks they made use of Fomentations, some of the
  • steam or vapour of artificial and natural Baths, some wrapt them up in
  • hot Blankets, giving them Nettle Seeds and Butter.
  • No Clysters are mention'd, nor can they be so profitably used; but they
  • made use of many purging Medicines. They purged with Aloe, which, unto
  • larger Hawks, they gave in the bigness of a Great Bean; unto less, in
  • the quantity of a _Cicer_, which notwithstanding I should rather give
  • washed, and with a few drops of Oil of Almonds: for the Guts of flying
  • Fowls are tender and easily scratched by it; and upon the use of Aloe
  • both in Hawks and Cormorants I have sometimes observed bloody
  • excretions.
  • In phlegmatick causes they seldom omitted _Stave-saker_, but they purged
  • sometimes with a Mouse, and the Food of boiled Chickens, sometimes with
  • good Oil and Honey.
  • They used also the Ink of Cuttle Fishes, with Smallage, Betony, Wine and
  • Honey. They made use of stronger Medicines than present practice doth
  • allow. For they were not afraid to give _Coccus Baphicus_; beating up
  • eleven of its Grains unto a Lentor, which they made up into five Pills
  • wrapt up with Honey and Pepper: and, in some of their old Medicines, we
  • meet with Scammony and _Euphorbium_. Whether, in the tender Bowels of
  • Birds, infusions of Rhubarb, Agaric and Mechoachan be not of safer use,
  • as to take of Agary two Drachms, of Cinnamon half a Drachm, of Liquorish
  • a Scruple, and, infusing them in Wine, to express a part into the mouth
  • of the Hawk, may be considered by present practice.
  • Few Mineral Medicines were of inward use among them: yet sometimes we
  • observe they gave filings of Iron in the straitness of the Chest, as
  • also Lime in some of their pectoral Medicines.
  • But they commended Unguents of Quick-silver against the Scab: and I have
  • safely given six or eight Grains of _Mercurius Dulcis_ unto Kestrils and
  • Owls, as also crude and current Quick-silver, giving the next day small
  • Pellets of Silver or Lead till they came away uncoloured: and this, if
  • any, may probably destroy that obstinate Disease of the _Filander_ or
  • Back-worm.
  • A peculiar remedy they had against the Consumption of Hawks. For,
  • filling a Chicken with Vinegar, they closed up the Bill, and hanging it
  • up untill the Flesh grew tender, they fed the Hawk therewith: and to
  • restore and well Flesh them, they commonly gave them Hogs Flesh, with
  • Oil, Butter and Honey; and a decoction of Cumfory to bouze.
  • They disallowed of salt Meats and Fat; but highly esteemed of Mice in
  • most indispositions; and in the falling Sickness had great esteem of
  • boiled Batts: and in many Diseases, of the Flesh of Owls which feed upon
  • those Animals. In Epilepsies they also gave the Brain of a Kid drawn
  • thorough a gold Ring; and, in Convulsions, made use of a mixture of Musk
  • and _Stercus humanum aridum_.
  • For the better preservation of their Health they strowed Mint and Sage
  • about them; and for the speedier mewing of their Feathers, they gave
  • them the Slough of a Snake, or a Tortoise out of the Shell, or a green
  • Lizard cut in pieces.
  • If a Hawk were unquiet, they hooded him, and placed him in a Smith's
  • Shop for some time, where, accustomed to the continual noise of
  • hammering, he became more gentle and tractable.
  • They used few terms of Art, plainly and intelligibly expressing the
  • parts affected, their Diseases and Remedies. This heap of artificial
  • terms first entring with the French Artists: who seem to have been the
  • first and noblest Falconers in the Western part of _Europe_; although,
  • in their Language, they have no word which in general expresseth an
  • Hawk.
  • They carried their Hawks in the left hand, and let them flie from the
  • right. They used a Bell, and took great care that their Jesses should
  • not be red, lest Eagles should flie at them. Though they used Hoods, we
  • have no clear description of them, and little account of their Lures.
  • The ancient Writers left no account of the swiftness of Hawks or measure
  • of their flight: but _Heresbachius_[261] delivers that _William_ Duke of
  • _Cleve_ had an Hawk which, in one day, made a flight out of _Westphalia_
  • into _Prussia_. And, upon good account, an Hawk in this Country of
  • _Norfolk_, made a flight at a Woodcock near thirty miles in one hour.
  • How far the Hawks, Merlins and wild Fowl which come unto us with a
  • North-west wind in the Autumn, flie in a day, there is no clear account;
  • but coming over Sea their flight hath been long, or very speedy. For I
  • have known them to light so weary on the coast, that many have been
  • taken with Dogs, and some knock'd down with Staves and Stones.
  • [261] _De Re Accipitraria, in 3 Books._
  • Their Perches seem not so large as ours; for they made them of such a
  • bigness that their Talons might almost meet: and they chose to make them
  • of Sallow, Poplar or Lime Tree.
  • They used great clamours and hollowing in their flight, which they made
  • by these words, _ou loi, la, la, la_; and to raise the Fowls, made use
  • of the sound of a Cymbal.
  • Their recreation seemed more sober and solemn than ours at present, so
  • improperly attended with Oaths and Imprecations. For they called on God
  • at their setting out, according to the account of _Demetrius_, τὸν Θεὸν
  • ἐπικαλέσαντες, _in the first place calling upon God_.
  • The learned _Rigaltius_ thinketh, that if the Romans had well known this
  • airy Chase, they would have left or less regarded their Circensial
  • Recreations. The Greeks understood Hunting early, but little or nothing
  • of our Falconry. If _Alexander_ had known it, we might have found
  • something of it and more of Hawks in _Aristotle_; who was so
  • unacquainted with that way, that he thought that Hawks would not feed
  • upon the Heart of Birds. Though he hath mention'd divers Hawks, yet
  • _Julius Scaliger_, an expert Falconer, despaired to reconcile them unto
  • ours. And 'tis well if, among them, you can clearly make out a Lanner, a
  • Sparrow Hawk and a Kestril, but must not hope to find your Gier Falcon
  • there, which is the noble Hawk; and I wish you one no worse than that of
  • _Henry_ King of _Navarre_; which, _Scaliger_ saith, he saw strike down a
  • Buzzard, two wild Geese, divers Kites, a Crane and a Swan.
  • Nor must you expect from high Antiquity the distinctions of Eyess and
  • Ramage Hawks, of Sores and Entermewers, of Hawks of the Lure and the
  • Fist; nor that material distinction into short and long winged Hawks;
  • from whence arise such differences in their taking down of Stones; in
  • their flight, their striking down or seizing of their Prey, in the
  • strength of their Talons, either in the Heel and fore-Talon, or the
  • middle and the Heel: nor yet what Eggs produce the different Hawks, or
  • when they lay three Eggs, that the first produceth a Female and large
  • Hawk, the second of a midler sort, and the third a smaller Bird
  • Tercellene or Tassel of the Masle Sex; which Hawks being onely observed
  • abroad by the Ancients, were looked upon as Hawks of different kinds and
  • not of the same Eyrie or Nest. As for what _Aristotle_ affirmeth that
  • Hawks and Birds of prey drink not; although you know that it will not
  • strictly hold, yet I kept an Eagle two years, which fed upon Kats,
  • Kittlings, Whelps and Ratts, without one drop of Water.
  • If any thing may add unto your knowledge in this noble Art, you must
  • pick it out of later Writers than those you enquire of. You may peruse
  • the two Books of Falconry writ by that renowned Emperour _Frederick_ the
  • Second; as also the Works of the noble Duke _Belisarius_, of _Tardiffe_,
  • _Francherius_, of _Francisco Sforzino_ of _Vicensa_; and may not a
  • little inform or recreate your self with that elegant Poem of
  • _Thuanus_.[262] I leave you to divert your self by the perusal of it,
  • having, at present, no more to say but that I am, _etc._
  • [262] _De Re Rustica._
  • OF CYMBALS, Etc.
  • TRACT VI
  • SIR,
  • With what difficulty, if possibility, you may expect satisfaction
  • concerning the Musick, or Musical Instruments of the Hebrews, you will
  • easily discover if you consult the attempts of learned men upon that
  • Subject: but for Cymbals, of whose Figure you enquire, you may find some
  • described in _Bayfius_, in the Comment of _Rhodius_ upon _Scribonius
  • Largus_, and others.
  • As for Κύμβαλον ἀλαλάζον mentioned by S. _Paul_,[263] and rendred a
  • _Tinckling Cymbal_, whether the translation be not too soft and
  • diminutive some question may be made: for the word ἀλαλάζον implieth no
  • small sound, but a strained and lofty vociferation, or some kind of
  • hollowing sound, according to the Exposition of _Hesychius_, Ἀλαλάξατε
  • ἐνυψώσατε τὴν φωνήν. A word drawn from the lusty shout of Souldiers,
  • crying Ἀλαλὰ at the first charge upon their Enemies, according to the
  • custom of Eastern Nations, and used by Trojans in _Homer_; and is also
  • the Note of the Chorus in _Aristophanes_ Ἀλαλαἰ ὶὴ παιών. In other parts
  • of Scripture we reade of loud and high sounding Cymbals; and in _Clemens
  • Alexandrinus_ that the Arabians made use of Cymbals in their Wars
  • instead of other military Musick; and _Polyænus_ in his _Stratagemes_
  • affirmeth that _Bacchus_ gave the signal of Battel unto his numerous
  • Army not with Trumpets but with Tympans and Cymbals.
  • [263] Cor. 13. 1
  • And now I take the opportunity to thank you for the new Book sent me
  • containing the Anthems sung in our Cathedral and Collegiate Churches:
  • 'tis probable there will be additions, the Masters of Musick being now
  • active in that affair. Beside my naked thanks I have yet nothing to
  • return you but this enclosed, which may be somewhat rare unto you, and
  • that is a Turkish Hymn translated into French out of the Turkish Metre,
  • which I thus render unto you.
  • _O what praise doth he deserve, and how great is that Lord, all
  • whose Slaves are as so many Kings!_
  • _Whosoever shall rub his Eyes with the dust of his Feet, shall
  • behold such admirable things that he shall fall into an ecstasie._
  • _He that shall drink one drop of his Beverage, shall have his
  • Bosome like the Ocean filled with Gems and pretious Liquours._
  • _Let not loose the Reins unto thy Passions in this world: he that
  • represseth them shall become a true Solomon in the Faith._
  • _Amuse not thy self to adore Riches, nor to build great Houses and
  • Palaces._
  • _The end of what thou shall build is but ruine._
  • _Pamper not thy Body with delicacies and dainties; it may come to
  • pass one day that this Body may be in Hell._
  • _Imagine not that he who findeth Riches findeth Happiness; he that
  • findeth Happiness is he that findeth God._
  • _All who prostrating themselves in humility shall this day believe
  • in_ Velè,[264] _if they were Poor shall be Rich, and if Rich shall
  • become Kings._
  • [264] Velè _the Founder of the Convent_.
  • After the Sermon ended which was made upon a Verse in the Alcoran
  • containing much Morality, the _Deruices_ in a Gallery apart sung this
  • Hymn, accompanied with Instrumental Musick, which so affected the Ears
  • of Monsieur _du Loyr_, that he would not omit to set it down, together
  • with the Musical Notes, to be found in his first Letter unto Monsieur
  • _Bouliau_, Prior of _Magny_.
  • * * * * *
  • Excuse my brevity: I can say but little where I understand but little.
  • _I am_, etc.
  • OF ROPALIC
  • or Gradual Verses, Etc.
  • _Mens mea sublimes rationes præmeditatur._
  • TRACT VII
  • SIR,
  • Though I may justly allow a good intention in this Poem presented unto
  • you, yet I must needs confess, I have no affection for it; as being
  • utterly averse from all affectation in Poetry, which either restrains
  • the phancy, or fetters the invention to any strict disposure of words. A
  • poem of this nature is to be found in _Ausonius_ beginning thus,
  • _Spes Deus æternæ stationis conciliator._
  • These are Verses _Ropalici_ or _Clavales_, arising gradually like the
  • Knots in a Ῥοπάλη or Clubb; named also _Fistulares_ by _Priscianus_, as
  • _Elias Vinetus_[265] hath noted. They consist properly of five words,
  • each thereof encreasing by one syllable. They admit not of a _Spondee_
  • in the fifth place, nor can a Golden or Silver Verse be made this way.
  • They run smoothly both in Latin and Greek, and some are scatteringly to
  • be found in _Homer_; as,
  • Ὦ μάκαρ Ἀτρείδη μοιρηγενὲς ὀλβιοδαίμον,
  • _Liberè dicam sed in aurem, ego versibus hujusmodi Ropalicis, longo
  • syrmate protractis, Ceraunium affigo._
  • [265] El Vinet. _in_ Auson.
  • He that affecteth such restrained Poetry, may peruse the Long Poem of
  • _Hugbaldus_ the Monk, wherein every word beginneth with a C penned in
  • the praise of _Calvities_ or Baldness, to the honour of _Carolus Calvus_
  • King of _France_,
  • _Carmina clarisonæ calvis cantate Camænæ._
  • The rest may be seen at large in the _adversaria_ of _Barthius_: or if
  • he delighteth in odd contrived phancies may he please himself with
  • _Antistrophes_, _Counterpetories_, _Retrogrades_, _Rebusses_, _Leonine_
  • Verses, etc. to be found in _Sieur des Accords_. But these and the like
  • are to be look'd upon, not pursued, odd works might be made by such
  • ways; and for your recreation I propose these few lines unto you,
  • _Arcu paratur quod arcui sufficit._
  • _Misellorum clamoribus accurrere non tam humanum quam sulphureum
  • est._
  • _Asino teratur quæ Asino teritur._
  • _Ne Asphodelos comedas, phœnices manduca._
  • _Cœlum aliquid potest, sed quæ mira præstat Papilio est._
  • Not to put you unto endless amusement, the Key hereof is the homonomy of
  • the Greek made use of in the Latin words, which rendreth all plain. More
  • ænigmatical and dark expressions might be made if any one would speak or
  • compose them out of the numerical Characters or characteristical Numbers
  • set down by _Robertus de Fluctibus_.[266]
  • [266] _Tract 2. Part lib. 1._
  • As for your question concerning the contrary expressions of the Italian
  • and Spaniards in their common affirmative answers, the Spaniard
  • answering _cy Sennor_, the Italian _Signior cy_, you must be content
  • with this Distich,
  • _Why saith the Italian Signior cy, the Spaniard cy Sennor?
  • Because the one puts that behind, the other puts before._
  • And because you are so happy in some Translations, I pray return me
  • these two verses in English,
  • _Occidit heu tandem multos quæ occidit amantes,
  • Et cinis est hodie quæ fuit ignis heri._
  • My occasions make me to take off my Pen. I am, _etc._
  • OF LANGUAGES
  • And particularly of the Saxon Tongue.
  • TRACT VIII
  • SIR,
  • The last Discourse we had of the Saxon Tongue recalled to my mind some
  • forgotten considerations. Though the Earth were widely peopled before
  • the Flood, (as many learned men conceive) yet whether after a large
  • dispersion, and the space of sixteen hundred years, men maintained so
  • uniform a Language in all parts, as to be strictly of one Tongue, and
  • readily to understand each other, may very well be doubted. For though
  • the World preserved in the Family of _Noah_ before the confusion of
  • Tongues might be said to be of one Lip, yet even permitted to themselves
  • their humours, inventions, necessities, and new objects, without the
  • miracle of Confusion at first, in so long a tract of time, there had
  • probably been a Babel. For whether _America_ were first peopled by one
  • or several Nations, yet cannot that number of different planting
  • Nations, answer the multiplicity of their present different Languages,
  • of no affinity unto each other; and even in their Northern Nations and
  • incommunicating Angles, their Languages are widely differing. A native
  • Interpreter brought from _California_ proved of no use unto the
  • Spaniards upon the neighbour Shore. From _Chiapa_, to _Guatemala_, _S.
  • Salvador_, _Honduras_, there are at least eighteen several languages;
  • and so numerous are they both in the Peruvian and Mexican Regions, that
  • the great Princes are fain to have one common Language, which besides
  • their vernaculous and Mother Tongues, may serve for commerce between
  • them.
  • And since the confusion of Tongues at first fell onely upon those which
  • were present in _Sinaar_ at the work of _Babel_, whether the primitive
  • Language from _Noah_ were onely preserved in the Family of _Heber_, and
  • not also in divers others, which might be absent at the same, whether
  • all came away and many might not be left behind in their first
  • Plantations about the foot of the Hills, whereabout the Ark rested and
  • _Noah_ became an Husbandman, is not absurdly doubted.
  • For so the primitive Tongue might in time branch out into several parts
  • of _Europe_ and _Asia_, and thereby the first or Hebrew Tongue which
  • seems to be ingredient into so many Languages, might have larger
  • originals and grounds of its communication and traduction than from the
  • Family of _Abraham_, the Country of _Canaan_ and words contained in the
  • Bible which come short of the full of that Language. And this would
  • become more probable from the Septuagint or Greek Chronology strenuously
  • asserted by _Vossius_; for making five hundred years between the Deluge
  • and the days of _Peleg_, there ariseth a large latitude of
  • multiplication and dispersion of People into several parts, before the
  • descent of that Body which followed _Nimrod_ unto _Sinaar_ from the
  • East.
  • They who derive the bulk of European Tongues from the Scythian and the
  • Greek, though they may speak probably in many points, yet must needs
  • allow vast difference or corruptions from so few originals, which
  • however might be tolerably made out in the old Saxon, yet hath time much
  • confounded the clearer derivations. And as the knowledge thereof now
  • stands in reference unto our selves, I find many words totally lost,
  • divers of harsh sound disused or refined in the pronunciation, and many
  • words we have also in common use not to be found in that Tongue, or
  • venially derivable from any other from whence we have largely borrowed,
  • and yet so much still remaineth with us that it maketh the gross of our
  • Language.
  • The religious obligation unto the Hebrew Language hath so notably
  • continued the same, that it might still be understood by _Abraham_,
  • whereas by the _Mazorite_ Points and Chaldee Character the old Letter
  • stands so transformed, that if _Moses_ were alive again, he must be
  • taught to reade his own Law.
  • The Chinoys, who live at the bounds of the Earth, who have admitted
  • little communication, and suffered successive incursions from one
  • Nation, may possibly give account of a very ancient Language; but
  • consisting of many Nations and Tongues; confusion, admixtion and
  • corruption in length of time might probably so have crept in as without
  • the virtue of a common Character, and lasting Letter of things, they
  • could never probably make out those strange memorials which they
  • pretend, while they still make use of the Works of their great
  • _Confutius_ many hundred years before Christ, and in a series ascend as
  • high as _Poncuus_, who is conceived our _Noah_.
  • The present Welch, and remnant of the old Britanes, hold so much of that
  • ancient Language, that they make a shift to understand the Poems of
  • _Merlin_, _Enerin_, _Telesin_, a thousand years ago, whereas the
  • Herulian _Pater Noster_, set down by _Wolfgangus Lazius_, is not without
  • much criticism made out, and but in some words; and the present
  • Parisians can hardly hack out those few lines of the League between
  • _Charles_ and _Lewis_, the Sons of _Ludovicus Pius_, yet remaining in
  • old French.
  • The Spaniards, in their corruptive traduction and Romance, have so
  • happily retained the terminations from the Latin, that notwithstanding
  • the Gothick and Moorish intrusion of words, they are able to make a
  • Discourse completely consisting of Grammatical Latin and Spanish,
  • wherein the Italians and French will be very much to seek.
  • The learned _Casaubon_ conceiveth that a Dialogue might be composed in
  • Saxon onely of such words as are derivable from the Greek, which surely
  • might be effected, and so as the learned might not uneasily find it out.
  • _Verstegan_ made no doubt that he could contrive a Letter which might be
  • understood by the English, Dutch and East Frislander, which, as the
  • present confusion standeth, might have proved no very clear Piece, and
  • hardly to be hammer'd out: yet so much of the Saxon still remaineth in
  • our English, as may admit an orderly discourse and series of good sense,
  • such as not onely the present English, but _Ælfric_, _Bede_ and _Alured_
  • might understand after so many hundred years.
  • Nations that live promiscuously, under the Power and Laws of Conquest,
  • do seldom escape the loss of their Language with their Liberties,
  • wherein the Romans were so strict that the Grecians were fain to conform
  • in their judicial Processes; which made the Jews loose more in seventy
  • years dispersion in the Provinces of _Babylon_, than in many hundred in
  • their distinct habitation in _Ægypt_; and the English which dwelt
  • dispersedly to loose their Language in _Ireland_, whereas more tolerable
  • reliques there are thereof in _Fingall_, where they were closely and
  • almost solely planted; and the Moors which were most huddled together
  • and united about _Granada_, have yet left their _Arvirage_ among the
  • Granadian Spaniards.
  • But shut up in Angles and inaccessible corners, divided by Laws and
  • Manners, they often continue long with little mixture, which hath
  • afforded that lasting life unto the Cantabrian and British Tongue,
  • wherein the Britanes are remarkable, who, having lived four hundred
  • years together with the Romans, retained so much of the British as it
  • may be esteemed a Language; which either they resolutely maintained in
  • their cohabitation with them in Britane, or retiring after in the time
  • of the Saxons into Countries and parts less civiliz'd and conversant
  • with the Romans, they found the People distinct, the Language more
  • intire, and so fell into it again.
  • But surely no Languages have been so straitly lock'd up as not to admit
  • of commixture. The Irish, although they retain a kind of a Saxon
  • Character, yet have admitted many words of Latin and English. In the
  • Welch are found many words from Latin, some from Greek and Saxon. In
  • what parity and incommixture the Language of that People stood which
  • were casually discovered in the heart of _Spain_, between the Mountains
  • of _Castile_, no longer ago than in the time of Duke _D' Alva_, we have
  • not met with a good account any farther than that their words were
  • Basquish or Cantabrian: but the present Basquensa one of the minor
  • Mother Tongues of _Europe_, is not without commixture of Latin and
  • Castilian, while we meet with _Santifica_, _tentationeten_, _Glaria_,
  • _puissanea_, and four more in the short Form of the Lord's Prayer, set
  • down by _Paulus Merula_: but although in this brief Form we may find
  • such commixture, yet the bulk of their Language seems more distinct,
  • consisting of words of no affinity unto others, of numerals totally
  • different, of differing Grammatical Rule, as may be observed in the
  • Dictionary and short _Basquensa_ Grammar, composed by _Raphael
  • Nicoleta_, a Priest of _Bilboa_.
  • And if they use the auxiliary Verbs of _Equin_ and _Ysan_, answerable
  • unto _Hazer_ and _Ser_, to Have, and Be, in the Spanish, which Forms
  • came in with the Northern Nations into the Italian, Spanish and French,
  • and if that Form were used by them before, and crept not in from
  • imitation of their neighbours, it may shew some ancienter traduction
  • from Northern Nations, or else must seem very strange; since the
  • Southern Nations had it not of old, and I know not whether any such mode
  • be found in the Languages of any part of _America_.
  • The Romans, who made the great commixture and alteration of Languages in
  • the World, effected the same, not onely by their proper Language, but
  • those also of their military Forces, employed in several Provinces, as
  • holding a standing _Militia_ in all Countries, and commonly of strange
  • Nations; so while the cohorts and Forces of the Britanes were quartered
  • in _Ægypt_, _Armenia_, _Spain_, _Illyria_, etc. the Stablæsians and
  • Dalmatians here, the Gauls, Spaniards and Germans in other Countries,
  • and other Nations in theirs, they could not but leave many words behind
  • them, and carry away many with them, which might make that in many words
  • of very distinct Nations some may still remain of very unknown and
  • doubtfull Genealogy.
  • And if, as the learned _Buxhornius_ contendeth, the Scythian Language as
  • the Mother Tongue runs through the Nations of _Europe_, and even as far
  • as _Persia_, the community in many words between so many Nations, hath a
  • more reasonable original traduction, and were rather derivable from the
  • common Tongue diffused through them all, than from any particular
  • Nation, which hath also borrowed and holdeth but at second hand.
  • The Saxons settling over all _England_, maintained an uniform Language,
  • onely diversified in Dialect, Idioms, and minor differences, according
  • to their different Nations which came in to the common Conquest, which
  • may yet be a cause of the variation in the speech and words of several
  • parts of _England_, where different Nations most abode or settled, and
  • having expelled the Britanes, their Wars were chiefly among themselves,
  • with little action with foreign Nations untill the union of the
  • Heptarchy under _Egbert_; after which time although the Danes infested
  • this Land and scarce left any part free, yet their incursions made more
  • havock in Buildings, Churches and Cities, than the Language of the
  • Country, because their Language was in effect the same, and such as
  • whereby they might easily understand one another.
  • And if the Normans, which came into _Neustria_ or _Normandy_ with
  • _Rollo_ the Dane, had preserved their Language in their new acquists,
  • the succeeding Conquest of _England_, by Duke _William_ of his race, had
  • not begot among us such notable alterations; but having lost their
  • Language in their abode in _Normandy_ before they adventured upon
  • _England_, they confounded the English with their French, and made the
  • grand mutation, which was successively encreased by our possessions in
  • _Normandy_, _Guien_ and _Aquitain_, by our long Wars in France, by
  • frequent resort of the French, who to the number of some thousands came
  • over with _Isabel_ Queen to _Edward_ the Second, and the several Matches
  • of _England_ with the Daughters of _France_ before and since that time.
  • But this commixture, though sufficient to confuse, proved not of ability
  • to abolish the Saxon words; for from the French we have borrowed many
  • Substantives, Adjectives and some Verbs, but the great Body of Numerals,
  • auxiliary Verbs, Articles, Pronouns, Adverbs, Conjunctions and
  • Prepositions, which are the distinguishing and lasting part of a
  • Language, remain with us from the Saxon, which, having suffered no great
  • alteration for many hundred years, may probably still remain, though the
  • English swell with the inmates of Italian, French and Latin. An Example
  • whereof may be observ'd in this following.
  • _English_ I.
  • The first and formost step to all good Works is the dread and fear
  • of the Lord of Heaven and Earth, which thorough the Holy Ghost
  • enlightneth the blindness of our sinfull hearts to tread the ways
  • of wisedom, and leads our feet into the Land of Blessing.
  • _Saxon_ I.
  • The erst and fyrmost stæp to eal gode Weorka is the dræd and feurt
  • of the Lauord of Heofan and Eorth, whilc thurh the Heilig Gast
  • onlihtneth the blindnesse of ure sinfull heorte to træd the wæg of
  • wisdome, and thone læd ure fet into the Land of Blessung.
  • _English_ II.
  • For to forget his Law is the Door, the Gate and Key to let in all
  • unrighteousness, making our Eyes, Ears and Mouths to answer the
  • lust of Sin, our Brains dull to good Thoughts, our Lips dumb to his
  • Praise, our Ears deaf to his Gospel, and our Eyes dim to behold his
  • Wonders, which witness against us that we have not well learned the
  • word of God, that we are the Children of wrath, unworthy of the
  • love and manifold gifts of God, greedily following after the ways
  • of the Devil and witchcraft of the World, doing nothing to free and
  • keep our selves from the burning fire of Hell, till we be buried in
  • Sin and swallowed in Death, not to arise again in any hope of
  • Christ's Kingdom.
  • _Saxon_ II.
  • For to fuorgytan his Laga is the Dure, the Gat and Cæg to let in
  • eal unrightwisnysse, makend ure Eyge, Eore and Muth to answare the
  • lust of Sin, ure Brægan dole to gode Theoht, ure Lippan dumb to his
  • Preys, ure Earen deaf to his Gospel, and ure Eyge dim to behealden
  • his Wundra, whilc ge witnysse ongen us that wee œf noht wel
  • gelæred the weord of God, that wee are the Cilda of ured, unwyrthe
  • of the lufe and mænigfeald gift of God, grediglice felygend æfter
  • the wægen of the Deoful and wiccraft of the Weorld, doend nothing
  • to fry and cæp ure saula from the byrnend fyr of Hell, till we be
  • geburied in Synne and swolgen in Death not to arise agen in ænig
  • hope of Christes Kynedome.
  • _English_ III.
  • Which draw from above the bitter doom of the Almighty of Hunger,
  • Sword, Sickness, and brings more sad plagues than those of Hail,
  • Storms, Thunder, Bloud, Frogs, swarms of Gnats and Grashoppers,
  • which ate the Corn, Grass and Leaves of the Trees in _Ægypt_.
  • _Saxon_ III.
  • Whilc drag from buf the bitter dome of the Almagan of Hunger,
  • Sweorde, Seoknesse, and bring mere sad plag, thone they of Hagal,
  • Storme, Thunner, Blode, Frog, swearme of Gnæt and Gærsupper, whilc
  • eaten the Corn, Gærs and Leaf of the Treowen in _Ægypt_.
  • _English_ IV.
  • If we reade his Book and holy Writ, these among many others, we
  • shall find to be the tokens of his hate, which gathered together
  • might mind us of his will, and teach us when his wrath beginneth,
  • which sometimes comes in open strength and full sail, oft steals
  • like a Thief in the night, like Shafts shot from a Bow at midnight,
  • before we think upon them.
  • _Saxon_ IV.
  • Gyf we ræd his Boc and heilig Gewrit, these gemong mænig othern, we
  • sceall findan the tacna of his hatung whilc gegatherod together
  • miht gemind us of his willan, and teac us whone his ured onginneth,
  • whilc sometima come in open strength and fill seyle, oft stæl gelyc
  • a Theof in the niht, gelyc Sceaft scoten fram a Boge at midneoht,
  • beforan we thinck uppen them.
  • _English_ V.
  • And though they were a deal less, and rather short than beyond our
  • sins, yet do we not a whit withstand or forbear them, we are wedded
  • to, not weary of our misdeeds, we seldom look upward, and are not
  • ashamed under sin, we cleanse not our selves from the blackness and
  • deep hue of our guilt; we want tears and sorrow, we weep not, fast
  • not, we crave not forgiveness from the mildness, sweetness and
  • goodness of God, and with all livelihood and stedfastness to our
  • uttermost will hunt after the evil of guile, pride, cursing,
  • swearing, drunkenness, overeating, uncleanness, all idle lust of
  • the flesh, yes many uncouth and nameless sins, hid in our inmost
  • Breast and Bosomes, which stand betwixt our forgiveness, and keep
  • God and Man asunder.
  • _Saxon_ V.
  • And theow they wære a dæl lesse, and reither scort thone begond
  • oure sinnan, get do we naht a whit withstand and forbeare them, we
  • eare bewudded to, noht werig of ure agen misdeed, we seldon loc
  • upweard, and ear not ofschæmod under sinne, we cleans noht ure
  • selvan from the blacnesse and dæp hue of ure guilt; we wan teare
  • and sara, we weope noht, fæst noht, we craf noht foregyfnesse fram
  • the mildnesse, sweetnesse and goodnesse of God, and mit eal
  • lifelyhood and stedfastnesse to ure uttermost witt hunt æfter the
  • ufel of guile, pride, cursung, swearung, druncennesse, overeat,
  • uncleannesse and eal idle lust of the flæsc, vis mænig uncuth and
  • nameleas sinnan, hid in ure inmæst Brist and Bosome, whilc stand
  • betwixt ure foregyfnesse, and cæp God and Man asynder.
  • _English_ VI.
  • Thus are we far beneath and also worse than the rest of God's
  • Works; for the Sun and Moon, the King and Queen of Stars, Snow,
  • Ice, Rain, Frost, Dew, Mist, Wind, fourfooted and creeping things,
  • Fishes and feathered Birds, and Fowls either of Sea or Land do all
  • hold the Laws of his will.
  • _Saxon_ VI.
  • Thus eare we far beneoth and ealso wyrse thone the rest of Gods
  • Weorka; for the Sune and Mone, the Cyng and Cquen of Stearran,
  • Snaw, Ise, Ren, Frost, Deaw, Miste, Wind, feower fet and crypend
  • dinga, Fix yefetherod Brid, and Fælan auther in Sæ or Land do eal
  • heold the Lag of his willan.
  • Thus have you seen in few words how near the Saxon and English meet.
  • * * * * *
  • Now of this account the French will be able to make nothing; the modern
  • Danes and Germans, though from several words they may conjecture at the
  • meaning, yet will they be much to seek in the orderly sense and
  • continued construction thereof, whether the Danes can continue such a
  • series of sense out of their present Language and the old Runick, as to
  • be intelligible unto present and ancient times, some doubt may well be
  • made; and if the present French would attempt a Discourse in words
  • common unto their present Tongue and the old _Romana Rustica_ spoken in
  • Elder times, or in the old Language of the Francks, which came to be in
  • use some successions after _Pharamond_, it might prove a Work of some
  • trouble to effect.
  • It were not impossible to make an Original reduction of many words of no
  • general reception in _England_ but of common use in _Norfolk_, or
  • peculiar to the East Angle Countries; as, _Bawnd_, _Bunny_, _Thurck_,
  • _Enemmis_, _Sammodithee_, _Mawther_, _Kedge_, _Seele_, _Straft_,
  • _Clever_, _Matchly_, _Dere_, _Nicked_, _Stingy_, _Noneare_, _Feft_,
  • _Thepes_, _Gosgood_, _Kamp_, _Sibrit_, _Fangast_, _Sap_, _Cothish_,
  • _Thokish_, _Bide owe_, _Paxwax_: of these and some others of no easie
  • originals, when time will permit, the resolution may be attempted; which
  • to effect, the Danish Language new and more ancient may prove of good
  • advantage: which Nation remained here fifty years upon agreement, and
  • have left many Families in it, and the Language of these parts had
  • surely been more commixed and perplex, if the Fleet of _Hugo de Bones_
  • had not been cast away, wherein threescore thousand Souldiers out of
  • _Britany_ and _Flanders_ were to be wafted over, and were by King
  • _John's_ appointment to have a settled habitation in the Counties of
  • _Norfolk_ and _Suffolk_.
  • But beside your laudable endeavours in the Saxon, you are not like to
  • repent you of your studies in the other European and Western Languages,
  • for therein are delivered many excellent Historical, Moral and
  • Philosophical Discourses, wherein men merely versed in the learned
  • Languages are often at a loss: but although you are so well accomplished
  • in the French, you will not surely conceive that you are master of all
  • the Languages in _France_, for to omit the Briton, Britonant or old
  • British, yet retained in some part of _Britany_, I shall onely propose
  • this unto your construction.
  • * * * * *
  • _Chavalisco d' aquestes Boemes chems an freitado lou cap cun taules
  • Jargonades, ero necy chi voluiget bouta sin tens embè aquelles. Anin à
  • lous occells, che dizen tat prou ben en ein voz L' ome nosap
  • comochodochi yen ay jes de plazer, d' ausir la mitat de paraulles en el
  • mon._
  • This is a part of that Language which _Scaliger_ nameth _Idiotismus
  • Tectosagicus_, or _Langue d' oc_, counterdistinguishing it unto the
  • _Idiotismus Francicus_, or _Langue d'ouy_, not understood in a petty
  • corner or between a few Mountains, but in parts of early civility, in
  • _Languedoc_, _Provence_ and _Catalonia_, which put together will make
  • little less than _England_.
  • Without some knowledge herein you cannot exactly understand the Works of
  • _Rablais_: by this the French themselves are fain to make out that
  • preserved relique of old French, containing the League between _Charles_
  • and _Lewis_ the Sons of _Ludovicus Pius_. Hereby may tolerably be
  • understood the several Tracts written in the Catalonian Tongue; and in
  • this is published the Tract of Falconry written by _Theodosius_ and
  • _Symmachus_: in this is yet conserved the Poem _Vilhuardine_ concerning
  • the French expedition in the Holy War, and the taking of
  • _Constantinople_, among the Works of _Marius Æquicola_ an Italian Poet.
  • You may find, in this Language, a pleasant Dialogue of Love: this,
  • about an hundred years ago, was in high esteem, when many Italian Wits
  • flocked into _Provence_; and the famous _Petrarcha_ wrote many of his
  • Poems in _Vaucluse_ in that Country.
  • * * * * *
  • For the word [_Dread_] in the Royal Title [_Dread Sovereign_] of which
  • you desire to know the meaning, I return answer unto your question
  • briefly thus.
  • * * * * *
  • Most men do vulgarly understand this word _Dread_ after the common and
  • English acception, as implying _Fear_, _Awe_ or _Dread_.
  • Others may think to expound it from the French word _Droit_ or _Droyt_.
  • For, whereas in elder times, the _Presidents_ and _Supremes_ of Courts
  • were termed _Sovereigns_, men might conceive this a distinctive Title
  • and proper unto the King as eminently and by right the Sovereign.
  • A third exposition may be made from some Saxon Original, particularly
  • from _Driht_, _Domine_, or _Drihten_, _Dominus_, in the Saxon Language,
  • the word for _Dominus_ throughout the Saxon Psalms, and used in the
  • expression of the year of our Lord in the Decretal Epistle of Pope
  • _Agatho_ unto _Athelred_ King of the Mercians, _Anno_, 680.
  • _Verstegan_ would have this term _Drihten_ appropriate unto God. Yet, in
  • the Constitutions of _Withred[267] King of Kent_, we find the same word
  • used for a Lord or Master, _Si in vesperâ præcedente solem servus ex
  • mandato Domini aliquod opus servile egerit, Dominus (Drihten) 80 solidis
  • luito_. However therefore, though _Driht_, _Domine_, might be most
  • eminently applied unto the Lord of Heaven, yet might it be also
  • transferred unto Potentates and Gods on Earth, unto whom fealty is given
  • or due, according unto the Feudist term _Ligeus à Ligando_ unto whom
  • they were bound in fealty. And therefore from _Driht_, _Domine_, _Dread
  • Sovereign_, may, probably, owe its Original.
  • [267] V. Cl. Spelmanni _Concil._
  • * * * * *
  • I have not time to enlarge upon this Subject: 'Pray let this pass,
  • as it is, for a Letter and not for a Treatise. I am
  • _Yours_, etc.
  • OF ARTIFICIAL HILLS, MOUNTS OR BURROWS
  • In many parts of England.
  • What they are, to what end raised, and by what Nations.
  • TRACT IX
  • My honoured Friend Mr. _E. D._[268] his _Quære_.
  • 'In my last Summer's Journey through _Marshland_, _Holland_ and a great
  • part of the _Fenns_, I observed divers artificial heaps of Earth of a
  • very large magnitude, and I hear of many others which are in other parts
  • of those Countries, some of them are at least twenty foot in direct
  • height from the level whereon they stand. I would gladly know your
  • opinion of them, and whether you think not that they were raised by the
  • Romans or Saxons to cover the Bones or Ashes of some eminent persons?'
  • [268] [Sir William Dugdale.--ED.]
  • My Answer.
  • _Worthy Sir_,
  • Concerning artificial Mounts and Hills, raised without Fortifications
  • attending them, in most parts of _England_, the most considerable
  • thereof I conceive to be of two kinds; that is, either Signal Boundaries
  • and Land-Marks, or else sepulchral Monuments or Hills of Interrment for
  • remarkable and eminent persons, especially such as died in the Wars.
  • As for such which are sepulchral Monuments, upon bare and naked view
  • they are not appropriable unto any of the three Nations of the Romans,
  • Saxons or Danes, who, after the Britaines, have possessed this Land;
  • because upon strict account, they may be appliable unto them all.
  • For that the Romans used such hilly Sepultures, beside many other
  • testimonies, seems confirmable from the practice of _Germanicus_, who
  • thus interred the unburied Bones of the slain Souldiers of _Varus_; and
  • that expression of _Virgil_, of high antiquity among the Latins,
  • --_facit ingens monte sub alto_
  • _Regis Dercenni terreno ex aggere Bustum._
  • That the Saxons made use of this way is collectible from several
  • Records, and that pertinent expression of _Lelandus_,[269] _Saxones gens
  • Christi ignara, in hortis amœnis, si domi forte ægroti moriebantur;
  • sin foris et bello occisi, in egestis per campos terræ tumulis (quos
  • Burgos appellabant) sepulti sunt_.
  • [269] Leland. _in Assertione Regis_ Arthuri.
  • That the Danes observed this practice, their own Antiquities do
  • frequently confirm, and it stands precisely delivered by _Adolphus
  • Cyprius_, as the learned _Wormius_[270] hath observed. _Dani olim in
  • memoriam Regum et Heroum, ex terra coacervata ingentes moles, Montium
  • instar eminentes, erexisse, credibile omnino ac probabile est, atque
  • illis in locis ut plurimum, quo sæpe homines commearent, atque iter
  • haberent, ut in viis publicis posteritati memoriam consecrarent, et
  • quodammodo immortalitati mandarent._ And the like Monuments are yet to
  • be observed in _Norway_ and _Denmark_ in no small numbers.
  • [270] Wormius _in Monumentis Danicis_.
  • So that upon a single view and outward observation they may be the
  • Monuments of any of these three Nations: Although the greatest number,
  • not improbably, of the Saxons; who fought many Battels with the
  • Britaines and Danes, and also between their own Nations, and left the
  • proper name of Burrows for these Hills still retained in many of them,
  • as the seven Burrows upon _Salisbury_ Plain, and in many other parts of
  • _England_.
  • But of these and the like Hills there can be no clear and assured
  • decision without an ocular exploration, and subterraneous enquiry by
  • cutting through one of them either directly or crosswise. For so with
  • lesser charge discovery may be made what is under them, and consequently
  • the intention of their erection.
  • For if they were raised for remarkable and eminent Boundaries, then
  • about their bottom will be found the lasting substances of burnt Bones
  • of Beasts, of Ashes, Bricks, Lime or Coals.
  • If Urns be found, they might be erected by the Romans before the term of
  • Urn-burying or custom of burning the dead expired: but if raised by the
  • Romans after that period; Inscriptions, Swords, Shields, and Arms after
  • the Roman mode, may afford a good distinction.
  • But if these Hills were made by Saxons or Danes, discovery may be made
  • from the fashion of their Arms, Bones of their Horses, and other
  • distinguishing substances buried with them.
  • And for such an attempt there wanteth not encouragement. For a like
  • Mount or Burrow was opened in the days of King _Henry_ the Eighth upon
  • _Barham_ Down in _Kent_, by the care of Mr. _Thomas Digges_ and charge
  • of Sir _Christopher Hales_; and a large Urn with Ashes was found under
  • it, as is delivered by _Thomas Twinus De Rebus Albionicis_, a learned
  • Man of that Country, _Sub incredibili Terræ acervo, Urna cinere ossium
  • magnorum fragmentis plena, cùm galeis, clypeis æneis et ferreis rubigine
  • ferè consumptis, inusitatæ magnitudinis, eruta est: sed nulla inscriptio
  • nomen, nullum testimonium tempus, aut fortunam exponebant_: and not very
  • long ago, as _Cambden_[271] delivereth, in one of the Mounts of
  • _Barklow_ Hills in _Essex_, being levelled there were found three
  • Troughs, containing broken Bones, conceived to have been of Danes: and
  • in later time we find, that a Burrow was opened in the Isle of _Man_,
  • wherein fourteen Urns were found with burnt Bones in them; and one more
  • neat than the rest, placed in a Bed of fine white Sand, containing
  • nothing but a few brittle Bones, as having passed the Fire; according to
  • the particular account thereof in the description[272] of the Isle of
  • _Man_. Surely many noble Bones and Ashes have been contented with such
  • hilly Tombs; which neither admitting Ornament, Epitaph or Inscription,
  • may, if Earthquakes spare them, out last all other Monuments. _Suæ sunt
  • Metis metæ._ Obelisks have their term, and Pyramids will tumble, but
  • these mountainous Monuments may stand, and are like to have the same
  • period with the Earth.
  • [271] Cambd. Brit. _p. 326_.
  • [272] _Published_ 1656, by Dan. King.
  • * * * * *
  • More might be said, but my business, of another nature, makes me take
  • off my hand. I am
  • _Yours_, etc.
  • OF TROAS
  • What place is meant by that Name.
  • Also, of the situations of _Sodom_, _Gomorrha_,
  • _Admah_, _Zeboim_, in the dead Sea.
  • TRACT X
  • SIR,
  • _To your Geographical Queries, I answer as follows._
  • In sundry passages of the new Testament, in the _Acts of the Apostles_,
  • and Epistles of S. _Paul_, we meet with the word _Troas_; how he went
  • from _Troas_ to _Philippi_ in _Macedonia_, from thence unto _Troas_
  • again: how he remained seven days in that place; from thence on foot to
  • _Assos_, whither the Disciples had sailed from _Troas_, and there,
  • taking him in, made their Voyage unto _Cæsarea_.
  • Now, whether this _Troas_ be the name of a City or a certain Region
  • seems no groundless doubt of yours: for that 'twas sometimes taken in
  • the signification of some Country, is acknowledged by _Ortelius_,
  • _Stephanus_ and _Grotius_; and it is plainly set down by _Strabo_, that
  • a Region of _Phrygia_ in _Asia minor_ was so taken in ancient times; and
  • that, at the Trojan War, all the Territory which comprehended the nine
  • Principalities subject unto the King of _Ilium_, Τροίη λεγομένη, was
  • called by the name of _Troja_. And this might seem sufficiently to salve
  • the intention of the description, when he came or went from _Troas_,
  • that is, some part of that Region; and will otherwise seem strange unto
  • many how he should be said to go or come from that City which all
  • Writers had laid in the Ashes about a thousand years before.
  • All which notwithstanding, since we reade in the Text a particular abode
  • of seven days, and such particulars as leaving of his Cloak, Books and
  • Parchments at _Troas_: And that S. _Luke_ seems to have been taken in to
  • the Travels of S. _Paul_ in this place, where he begins in the _Acts_ to
  • write in the first person, this may rather seem to have been some City
  • or special Habitation, than any Province or Region without such
  • limitation.
  • Now that such a City there was, and that of no mean note, is easily
  • verified from historical observation. For though old _Ilium_ was
  • anciently destroyed, yet was there another raised by the relicts of that
  • people, not in the same place, but about thirty Furlongs westward, as is
  • to be learned from _Strabo_.
  • Of this place _Alexander_ in his expedition against _Darius_ took
  • especial notice, endowing it with sundry Immunities, with promise of
  • greater matters at his return from _Persia_; inclined hereunto from the
  • honour he bore unto _Homer_, whose earnest Reader he was, and upon whose
  • Poems, by the help of _Anaxarchus_ and _Callisthenes_, he made some
  • observations. As also much moved hereto upon the account of his
  • cognation with the _Æacides_ and Kings of _Molossus_, whereof
  • _Andromache_ the Wife of _Hector_ was Queen. After the death of
  • _Alexander_, _Lysimachus_ surrounded it with a Wall, and brought the
  • inhabitants of the neighbour Towns unto it, and so it bore the name of
  • _Alexandria_; which, from _Antigonus_, was also called _Antigonia_,
  • according to the inscription of that famous Medal in _Goltsius_,
  • _Colonia Troas Antigonia Alexandrea, Legio vicesima prima_.
  • When the Romans first went into _Asia_ against _Antiochus_ 'twas but a
  • Κωμόπολις and no great City; but, upon the Peace concluded, the Romans
  • much advanced the same. _Fimbria_, the rebellious Roman, spoiled it in
  • the Mithridatick War, boasting that he had subdued _Troy_ in eleven days
  • which the Grecians could not take in almost as many years. But it was
  • again rebuilt and countenanced by the Romans, and became a Roman Colony,
  • with great immunities conferred on it; and accordingly it is so set down
  • by _Ptolomy_. For the Romans, deriving themselves from the Trojans,
  • thought no favour too great for it; especially _Julius Cæsar_, who, both
  • in imitation of _Alexander_, and for his own descent from _Julus_, of
  • the posterity of _Æneas_, with much passion affected it, and, in a
  • discontented humour,[273] was once in mind to translate the Roman wealth
  • unto it; so that it became a very remarkable place, and was, in
  • _Strabo's_ time, ἐλλογίμων πόλεων, one of the noble Cities of _Asia_.
  • [273] Sueton.
  • And, if they understood the prediction of _Homer_ in reference unto the
  • Romans, as some expound it in _Strabo_, it might much promote their
  • affection unto that place; which being a remarkable prophecy, and scarce
  • to be parallel'd in Pagan story, made before _Rome_ was built, and
  • concerning the lasting Reign of the progeny of _Æneas_, they could not
  • but take especial notice of it. For thus is _Neptune_ made to speak,
  • when he saved _Æneas_ from the fury of _Achilles_.
  • _Verum agite hunc subito præsenti à morte trahamus
  • Ne Cronides ira flammet si fortis Achilles
  • Hunc mactet, fati quem Lex evadere jussit.
  • Ne genus intereat de læto semine totum
  • Dardani ab excelso præ cunctis prolibus olim,
  • Dilecti quos è mortali stirpe creavit,
  • Nunc etiam Priami stirpem Saturnius odit,
  • Trojugenum posthæc Æneas sceptra tenebit
  • Et nati natorum et qui nascentur ab illis._
  • The Roman favours were also continued unto S. _Paul's_ days; for
  • _Claudius_,[274] producing an ancient Letter of the Romans unto King
  • _Seleucus_ concerning the Trojan Privileges, made a Release of their
  • Tributes; and _Nero_ [SN: Tacit. _l. 13_.] elegantly pleaded for their
  • Immunities, and remitted all Tributes unto them.
  • [274] Sueton.
  • And, therefore, there being so remarkable a City in this Territory, it
  • may seem too hard to loose the same in the general name of the Country;
  • and since it was so eminently favoured by Emperours, enjoying so many
  • Immunities, and full of Roman Privileges, it was probably very populous,
  • and a fit abode for S. _Paul_, who being a Roman Citizen, might live
  • more quietly himself, and have no small number of faithfull well-wishers
  • in it.
  • Yet must we not conceive that this was the old _Troy_, or re-built in
  • the same place with it: for _Troas_ was placed about thirty Furlongs
  • West, and upon the Sea shore; so that, to hold a clearer apprehension
  • hereof than is commonly delivered in the Discourses of the Ruines of
  • _Troy_, we may consider one Inland _Troy_ or old _Ilium_, which was
  • built farther within the Land, and so was removed from the Port where
  • the Grecian Fleet lay in _Homer_; and another Maritime _Troy_, which was
  • upon the Sea Coast placed in the Maps of _Ptolomy_, between _Lectum_ and
  • _Sigæum_ or Port _Janizam_, Southwest from the old City, which was this
  • of S. _Paul_, and whereunto are appliable the particular accounts of
  • _Bellonius_, when, not an hundred years ago, he described the Ruines of
  • _Troy_ with their Baths, Aqueducts, Walls and Towers, to be seen from
  • the Sea as he sailed between it and _Tenedos_; and where, upon nearer
  • view, he observed some signs and impressions of his conversion in the
  • ruines of Churches, Crosses, and Inscriptions upon Stones.
  • Nor was this onely a famous City in the days of S. _Paul_, but
  • considerable long after. For, upon the Letter of _Adrianus_ [SN:
  • Philostrat. _in Vita_ Herodis Attici.], _Herodes Atticus_, at a great
  • charge, repaired their Baths, contrived Aqueducts and noble
  • Water-courses in it. As is also collectible from the Medals of
  • _Caracalla_, of _Severus_, and _Crispina_; with Inscriptions, _Colonia
  • Alexandria Troas_, bearing on the Reverse either an Horse, a Temple, or
  • a Woman; denoting their destruction by an Horse, their prayers for the
  • Emperour's safety, and, as some conjecture, the memory of _Sibylla_,
  • _Phrygia_ or _Hellespontica_.
  • Nor wanted this City the favour of Christian Princes, but was made a
  • Bishop's See under the Archbishop of _Cyzicum_; but in succeeding
  • discords was destroyed and ruined, and the nobler Stones translated to
  • _Constantinople_ by the Turks to beautifie their Mosques and other
  • Buildings.
  • _Concerning the Dead Sea, accept of these few Remarks._
  • In the Map of the Dead Sea we meet with the Figure of the Cities which
  • were destroyed: of _Sodom_, _Gomorrha_, _Admah_ and _Zeboim_; but with
  • no uniformity; men placing them variously, and, from the uncertainty of
  • their situation, taking a fair liberty to set them where they please.
  • For _Admah_, _Zeboim_ and _Gomorrha_, there is no light from the Text to
  • define their situation. But, that _Sodom_ could not be far from _Segor_
  • which was seated under the Mountains near the side of the Lake, seems
  • inferrible from the sudden arrival of _Lot_, who, coming from _Sodom_ at
  • day break, attained to _Segor_ at Sun rising; and therefore _Sodom_ is
  • to be placed not many miles from it, not in the middle of the Lake,
  • which against that place is about eighteen miles over, and so will leave
  • nine miles to be gone in so small a space of time.
  • The Valley being large, the Lake now in length about seventy English
  • miles, the River _Jordan_ and divers others running over the Plain, 'tis
  • probable the best Cities were seated upon those Streams: but how the
  • _Jordan_ passed or winded, or where it took in the other Streams, is a
  • point too old for Geography to determine.
  • For, that the River gave the fruitfulness unto this Valley by over
  • watring that low Region, seems plain from that expression in the
  • Text,[275] that it was watered, _sicut Paradisus et Ægyptus_, like
  • _Eden_ and the Plains of _Mesopotamia_, where _Euphrates_ yearly
  • overfloweth; or like _Ægypt_ where _Nilus_ doth the like: and seems
  • probable also from the same course of the River not far above this
  • Valley where the Israelites passed _Jordan_, where 'tis said that
  • _Jordan overfloweth its Banks in the time of Harvest_.
  • [275] Gen. 13. 10.
  • That it must have had some passage under ground in the compass of this
  • Valley before the creation of this Lake, seems necessary from the great
  • current of _Jordan_, and from the Rivers _Arnon_, _Cedron_, _Zaeth_,
  • which empty into this Valley; but where to place that concurrence of
  • Waters or place of its absorbition, there is no authentick decision.
  • The probablest place may be set somewhat Southward, below the Rivers
  • that run into it on the East or Western Shore: and somewhat agreeable
  • unto the account which _Brocardus_ received from the Sarazens which
  • lived near it, _Jordanem ingredi Mare Mortuum et rursum egredi, sed post
  • exiguum intervallum à Terra absorberi_.
  • _Strabo_ speaks naturally of this Lake, that it was first caused by
  • Earthquakes, by sulphureous and bituminous eruptions, arising from the
  • Earth. But the Scripture makes it plain to have been from a miraculous
  • hand, and by a remarkable expression, _pluit Dominus ignem et Sulphur à
  • Domino_. See also _Deut. 29. in ardore Salis_: burning the Cities and
  • destroying all things about the Plain, destroying the vegetable nature
  • of Plants and all living things, salting and making barren the whole
  • Soil, and, by these fiery Showers, kindling and setting loose the body
  • of the bituminous Mines, which shewed their lower Veins before but in
  • some few Pits and openings, swallowing up the Foundation of their
  • Cities; opening the bituminous Treasures below, and making a smoak like
  • a Furnace able to be discerned by _Abraham_ at a good distance from it.
  • * * * * *
  • If this little may give you satisfaction, I shall be glad, as being,
  • Sir,
  • _Yours_, etc.
  • OF THE ANSWERS
  • of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos to
  • Croesus King of Lydia
  • TRACT XI
  • SIR,
  • Among the Oracles[276] of _Appollo_ there are none more celebrated than
  • those which he delivered unto _Crœsus_ King of _Lydia_,[277] who
  • seems of all Princes to have held the greatest dependence on them. But
  • most considerable are his plain and intelligible replies which he made
  • unto the same King, when he sent his Chains of Captivity unto _Delphos_,
  • after his overthrow by _Cyrus_, with sad expostulations why he
  • encouraged him unto that fatal War by his Oracle, saying,[278]
  • Crœsus, _if he Wars against the Persians, shall dissolve a great
  • Empire_. Why, at least, he prevented not that sad infelicity of his
  • devoted and bountifull Servant, and whether it were fair or honourable
  • for the Gods of _Greece_ to be ingratefull: which being a plain and open
  • delivery of _Delphos_, and scarce to be parallel'd in any ancient story,
  • it may well deserve your farther consideration.
  • [276] _See_ Vulg. Err. _l._ 7. c. 12.
  • [277] Herod. _l._ 1. 46, 47, etc. 90, 91.
  • [278] Προλέγουσαι Κροίσω, ἢν στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρχήν μιν
  • καταλύσειν. Herod. _Ibid._ 54.
  • 1. His first reply was, _That_ Crœsus _suffered not for himself_;
  • but paid the transgression of his fifth predecessour, who kill'd his
  • Master and usurp'd the dignity unto which he held no title.
  • Now whether _Crœsus_ suffered upon this account or not, hereby he
  • plainly betrayed his insufficiency to protect him; and also obliquely
  • discovered he had a knowledge of his misfortune; for knowing that wicked
  • act lay yet unpunished, he might well divine some of his successours
  • might smart for it: and also understanding he was like to be the last of
  • that race, he might justly fear and conclude this infelicity upon him.
  • Hereby he also acknowledged the inevitable justice of God; that though
  • Revenge lay dormant, it would not always sleep; and consequently
  • confessed the just hand of God punishing unto the third and fourth
  • generation, nor suffering such iniquities to pass for ever unrevenged.
  • Hereby he flatteringly encouraged him in the opinion of his own merits,
  • and that he onely suffered for other mens transgressions: mean while he
  • concealed _Crœsus_ his pride, elation of mind and secure conceit of
  • his own unparallel'd felicity, together with the vanity, pride and
  • height of luxury of the Lydian Nation, which the Spirit of _Delphos_
  • knew well to be ripe and ready for destruction.
  • 2. A Second excuse was, _That it is not in the power of God to hinder
  • the Decree of Fate_. A general evasion for any falsified prediction
  • founded upon the common opinion of Fate, which impiously subjecteth the
  • power of Heaven unto it; widely discovering the folly of such as repair
  • unto him concerning future events: which, according unto this rule, must
  • go on as the Fates have ordered, beyond his power to prevent or theirs
  • to avoid; and consequently teaching that his Oracles had onely this use
  • to render men more miserable by foreknowing their misfortunes; whereof
  • _Crœsus_ himself had a sensible experience in that Dæmoniacal Dream
  • concerning his eldest Son, _That he should be killed by a Spear_, which,
  • after all care and caution, he found inevitably to befall him.
  • 3. In his Third Apology he assured him that he endeavoured to transfer
  • the evil Fate and to pass it upon his Children; and did however
  • procrastinate his infelicity, and deferred the destruction of _Sardis_
  • and his own Captivity three years longer than was fatally decreed upon
  • it.
  • Wherein while he wipes off the stain of Ingratitude, he leaves no small
  • doubt whether, it being out of his power to contradict or transfer the
  • Fates of his Servants, it be not also beyond it to defer such signal
  • events, and whereon the Fates of whole Nations do depend.
  • As also, whether he intended or endeavoured to bring to pass what he
  • pretended, some question might be made. For that he should attempt or
  • think he could translate his infelicity upon his Sons, it could not
  • consist with his judgment, which attempts not impossibles or things
  • beyond his power; nor with his knowledge of future things, and the Fates
  • of succeeding Generations: for he understood that Monarchy was to expire
  • in himself, and could particularly foretell the infelicity of his Sons,
  • and hath also made remote predictions unto others concerning the
  • fortunes of many succeeding descents; as appears in that answer unto
  • _Attalus_,
  • _Be of good courage,_ Attalus, _thou shalt reign
  • And thy Sons Sons, but not their Sons again._
  • As also unto _Cypselus_ King of Corinth.
  • _Happy is the Man who at my Altar stands,
  • Great_ Cypselus _who_ Corinth _now commands.
  • Happy is he, his Sons shall happy be,
  • But for their Sons, unhappy days they'll see._
  • Now, being able to have so large a prospect of future things, and of the
  • fate of many Generations, it might well be granted he was not ignorant
  • of the Fate of _Crœsus_ his Sons, and well understood it was in vain
  • to think to translate his misery upon them.
  • 4. In the Fourth part of his reply, he clears himself of Ingratitude
  • which Hell it self cannot hear of; alledging that he had saved his life
  • when he was ready to be burnt, by sending a mighty Showre, in a fair and
  • cloudless day, to quench the Fire already kindled, which all the
  • Servants of _Cyrus_ could not doe. Though this Shower might well be
  • granted, as much concerning his honour, and not beyond his power; yet
  • whether this mercifull Showre fell not out contingently or were not
  • contrived by an higher power, which hath often pity upon Pagans, and
  • rewardeth their vertues sometimes with extraordinary temporal favours;
  • also, in no unlike case, who was the authour of those few fair minutes,
  • which, in a showry day, gave onely time enough for the burning of
  • _Sylla's_ Body, some question might be made.
  • 5. The last excuse devolveth the errour and miscarriage of the business
  • upon _Crœsus_, and that he deceived himself by an inconsiderate
  • misconstruction of his Oracle, that if he had doubted, he should not
  • have passed it over in silence, but consulted again for an exposition of
  • it. Besides, he had neither discussed, nor well perpended his Oracle
  • concerning _Cyrus_, whereby he might have understood not to engage
  • against him.
  • Wherein, to speak indifferently, the deception and miscarriage seems
  • chiefly to lie at _Crœsus_ his door, who, if not infatuated with
  • confidence and security, might justly have doubted the construction:
  • besides, he had received two Oracles before, which clearly hinted an
  • unhappy time unto him: the first concerning _Cyrus_.
  • _When ever a Mule shall o'er the Medians reign,
  • Stay not, but unto_ Hermus _fly amain._
  • Herein though he understood not the _Median Mule_ of _Cyrus_, that is,
  • of his mixed descent, and from Assyrian and Median Parents, yet he could
  • not but apprehend some misfortune from that quarter.
  • Though this prediction seemed a notable piece of Divination, yet did it
  • not so highly magnifie his natural sagacity or knowledge of future
  • events as was by many esteemed; he having no small assistance herein
  • from the Prophecy of _Daniel_ concerning the Persian Monarchy, and the
  • Prophecy of _Jeremiah_ and _Isaiah_, wherein he might reade the name of
  • _Cyrus_ who should restore the Captivity of the Jews, and must,
  • therefore, be the great Monarch and Lord of all those Nations.
  • The same misfortune was also foretold when he demanded of _Apollo_ if
  • ever he should hear his dumb Son speak.
  • _O foolish_ Crœsus _who hast made this choice,
  • To know when thou shalt hear thy dumb Son's voice;
  • Better he still were mute, would nothing say,
  • When he first speaks, look for a dismal day._
  • This, if he contrived not the time and the means of his recovery, was no
  • ordinary divination: yet how to make out the verity of the story some
  • doubt may yet remain. For though the causes of deafness and dumbness
  • were removed, yet since words are attained by hearing, and men speak not
  • without instruction, how he should be able immediately to utter such apt
  • and significant words, as Ἄνθρωπε, μὴ κτεῖνε Κροῖσον,[279] _O Man slay
  • not_ Crœsus, it cannot escape some doubt, since the Story also delivers,
  • that he was deaf and dumb, that he then first began to speak, and spake
  • all his life after.
  • [279] Herod. _l._ 1. 85.
  • Now, if _Crœsus_ had consulted again for a clearer exposition of what
  • was doubtfully delivered, whether the Oracle would have spake out the
  • second time or afforded a clearer answer, some question might be made
  • from the examples of his practice upon the like demands.
  • So when the Spartans had often fought with ill success against the
  • _Tegeates_, they consulted the Oracle what God they should appease, to
  • become victorious over them. The answer was, _that they should remove
  • the Bones of_ Orestes. Though the words were plain, yet the thing was
  • obscure, and like finding out the Body of _Moses_. And therefore they
  • once more demanded in what place they should find the same; unto whom he
  • returned this answer,
  • _When in the Tegean Plains a place thou find'st
  • Where blasts are made by two impetuous Winds,
  • Where that that strikes is struck, blows follow blows,
  • There doth the Earth_ Orestes _Bones enclose._
  • Which obscure reply the wisest of _Sparta_ could not make out, and was
  • casually unriddled by one talking with a Smith who had found large Bones
  • of a Man buried about his House; the Oracle importing no more than a
  • Smith's Forge, expressed by a Double Bellows, the Hammer and Anvil
  • therein.
  • Now, why the Oracle should place such consideration upon the Bones of
  • _Orestes_ the Son of _Agamemnon_, a mad man and a murtherer, if not to
  • promote the idolatry of the Heathens, and maintain a superstitious
  • veneration of things of no activity, it may leave no small obscurity.
  • Or why, in a business so clear in his knowledge, he should affect so
  • obscure expressions it may also be wondred; if it were not to maintain
  • the wary and evasive method in his answers: for, speaking obscurely in
  • things beyond doubt within his knowledge, he might be more tolerably
  • dark in matters beyond his prescience.
  • Though =EI= were inscribed over the Gate of _Delphos_, yet was there no
  • uniformity in his deliveries. Sometimes with that _obscurity_ as argued
  • a fearfull prophecy; sometimes so _plainly_ as might confirm a spirit
  • of divinity; sometimes _morally_, deterring from vice and villany;
  • another time _vitiously_, and in the spirit of bloud and cruelty:
  • observably modest in his civil enigma and periphrasis of that part which
  • old _Numa_ would plainly name,[280] and _Medea_ would not understand,
  • when he advised _Ægeus_ not to draw out his foot before, untill he
  • arriv'd upon the Athenian ground; whereas another time he seemed too
  • literal in that unseemly epithet unto _Cyanus_ King of _Cyprus_,[281]
  • and put a beastly trouble upon all _Ægypt_ to find out the Urine of a
  • true Virgin. Sometimes, more beholding unto memory than invention, he
  • delighted to express himself in the bare Verses of _Homer_. But that he
  • principally affected Poetry, and that the Priest not onely or always
  • composed his prosal raptures into Verse, seems plain from his
  • necromantical Prophecies, whilst the dead Head in _Phlegon_ delivers a
  • long Prediction in Verse; and at the raising of the Ghost of _Commodus_
  • unto _Caracalla_, when none of his Ancestours would speak, the divining
  • Spirit versified his infelicities; corresponding herein to the
  • apprehensions of elder times, who conceived not onely a Majesty but
  • something of Divinity in Poetry, and as in ancient times the old
  • Theologians delivered their inventions.
  • [280] Plut. _in_ Thes.
  • [281] _V._ Herod.
  • Some critical Readers might expect in his oraculous Poems a more than
  • ordinary strain and true spirit of _Apollo_; not contented to find that
  • Spirits make Verses like Men, beating upon the filling Epithet, and
  • taking the licence of dialects and lower helps, common to humane Poetry;
  • wherein, since _Scaliger_, who hath spared none of the Greeks, hath
  • thought it wisedom to be silent, we shall make no excursion.
  • Others may wonder how the curiosity of elder times, having this
  • opportunity of his Answers, omitted Natural Questions; or how the old
  • Magicians discovered no more Philosophy; and if they had the assistance
  • of Spirits, could rest content with the bare assertions of things,
  • without the knowledge of their causes; whereby they had made their Acts
  • iterable by sober hands, and a standing part of Philosophy. Many wise
  • Divines hold a reality in the wonders of the Ægyptian Magicians, and
  • that those _magnalia_ which they performed before _Pharaoh_ were not
  • mere delusions of Sense. Rightly to understand how they made Serpents
  • out of Rods; Froggs and Bloud of Water, were worth half _Porta's_
  • Magick.
  • _Hermolaus Barbarus_ was scarce in his wits, when, upon conference with
  • a Spirit, he would demand no other question than the explication of
  • _Aristotle's Entelecheia_. _Appion_ the Grammarian, that would raise the
  • Ghost of _Homer_ to decide the Controversie of his Country, made a
  • frivolous and pedantick use of Necromancy. _Philostratus_ did as little,
  • that call'd up the Ghost of _Achilles_ for a particular of the Story of
  • _Troy_. Smarter curiosities would have been at the great Elixir, the
  • Flux and Reflux of the Sea, with other noble obscurities in Nature; but
  • probably all in vain: in matters cognoscible and framed for our
  • disquisition, our Industry must be our Oracle, and Reason our _Apollo_.
  • Not to know things without the Arch of our intellectuals, or what
  • Spirits apprehend, is the imperfection of our nature not our knowledge,
  • and rather inscience than ignorance in man. Revelation might render a
  • great part of the Creation easie which now seems beyond the stretch of
  • humane indagation, and welcome no doubt from good hands might be a true
  • _Almagest_, and great celestial construction: a clear Systeme of the
  • planetical Bodies of the invisible and seeming useless Stars unto us, of
  • the many Suns in the eighth Sphere, what they are, what they contain and
  • to what more immediately those Stupendous Bodies are serviceable. But
  • being not hinted in the authentick Revelation of God, nor known how far
  • their discoveries are stinted; if they should come unto us from the
  • mouth of evil Spirits, the belief thereof might be as unsafe as the
  • enquiry.
  • * * * * *
  • This is a copious Subject; but, having exceeded the bounds of a letter,
  • I will not, now, pursue it farther. I am
  • _Yours_, etc.
  • A PROPHECY
  • Concerning the future state of several Nations,
  • In a Letter written upon occasion of an old
  • Prophecy sent to the Authour from a Friend,
  • with a Request that he would consider it.
  • TRACT XII
  • SIR,
  • I take no pleasure in Prophecies so hardly intelligible, and pointing at
  • future things from a pretended spirit of Divination; of which sort this
  • seems to be which came unto your hand, and you were pleased to send unto
  • me. And therefore, for your easier apprehension, divertisement and
  • consideration, I present you with a very different kind of prediction:
  • not positively or peremptorily telling you what shall come to pass; yet
  • pointing at things not without all reason or probability of their
  • events; not built upon fatal decrees, or inevitable designations, but
  • upon conjectural foundations, whereby things wished may be promoted, and
  • such as are feared, may more probably be prevented.
  • THE PROPHECY
  • _When_ New England _shall trouble_ New Spain.
  • _When_ Jamaica _shall be Lady of the Isles and the Main._
  • _When_ Spain _shall be in_ America _hid,_
  • _And_ Mexico _shall prove a_ Madrid._
  • _When_ Mahomet's _Ships on the_ Baltick _shall ride,_
  • _And Turks shall labour to have Ports on that side._
  • _When_ Africa _shall no more sell out their Blacks_
  • _To make Slaves and Drudges to the American Tracts_.
  • _When_ Batavia _the Old shall be contemn'd by the New_.
  • _When a new Drove of Tartars shall_ China _subdue._
  • _When_ America _shall cease to send out its Treasure,_
  • _But employ it at home in American Pleasure._
  • _When the new World shall the old invade,_
  • _Nor count them their Lords but their fellows in Trade._
  • _When Men shall almost pass to_ Venice _by Land,_
  • _Not in deep Water but from Sand to Sand._
  • _When_ Nova Zembla _shall be no stay_
  • _Unto those who pass to or from_ Cathay._
  • _Then think strange things are come to light,_
  • _Whereof but few have had a foresight._
  • THE EXPOSITION OF THE PROPHECY
  • _When_ New England _shall trouble_ New Spain.
  • That is, When that thriving Colony, which hath so much encreased in our
  • days, and in the space of about fifty years, that they can, as they
  • report, raise between twenty and thirty thousand men upon an exigency,
  • shall in process of time be so advanced, as to be able to send forth
  • Ships and Fleets, as to infest the American Spanish Ports and Maritime
  • Dominions by depredations or assaults; for which attempts they are not
  • like to be unprovided, as abounding in the Materials for Shipping, Oak
  • and Firre. And when length of time shall so far encrease that
  • industrious people, that the neighbouring Country will not contain them,
  • they will range still farther and be able, in time, to set forth great
  • Armies, seek for new possessions, or make considerable and conjoined
  • migrations, according to the custom of swarming Northern Nations;
  • wherein it is not likely that they will move Northward, but toward the
  • Southern and richer Countries, which are either in the Dominions or
  • Frontiers of the Spaniards: and may not improbably erect new Dominions
  • in places not yet thought of, and yet, for some Centuries, beyond their
  • power or Ambition.
  • _When_ Jamaica _shall be Lady of the Isles and the Main._
  • That is, When that advantageous Island shall be well peopled, it may
  • become so strong and potent as to over-power the neighbouring Isles, and
  • also a part of the main Land, especially the Maritime parts. And already
  • in their infancy they have given testimony of their power and courage in
  • their bold attempts upon _Campeche_ and _Santa Martha_; and in that
  • notable attempt upon _Panama_ on the Western side of _America_:
  • especially considering this Island is sufficiently large to contain a
  • numerous people, of a Northern and warlike descent, addicted to martial
  • affairs both by Sea and Land, and advantageously seated to infest their
  • neighbours both of the Isles and the Continent, and like to be a
  • receptacle for Colonies of the same originals from _Barbadoes_ and the
  • neighbour Isles.
  • _When_ Spain _shall be in_ America _hid;
  • And_ Mexico _shall prove a_ Madrid.
  • That is, When _Spain_, either by unexpected disasters, or continued
  • emissions of people into _America_, which have already thinned the
  • Country, shall be farther exhausted at home: or when, in process of
  • time, their Colonies shall grow by many accessions more than their
  • Originals, then _Mexico_ may become a _Madrid_, and as considerable in
  • people, wealth and splendour; wherein that place is already so well
  • advanced, that accounts scarce credible are given of it. And it is so
  • advantageously seated, that, by _Acapulco_ and other Ports on the South
  • Sea, they may maintain a communication and commerce with the Indian
  • Isles and Territories, and with _China_ and _Japan_, and on this side,
  • by _Porto Belo_ and others, hold correspondence with _Europe_ and
  • _Africa_.
  • _When_ Mahomet's _Ships in the Baltick shall ride._
  • Of this we cannot be out of all fear; for, if the Turk should master
  • _Poland_, he would be soon at this Sea. And from the odd constitution of
  • the Polish Government, the divisions among themselves, jealousies
  • between their Kingdom and Republick; vicinity of the Tartars, treachery
  • of the Cossacks, and the method of Turkish Policy, to be at Peace with
  • the Emperour of _Germany_ when he is at War with the Poles, there may be
  • cause to fear that this may come to pass. And then he would soon
  • endeavour to have Ports upon that Sea, as not wanting Materials for
  • Shipping. And, having a new acquist of stout and warlike men, may be a
  • terrour unto the confiners on that Sea, and to Nations which now
  • conceive themselves safe from such an Enemy.
  • _When_ Africa _shall no more sell out their Blacks._
  • That is, When African Countries shall no longer make it a common Trade
  • to sell away the people to serve in the drudgery of American
  • Plantations. And that may come to pass when ever they shall be well
  • civilized, and acquainted with Arts and Affairs sufficient to employ
  • people in their Countries: if also they should be converted to
  • Christianity, but especially unto Mahometism; for then they would never
  • sell those of their Religion to be Slaves unto Christians.
  • _When_ Batavia _the Old shall be contemn'd by the New._
  • When the Plantations of the Hollanders at _Batavia_ in the _East
  • Indies_, and other places in the _East Indies_, shall, by their
  • conquests and advancements, become so powerfull in the Indian
  • Territories; Then their Original Countries and States of _Holland_ are
  • like to be contemned by them, and obeyed onely as they please. And they
  • seem to be in a way unto it at present by their several Plantations, new
  • acquists and enlargements: and they have lately discovered a part of the
  • Southern Continent, and several places which may be serviceable unto
  • them, when ever time shall enlarge them unto such necessities.
  • _And a new Drove of Tartars shall_ China _subdue._
  • Which is no strange thing if we consult the Histories of _China_, and
  • successive Inundations made by Tartarian Nations. For when the Invaders,
  • in process of time, have degenerated into the effeminacy and softness of
  • the Chineses, then they themselves have suffered a new Tartarian
  • Conquest and Inundation. And this hath happened from time beyond our
  • Histories: for, according to their account, the famous Wall of _China_,
  • built against the irruptions of the Tartars, was begun above a hundred
  • years before the Incarnation.
  • _When_ America _shall cease to send forth its treasure,
  • But employ it at home for American Pleasure._
  • That is, When _America_ shall be better civilized, new policied and
  • divided between great Princes, it may come to pass that they will no
  • longer suffer their Treasure of Gold and Silver to be sent out to
  • maintain the Luxury of _Europe_ and other parts: but rather employ it to
  • their own advantages, in great Exploits and Undertakings, magnificent
  • Structures, Wars or Expeditions of their own.
  • _When the new World shall the old invade._
  • That is, When _America_ shall be so well peopled, civilized and divided
  • into Kingdoms, they are like to have so little regard of their
  • Originals, as to acknowledge no subjection unto them: they may also have
  • a distinct commerce between themselves, or but independently with those
  • of _Europe_, and may hostilely and pyratically assault them, even as the
  • Greek and Roman Colonies after a long time dealt with their Original
  • Countries.
  • _When Men shall almost pass to_ Venice _by Land,
  • Not in deep Waters but from Sand to Sand._
  • That is, When, in long process of time, the Silt and Sands shall so
  • choak and shallow the Sea in and about it. And this hath considerably
  • come to pass within these fourscore years; and is like to encrease from
  • several causes, especially by the turning of the River _Brenta_, as the
  • learned _Castelli_ hath declared.
  • _When_ Nova Zembla _shall be no stay
  • Unto those who pass to or from_ Cathay.
  • That is, When ever that often sought for Northeast passage unto _China_
  • and _Japan_ shall be discovered; the hindrance whereof was imputed to
  • _Nova Zembla_; for this was conceived to be an excursion of Land
  • shooting out directly, and so far Northward into the Sea that it
  • discouraged from all Navigation about it. And therefore Adventurers took
  • in at the Southern part at a strait by _Waygatz_ next the Tartarian
  • Shore: and, sailing forward they found that Sea frozen and full of Ice,
  • and so gave over the attempt. But of late years, by the diligent enquiry
  • of some Moscovites, a better discovery is made of these parts, and a Map
  • or Chart made of them. Thereby _Nova Zembla_ is found to be no Island
  • extending very far Northward; but, winding Eastward, it joineth to the
  • Tartarian Continent, and so makes a _Peninsula_: and the Sea between it
  • which they entred at _Waygatz_, is found to be but a large Bay, apt to
  • be frozen by reason of the great River of _Oby_, and other fresh Waters,
  • entring into it: whereas the main Sea doth not freez upon the North of
  • _Zembla_ except near unto Shores; so that if the Moscovites were
  • skilfull Navigatours they might, with less difficulties, discover this
  • passage unto _China_: but however the English, Dutch and Danes are now
  • like to attempt it again.
  • * * * * *
  • But this is Conjecture, and not Prophecy: and so (I know) you will take
  • it. I am,
  • _Sir_, etc.
  • MUSÆUM CLAUSUM
  • or
  • Bibliotheca Abscondita:
  • Containing some remarkable Books, Antiquities,
  • Pictures and Rarities of several kinds, scarce
  • or never seen by any man now living.
  • TRACT XIII
  • SIR,
  • With many thanks I return that noble Catalogue of Books, Rarities and
  • Singularities of Art and Nature, which you were pleased to communicate
  • unto me. There are many Collections of this kind in _Europe_. And,
  • besides the printed accounts of the _Musæum Aldrovandi_,
  • _Calceolarianum_, _Moscardi_, _Wormianum_; the _Casa Abbellitta_ at
  • _Loretto_, and _Threasor_ of S. _Dennis_, the _Repository_ of the Duke
  • of _Tuscany_, that of the Duke of _Saxony_, and that noble one of the
  • Emperour at _Vienna_, and many more are of singular note. Of what in
  • this kind I have by me I shall make no repetition, and you having
  • already had a view thereof, I am bold to present you with the List of a
  • Collection, which I may justly say you have not seen before.
  • The Title is, as above,
  • _Musæum Clausum_, or _Bibliotheca Abscondita: containing some remarkable
  • Books, Antiquities, Pictures and Rarities of several kinds, scarce or
  • never seen by any man now living_.
  • 1. Rare and generally unknown Books.
  • A poem of _Ovidius Naso_, written in the Getick Language,[282] during
  • his exile at _Tomos_, found wrapt up in Wax at _Sabaria_, on the
  • Frontiers of _Hungary_, where there remains a tradition that he died, in
  • his return towards _Rome_ from _Tomos_, either after his pardon or the
  • death of _Augustus_.
  • [282] _Ah pudet et scripsi Getico sermone Libellum._
  • 2. The Letter of _Quintus Cicero_, which he wrote in answer to that of
  • his Brother _Marcus Tullius_, desiring of him an account of _Britany_,
  • wherein are described the Country, State and Manners of the Britains of
  • that Age.
  • 3. An Ancient British Herbal, or description of divers Plants of this
  • Island, observed by that famous Physician _Scribonius Largus_, when he
  • attended the Emperour _Claudius_ in his expedition into _Britany_.
  • 4. An exact account of the Life and Death of _Avicenna_ confirming the
  • account of his Death by taking nine Clysters together in a fit of the
  • Colick; and not as _Marius_ the Italian Poet delivereth, by being broken
  • upon the Wheel; left with other Pieces by _Benjamin Tudelensis_, as he
  • travelled from _Saragossa_ to _Jerusalem_, in the hands of _Abraham
  • Jarchi_, a famous Rabbi of _Lunet_ near _Montpelier_, and found in a
  • Vault when the Walls of that City were demolished by _Lewis_ the
  • Thirteenth.
  • 5. A punctual relation of _Hannibal's_ march out of _Spain_ into
  • _Italy_, and far more particular than that of _Livy_, where about he
  • passed the River _Rhodanus_ or _Rhosne_; at what place he crossed the
  • _Isura_ or _L'isere_; when he marched up toward the confluence of the
  • _Sone_ and the _Rhone_, or the place where the City _Lyons_ was
  • afterward built; how wisely he decided the difference between King
  • _Brancus_ and his Brother, at what place he passed the _Alpes_, what
  • Vinegar he used, and where he obtained such quantity to break and
  • calcine the Rocks made hot with Fire.
  • 6. A learned Comment upon the _Periplus_ of _Hanno_ the Carthaginian, or
  • his Navigation upon the Western Coast of _Africa_, with the several
  • places he landed at; what Colonies he settled, what Ships were scattered
  • from his Fleet near the Æquinoctial Line, which were not afterward heard
  • of, and which probably fell into the Trade Winds, and were carried over
  • into the Coast of _America_.
  • 7. A particular Narration of that famous Expedition of the English into
  • _Barbary_ in the ninety fourth year of the _Hegira_, so shortly touched
  • by _Leo Africanus_, whither called by the Goths they besieged, took and
  • burnt the City of _Arzilla_ possessed by the Mahometans, and lately the
  • seat of _Gayland_; with many other exploits delivered at large in
  • Arabick, lost in the Ship of Books and Rarities which the King of
  • _Spain_ took from _Siddy Hamet_ King of _Fez_, whereof a great part were
  • carried into the _Escurial_, and conceived to be gathered out of the
  • relations of _Hibnu Nachu_, the best Historian of the African Affairs.
  • 8. A Fragment of _Pythæas_ that ancient Traveller of _Marseille_; which
  • we suspect not to be spurious, because, in the description of the
  • Northern Countries, we find that passage of _Pythæas_ mentioned by
  • _Strabo_, that all the Air beyond _Thule_ is thick, condensed and
  • gellied, looking just like Sea Lungs.
  • 9. A _Sub Marine_ Herbal, describing the several Vegetables found on the
  • Rocks, Hills, Valleys, Meadows at the bottom of the Sea, with many sorts
  • of _Alga_, _Fucus_, _Quercus_, _Polygonum_, _Gramens_ and others not yet
  • described.
  • 10. Some Manuscripts and Rarities brought from the Libraries of
  • _Æthiopia_, by _Zaga Zaba_, and afterward transported to _Rome_, and
  • scattered by the Souldiers of the Duke of _Bourbon_, when they
  • barbarously sacked that City.
  • 11. Some Pieces of _Julius Scaliger_, which he complains to have been
  • stoln from him, sold to the Bishop of _Mende_ in _Languedock_, and
  • afterward taken away and sold in the Civil Wars under the Duke of
  • _Rohan_.
  • 12. A Comment of _Dioscorides_ upon _Hyppocrates_, procured from
  • _Constantinople_ by _Amatus Lusitanus_, and left in the hands of a Jew
  • of _Ragusa_.
  • 13. _Marcus Tullius Cicero_ his Geography; as also a part of that
  • magnified Piece of his _De Republica_, very little answering the great
  • expectation of it, and short of Pieces under the same name by _Bodinus_
  • and _Tholosanus_.
  • 14. King _Mithridates_ his _Oneirocritica_.
  • Aristotle de _Precationibus_.
  • Democritus _de his quæ fiunt apud Orcum, et Oceani circumnavigatio_.
  • Epicurus _de Pietate_.
  • A Tragedy of _Thyestes_, and another of _Medea_, writ by _Diogenes_ the
  • Cynick.
  • King _Alfred_ upon _Aristotle de Plantis_.
  • _Seneca's_ Epistles to S. _Paul_.
  • King _Solomon de Umbris Idæarum_, which _Chicus Asculænus_, in his
  • Comment upon _Johannes de Sacrobosco_, would make us believe he saw in
  • the Library of the Duke of _Bavaria_.
  • 15. Artemidori _Oneirocritici Geographia_.
  • Pythagoras _de Mari Rubro_.
  • The Works of _Confutius_ the famous Philosopher of _China_, translated
  • into Spanish.
  • 16. _Josephus_ in Hebrew, written by himself.
  • 17. The Commentaries of _Sylla_ the Dictatour.
  • 18. A Commentary of _Galen_ upon the Plague of _Athens_ described by
  • _Thucydides_.
  • 19. _Duo Cæsaris Anti-Catones_, or the two notable Books writ by _Julius
  • Cæsar_ against _Cato_; mentioned by _Livy_, _Salustius_ and _Juvenal_;
  • which the Cardinal of _Liege_ told _Ludovicus Vives_ were in an old
  • Library of that City.
  • _Mazhapha Einok_, or, the Prophecy of _Enoch_, which _Ægidius
  • Lochiensis_, a learned Eastern Traveller, told _Peireschius_ that he had
  • found in an old Library at _Alexandria_ containing eight thousand
  • Volumes.
  • 20. A Collection of Hebrew Epistles, which passed between the two
  • learned Women of our age _Maria Molinea_ of _Sedan_, and _Maria
  • Schurman_ of _Utrecht_.
  • A wondrous Collection of some Writings of _Ludovica Saracenica_,
  • Daughter of _Philibertus Saracenicus_ a Physician of _Lyons_, who at
  • eight years of age had made a good progress in the Hebrew, Greek and
  • Latin Tongues.
  • 2. Rarities in Pictures.
  • 1. A picture of the three remarkable Steeples or Towers in _Europe_
  • built purposely awry and so as they seem falling. _Torre Pisana_ at
  • _Pisa_, _Torre Garisenda_ in _Bononia_, and that other in the City of
  • _Colein_.
  • 2. A Draught of all sorts of Sistrums, Crotaloes, Cymbals, Tympans,
  • _etc._ in use among the Ancients.
  • 3. Large _Submarine_ Pieces, well delineating the bottom of the
  • Mediterranean Sea, the Prerie or large Sea-meadow upon the Coast of
  • _Provence_, the Coral Fishing, the gathering of Sponges, the Mountains,
  • Valleys and Desarts, the Subterraneous Vents and Passages at the bottom
  • of that Sea. Together with a lively Draught of _Cola Pesce_, or the
  • famous Sicilian Swimmer, diving into the _Voragos_ and broken Rocks by
  • _Charybdis_, to fetch up the Golden Cup, which _Frederick_, King of
  • _Sicily_, had purposely thrown into that Sea.
  • 4. A Moon Piece, describing that notable Battel between _Axalla_,
  • General of _Tamerlane_, and _Camares_ the Persian, fought by the light
  • of the Moon.
  • 5. Another remarkable Fight of _Inghimmi_ the Florentine with the
  • Turkish Galleys by Moon-light, who being for three hours grappled with
  • the _Basha_ Galley, concluded with a signal Victory.
  • 6. A delineation of the great Fair of _Almachara_ in _Arabia_, which, to
  • avoid the great heat of the Sun, is kept in the Night, and by the light
  • of the Moon.
  • 7. A Snow Piece, of Land and Trees covered with Snow and Ice, and
  • Mountains of Ice floating in the Sea, with Bears, Seals, Foxes, and
  • variety of rare Fowls upon them.
  • 8. An Ice Piece describing the notable Battel between the Jaziges and
  • the Romans, fought upon the frozen _Danubius_, the Romans settling one
  • foot upon their Targets to hinder them from slipping, their fighting
  • with the Jaziges when they were fallen, and their advantages therein by
  • their art in volutation and rolling contention or wrastling, according
  • to the description of _Dion_.
  • 9. _Socia_, or a Draught of three persons notably resembling each other.
  • Of King _Henry_ the Fourth of _France_, and a Miller of _Languedock_; of
  • _Sforza_ Duke of _Milain_ and a Souldier; of _Malatesta_ Duke of
  • _Rimini_ and _Marchesinus_ the Jester.
  • 10. A Picture of the great Fire which happened at _Constantinople_ in
  • the Reign of _Sultan Achmet_. The Janizaries in the mean time plundring
  • the best Houses, _Nassa Bassa_ the Vizier riding about with a Cimetre in
  • one hand and a Janizary's Head in the other to deter them; and the
  • Priests attempting to quench the Fire, by Pieces of _Mahomet's_ Shirt
  • dipped in holy Water and thrown into it.
  • 11. A Night Piece of the dismal Supper and strange Entertain of the
  • Senatours by _Domitian_, according to the description of _Dion_.
  • 12. A Vestal Sinner in the Cave with a Table and a Candle.
  • 13. An Elephant dancing upon the Ropes with a _Negro_ Dwarf upon his
  • Back.
  • 14. Another describing the mighty Stone falling from the Clouds into
  • _Ægospotamos_ or the Goats River in _Greece_, which Antiquity could
  • believe that _Anaxagoras_ was able to foretell half a year before.
  • 15. Three noble Pieces; of _Vercingetorix_ the Gaul submitting his
  • person unto _Julius Cæsar_; of _Tigranes_ King of _Armenia_ humbly
  • presenting himself unto _Pompey_; and of _Tamerlane_ ascending his
  • Horse from the Neck of _Bajazet_.
  • 16. Draughts of three passionate Looks; of _Thyestes_ when he was told
  • at the Table that he had eaten a piece of his own Son; of _Bajazet_ when
  • he went into the Iron Cage; of _Oedipus_ when he first came to know that
  • he had killed his Father, and married his own Mother.
  • 17. Of the Cymbrian Mother in _Plutarch_ who, after the overthrow by
  • _Marius_, hanged her self and her two Children at her feet.
  • 18. Some Pieces delineating singular inhumanities in Tortures. The
  • _Scaphismus_ of the Persians. The living truncation of the Turks. The
  • hanging Sport at the Feasts of the Thracians. The exact method of
  • flaying men alive, beginning between the Shoulders, according to the
  • description of _Thomas Minadoi_, in his Persian War. Together with the
  • studied tortures of the French Traitours at _Pappa_ in _Hungaria_: as
  • also the wild and enormous torment invented by _Tiberius_, designed
  • according unto the description of _Suetonius_. _Excogitaverunt inter
  • genera cruciatûs, ut largâ meri potione per fallaciam oneratos repentè
  • veretris deligatis fidicularum simul urinæque tormento distenderet._
  • 19. A Picture describing how _Hannibal_ forced his passage over the
  • River _Rhosne_ with his Elephants, Baggage and mixed Army; with the Army
  • of the Gauls opposing him on the contrary Shore, and _Hanno_ passing
  • over with his Horse much above to fall upon the Rere of the Gauls.
  • 20. A neat Piece describing the Sack of _Fundi_ by the Fleet and
  • Souldiers of _Barbarossa_ the Turkish Admiral, the confusion of the
  • people and their flying up to the Mountains, and _Julia Gonzaga_ the
  • beauty of _Italy_ flying away with her Ladies half naked on Horseback
  • over the Hills.
  • 21. A noble Head of _Franciscus Gonzaga_, who, being imprisoned for
  • Treason, grew grey in one night, with this Inscription,
  • _O nox quam longa est quæ facit una senem._
  • 22. A large Picture describing the Siege of _Vienna_ by _Solyman_ the
  • Magnificent, and at the same time the Siege of _Florence_ by the
  • Emperour _Charles_ the Fifth and Pope _Clement_ the Seventh, with this
  • Subscription,
  • _Tum vacui capitis populum_ Phæaca _putares?_
  • 23. An exquisite Piece properly delineating the first course of
  • _Metellus_ his Pontificial Supper, according to the description of
  • _Macrobius_; together with a Dish of _Pisces Fossiles_, garnished about
  • with the little Eels taken out of the backs of Cods and Perches; as also
  • with the Shell Fishes found in Stones about _Ancona_.
  • 24. A Picture of the noble Entertain and Feast of the Duke of _Chausue_
  • at the Treaty of _Collen_, 1673, when in a very large Room, with all the
  • Windows open, and at a very large Table he sate himself, with many great
  • persons and Ladies; next about the Table stood a row of Waiters, then a
  • row of Musicians, then a row of Musketiers.
  • 25. _Miltiades_, who overthrew the Persians at the Battel of _Marathon_
  • and delivered _Greece_, looking out of a Prison Grate in _Athens_,
  • wherein he died, with this Inscription,
  • _Non hoc terribiles Cymbri non Britones unquam,
  • Sauromatæve truces aut immanes Agathyrsi._
  • 26. A fair English Lady drawn _Al Negro_, or in the Æthiopian hue
  • excelling the original White and Red Beauty, with this Subscription,
  • _Sed quondam volo nocte Nigriorem._
  • 27. Pieces and Draughts in _Caricatura_, of Princes, Cardinals and
  • famous men; wherein, among others, the Painter hath singularly hit the
  • signatures of a Lion and a Fox in the face of Pope _Leo_ the Tenth.
  • 28. Some Pieces _A la ventura_, or Rare Chance Pieces, either drawn at
  • random, and happening to be like some person, or drawn for some and
  • happening to be more like another; while the Face, mistaken by the
  • Painter, proves a tolerable Picture of one he never saw.
  • 29. A Draught of famous Dwarfs with this Inscription,
  • _Nos facimus Bruti puerum nos Lagona vivum._
  • 30. An exact and proper delineation of all sorts of Dogs upon occasion
  • of the practice of _Sultan Achmet_; who in a great Plague at
  • _Constantinople_ transported all the Dogs therein unto _Pera_, and from
  • thence into a little Island, where they perished at last by Famine: as
  • also the manner of the Priests curing of mad Dogs by burning them in the
  • forehead with Saint _Bellin's Key_.
  • 31. A noble Picture of _Thorismund_ King of the Goths as he was killed
  • in his Palace at _Tholouze_, who being let bloud by a Surgeon, while he
  • was bleeding, a stander by took the advantage to stab him.
  • 32. A Picture of rare Fruits with this Inscription,
  • _Credere quæ possis surrepta sororibus Afris._
  • 33. An handsome Piece of Deformity expressed in a notable hard Face,
  • with this Inscription,
  • ----_Ora
  • Julius in Satyris qualia Rufus habet._
  • 34. A noble Picture of the famous Duel between _Paul Manessi_ and
  • _Caragusa_ the Turk in the time of _Amurath_ the Second; the Turkish
  • Army and that of _Scanderbeg_ looking on; wherein _Manessi_ slew the
  • Turk, cut off his Head and carried away the Spoils of his Body.
  • 3. Antiquities and Rarities of several sorts.
  • 1. Certain ancient Medals with Greek and Roman Inscriptions, found about
  • _Crim Tartary_; conceived to be left in those parts by the Souldiers of
  • _Mithridates_, when overcome by _Pompey_, he marched round about the
  • North of the _Euxine_ to come about into _Thracia_.
  • 2. Some ancient Ivory and Copper Crosses found with many others in
  • _China_; conceived to have been brought and left there by the Greek
  • Souldiers who served under _Tamerlane_ in his Expedition and Conquest of
  • that Country.
  • 3. Stones of strange and illegible Inscriptions, found about the great
  • ruines which _Vincent le Blanc_ describeth about _Cephala_ in _Africa_,
  • where he opinion'd that the Hebrews raised some Buildings of old, and
  • that _Solomon_ brought from thereabout a good part of his Gold.
  • 4. Some handsome Engraveries and Medals, of _Justinus_ and
  • _Justinianus_, found in the custody of a Bannyan in the remote parts of
  • _India_, conjectured to have been left there by the Friers mentioned in
  • _Procopius_, who travelled those parts in the reign of _Justinianus_,
  • and brought back into _Europe_ the discovery of Silk and Silk Worms.
  • 5. An original Medal of _Petrus Aretinus_, who was called _Flagellum
  • Principum_, wherein he made his own Figure on the Obverse part with this
  • Inscription,
  • _Il Divino Aretino._
  • On the Reverse sitting on a Throne, and at his Feet Ambassadours of
  • Kings and Princes bringing presents unto him, with this Inscription,
  • _I Principi tributati da i Popoli tributano il Servitor loro._
  • 6. _Mummia Tholosana_; or, The complete Head and Body of Father
  • _Crispin_, buried long ago in the Vault of the Cordeliers at _Tholouse_,
  • where the Skins of the dead so drie and parch up without corrupting that
  • their persons may be known very long after, with this Inscription,
  • _Ecce iterum Crispinus._
  • 7. A noble _Quandros_ or Stone taken out of a Vulture's Head.
  • 8. A large _Ostridges_ Egg, whereon is neatly and fully wrought that
  • famous Battel of _Alcazar_, in which three Kings lost their lives.
  • 9. An _Etiudros Alberti_ or Stone that is apt to be always moist:
  • usefull unto drie tempers, and to be held in the hand in Fevers instead
  • of Crystal, Eggs, Limmons, Cucumbers.
  • 10. A small Viol of Water taken out of the Stones therefore called
  • _Enhydri_, which naturally include a little Water in them, in like
  • manner as the _Ætites_ or _Aëgle_ Stone doth another Stone.
  • 11. A neat painted and gilded Cup made out of the _Confiti di Tivoli_
  • and formed up with powder'd Egg-shells; as _Nero_ is conceived to have
  • made his _Piscina admirabilis_, singular against Fluxes to drink often
  • therein.
  • 12. The Skin of a Snake bred out of the Spinal Marrow of a Man.
  • 13. Vegetable Horns mentioned by _Linschoten_, which set in the ground
  • grow up like Plants about _Goa_.
  • 14. An extract of the Inck of Cuttle Fishes reviving the old remedy of
  • _Hippocrates_ in Hysterical Passions.
  • 15. Spirits and Salt of _Sargasso_ made in the Western Ocean covered
  • with that Vegetable; excellent against the Scurvy.
  • 16. An extract of _Cachundè_ or _Liberans_ that famous and highly
  • magnified Composition in the _East Indies_ against Melancholy.
  • 17. _Diarhizon mirificum_; or an unparallel'd Composition of the most
  • effectual and wonderfull Roots in Nature.
  • ℞ _Rad. Butuæ Cuamensis.
  • Rad. Moniche Cuamensis.
  • Rad. Mongus Bazainensis.
  • Rad. Casei Baizanensis.
  • Rad. Columbæ Mozambiguensis.
  • Gim Sem Sinicæ.
  • Fo Lim lac Tigridis dictæ.
  • Fo seu.
  • Cort. Rad. Soldæ.
  • Rad. Ligni Solorani.
  • Rad. Malacensis madrededios dictæ an._ ℥ij.
  • _M. fiat pulvis, qui cum gelatinâ Cornu cervi Moschati Chinensis
  • formetur in massas oviformes._
  • 18. A transcendent Perfume made of the richest Odorates of both the
  • _Indies_, kept in a Box made of the Muschie Stone of _Niarienburg_, with
  • this Inscription,
  • ----_Deos rogato
  • Totum ut te faciant, Fabulle, Nasum._
  • 19. A _Clepselæa_, or Oil Hour-glass, as the Ancients used those of
  • Water.
  • 20. A Ring found in a Fishes Belly taken about _Gorro_; conceived to be
  • the same wherewith the Duke of _Venice_ had wedded the Sea.
  • 21. A neat Crucifix made out of the cross Bone of a Frogs Head.
  • 22. A large Agath containing a various and careless Figure, which looked
  • upon by a Cylinder representeth a perfect Centaur. By some such
  • advantages King _Pyrrhus_ might find out _Apollo_ and the nine Muses in
  • those Agaths of his whereof _Pliny_ maketh mention.
  • 23. _Batrachomyomachia_, or the Homerican Battel between Frogs and Mice,
  • neatly described upon the Chizel Bone of a large Pike's Jaw.
  • 24. _Pyxis Pandoræ_, or a Box which held the _Unguentum Pestiferum_,
  • which by anointing the Garments of several persons begat the great and
  • horrible Plague of _Milan_.
  • 25. A Glass of Spirits made of Æthereal Salt, Hermetically sealed up,
  • kept continually in Quick-silver; of so volatile a nature that it will
  • scarce endure the Light, and therefore onely to be shown in Winter, or
  • by the light of a Carbuncle, or Bononian Stone.
  • * * * * *
  • He who knows where all this Treasure now is, is a great _Apollo_. I'm
  • sure I am not He. However, I am,
  • _Sir, Yours_, etc.
  • A
  • LETTER
  • to a
  • FRIEND
  • upon occasion of the
  • DEATH
  • OF HIS
  • Intimate Friend
  • 1690
  • A LETTER TO A FRIEND,
  • Upon Occasion of the
  • Death of his Intimate Friend.
  • Give me leave to wonder that News of this Nature should have such heavy
  • Wings that you should hear so little concerning your dearest Friend, and
  • that I must make that unwilling Repetition to tell you, _Ad portam
  • rigidos calces extendit_, that he is Dead and Buried, and by this time
  • no Puny among the mighty Nations of the Dead; for tho' he left this
  • World not very many Days past, yet every Hour you know largely addeth
  • unto that dark Society; and considering the incessant Mortality of
  • Mankind, you cannot conceive there dieth in the whole Earth so few as a
  • thousand an Hour.
  • Altho' at this distance you had no early Account or Particular of his
  • Death; yet your Affection may cease to wonder that you had not some
  • secret Sense or Intimation thereof by Dreams, thoughtful Whisperings,
  • Mercurisms, Airy Nuncio's, or sympathetical Insinuations, which many
  • seem to have had at the Death of their dearest Friends: for since we
  • find in that famous Story, that Spirits themselves were fain to tell
  • their Fellows at a distance, that the great _Antonio_ was dead; we have
  • a sufficient Excuse for our Ignorance in such Particulars, and must rest
  • content with the common Road, and _Appian_ way of Knowledge by
  • Information. Tho' the uncertainty of the End of this World hath
  • confounded all Human Predictions; yet they who shall live to see the Sun
  • and Moon darkned, and the Stars to fall from Heaven, will hardly be
  • deceiv'd in the Advent of the last Day; and therefore strange it is,
  • that the common Fallacy of consumptive Persons, who feel not themselves
  • dying, and therefore still hope to live, should also reach their Friends
  • in perfect Health and Judgment. That you should be so little acquainted
  • with _Plautus's_ sick Complexion, or that almost an _Hippocratical_ Face
  • should not alarum you to higher fears, or rather despair of his
  • Continuation in such an emaciated State, wherein medical Predictions
  • fail not, as sometimes in acute Diseases, and wherein 'tis as dangerous
  • to be sentenc'd by a Physician as a Judge.
  • Upon my first Visit I was bold to tell them who had not let fall all
  • Hopes of his Recovery, that in my sad Opinion he was not like to behold
  • a Grashopper, much less to pluck another Fig; and in no long time after
  • seem'd to discover that odd mortal Symptom in him not mention'd by
  • _Hippocrates_, that is, to lose his own Face, and look like some of his
  • near Relations; for he maintain'd not his proper Countenance, but look'd
  • like his Uncle, the Lines of whose Face lay deep and invisible in his
  • healthful Visage before: For as from our beginning we run through
  • Variety of Looks, before we come to consistent and setled Faces; so
  • before our End, by sick and languishing alterations, we put on new
  • Visages: and in our Retreat to Earth, may fall upon such Looks which
  • from Community of seminal Originals were before latent in us.
  • He was fruitlesly put in hope of advantage by change of Air, and
  • imbibing the pure Aerial Nitre of these Parts; and therefore being so
  • far spent, he quickly found _Sardinia_ in _Tivoli_,[283] and the most
  • healthful Air of little effect, where Death had set her broad Arrow; for
  • he lived not unto the middle of _May_, and confirmed the Observation of
  • _Hippocrates_[284] of that mortal time of the Year when the Leaves of
  • the Fig-tree resemble a Daw's Claw. He is happily seated who lives in
  • Places whose Air, Earth and Water, promote not the Infirmities of his
  • weaker Parts, or is early removed into Regions that correct them. He
  • that is tabidly inclin'd, were unwise to pass his Days in _Portugal_:
  • Cholical Persons will find little Comfort in _Austria_ or _Vienna_: He
  • that is weak-legg'd must not be in Love with _Rome_, nor an infirm Head
  • with _Venice_ or _Paris_. Death hath not only particular Stars in
  • Heaven, but malevolent Places on Earth, which single out our
  • Infirmities, and strike at our weaker Parts; in which Concern, passager
  • and migrant Birds have the great Advantages; who are naturally
  • constituted for distant Habitations, whom no Seas nor Places limit, but
  • in their appointed Seasons will visit us from _Greenland_ and Mount
  • _Atlas_, and as some think, even from the _Antipodes_.[285]
  • [283] _Cum mors venerit, in medio Tibure Sardinia est._
  • [284] In the King's Forests they set the Figure of a broad Arrow upon
  • Trees that are to be cut down. _Hippoc. Epidem._
  • [285] Bellonius _de Avibus_.
  • Tho' we could not have his Life, yet we missed not our desires in his
  • soft Departure, which was scarce an Expiration; and his End not unlike
  • his Beginning, when the salient Point scarce affords a sensible Motion,
  • and his Departure so like unto Sleep, that he scarce needed the civil
  • Ceremony of closing his Eyes; contrary unto the common way wherein Death
  • draws up, Sleep let fall the Eye-lids. With what Strift and Pains we
  • came into the World we know not; but 'tis commonly no easie matter to
  • get out of it: yet if it could be made out, that such who have easie
  • Nativities have commonly hard Deaths, and contrarily; his Departure was
  • so easie, that we might justly suspect his Birth was of another nature,
  • and that some _Juno_ sat cross-legg'd at his Nativity.
  • Besides his soft Death, the incurable state of his Disease might
  • somewhat extenuate your Sorrow, who know that Monsters[286] but seldom
  • happen, Miracles more rarely, in Physick. _Angelus Victorius_[287] gives
  • a serious Account of a Consumptive, Hectical, Pthysical Woman, who was
  • suddenly cured by the Intercession of _Ignatius_. We read not of any in
  • Scripture who in this case applied unto our Saviour, tho' some may be
  • contain'd in that large Expression, that he went about _Galilee_ healing
  • all manner of Sickness, and all manner of Diseases. Amulets, Spells,
  • Sigils and Incantations, practised in other Diseases, are seldom
  • pretended in this; and we find no Sigil in the Archidoxis of
  • _Paracelsus_ to cure an extreme Consumption or _Marasmus_, which if
  • other Diseases fail, will put a period unto long Livers, and at last
  • makes Dust of all. And therefore the _Stoicks_ could not but think that
  • the fiery Principle would wear out all the rest, and at last make an end
  • of the World, which notwithstanding without such a lingring period the
  • Creator may effect at his Pleasure: and to make an end of all things on
  • Earth, and our Planetical System of the World, he need but put out the
  • Sun.
  • [286] _Monstra contingunt in Medicina Hippoc._
  • [287] Strange and rare Escapes there happen sometimes in Physick.
  • _Angeli Victorii Consultationes._ Matth. iv. 25.
  • I was not so curious to entitle the Stars unto any Concern of his Death,
  • yet could not but take notice that he died when the Moon was in motion
  • from the Meridian; at which time, an old _Italian_ long ago would
  • perswade me that the greatest Part of Men died: but herein I confess I
  • could never satisfie my Curiosity; altho' from the time of Tides in
  • Places upon or near the Sea, there may be considerable Deductions; and
  • _Pliny_[288] hath an odd and remarkable Passage concerning the Death of
  • Men and Animals upon the Recess or Ebb of the Sea. However, certain it
  • is he died in the dead and deep part of the Night, when _Nox_ might be
  • most apprehensibly said to be the Daughter of _Chaos_, the Mother of
  • Sleep and Death, according to old Genealogy; and so went out of this
  • World about that hour when our blessed Saviour entred it, and about what
  • time many conceive he will return again unto it. _Cardan_[289] hath a
  • peculiar and no hard Observation from a Man's Hand to know whether he
  • was born in the Day or Night, which I confess holdeth in my own. And
  • _Scaliger_ to that purpose hath another from the tip of the Ear: Most
  • Men are begotten in the Night, Animals in the Day; but whether more
  • Persons have been born in the Night or the Day, were a Curiosity
  • undecidable, tho' more have perished by violent Deaths in the Day; yet
  • in natural Dissolutions both Times may hold an Indifferency, at least
  • but contingent Inequality. The whole Course of Time runs out in the
  • Nativity and Death of Things; which whether they happen by Succession or
  • Coincidence, are best computed by the natural not artificial Day.
  • [288] _Aristoteles nullum animal nisi æstu recedente expirare affirmat:
  • observatum id multum in Gallico Oceano et duntaxat in Homine
  • comertum_, lib. 2. cap. 101.
  • [289] _Auris pars pendula Lobus dicitur, non omnibus ea pars est
  • auribus; non enim iis qui noctu nati sunt, sed qui interdiu,
  • maxima ex parte. Com. in Aristot. de Animal._ lib. 1.
  • That _Charles_ the Vth was crown'd upon the Day of his Nativity, it
  • being in his own Power so to order it, makes no singular Animadversion;
  • but that he should also take King _Francis_ Prisoner upon that Day, was
  • an unexpected Coincidence, which made the same remarkable. _Antipater_
  • who had an Anniversary Fever every Year upon his Birth-day, needed no
  • Astrological Revolution to know what Day he should dye on. When the
  • fixed Stars have made a Revolution unto the Points from whence they
  • first set out, some of the Ancients thought the World would have an end;
  • which was a kind of dying upon the Day of its Nativity. Now the Disease
  • prevailing and swiftly advancing about the time of his Nativity, some
  • were of Opinion that he would leave the World on the Day he entred into
  • it: but this being a lingring Disease, and creeping softly on, nothing
  • critical was found or expected, and he died not before fifteen Days
  • after. Nothing is more common with Infants than to die on the Day of
  • their Nativity, to behold the worldly Hours, and but the Fractions
  • thereof; and even to perish before their Nativity in the hidden World of
  • the Womb, and before their good Angel is conceived to undertake them.
  • But in Persons who out-live many Years, and when there are no less than
  • three hundred sixty five days to determine their Lives in every Year;
  • that the first day should make the last, that the Tail of the Snake
  • should return into its Mouth precisely at that time, and they should
  • wind up upon the day of their Nativity,[290] is indeed a remarkable
  • Coincidence, which, tho' Astrology hath taken witty Pains to salve, yet
  • hath it been very wary in making Predictions of it.
  • [290] According to the _Egyptian_ Hieroglyphick.
  • In this consumptive Condition and remarkable Extenuation he came to be
  • almost half himself, and left a great Part behind him which he carried
  • not to the Grave. And tho' that Story of Duke _John Ernestus
  • Mansfield_[291] be not so easily swallow'd, that at his Death his Heart
  • was found not to be so big as a Nut; yet if the Bones of a good Skeleton
  • weigh little more than twenty Pounds, his Inwards and Flesh remaining
  • could make no Bouffage, but a light Bit for the Grave. I never more
  • lively beheld the starved Characters of _Dante_[292] in any living Face;
  • an _Aruspex_ might have read a Lecture upon him without Exenteration,
  • his Flesh being so consumed, that he might, in a manner, have discerned
  • his Bowels without opening of him: so that to be carried _sextâ
  • cervice_, to the Grave, was but a civil Unnecessity; and the Complements
  • of the Coffin might out-weigh the Subject of it.
  • [291] _Turkish_ History.
  • [292] In the Poet _Dante_ his Discription.
  • _Omnibonus Ferrarius_[293] in mortal Dysenteries of Children looks for
  • a Spot behind the Ear; in consumptive Diseases some eye the Complexion
  • of Moles; _Cardan_ eagerly views the Nails, some the Lines of the Hand,
  • the Thenar or Muscle of the Thumb; some are so curious as to observe the
  • depth of the Throat-pit, how the Proportion varieth of the Small of the
  • Legs unto the Calf, or the compass of the Neck unto the Circumference of
  • the Head: but all these, with many more, were so drown'd in a mortal
  • Visage, and last Face of _Hippocrates_, that a weak Physiognomist might
  • say at first Eye, This was a Face of Earth, and that _Morta_[294] had
  • set her hard Seal upon his Temples, easily perceiving what
  • _Caricatura_[295] Draughts Death makes upon pined Faces, and unto what
  • an unknown degree a Man may live backward.
  • [293] _De Morbis Puerorum._
  • [294] _Morta_, the Deity of Death or Fate.
  • [295] When Men's Faces are drawn with Resemblance to some other Animals,
  • the _Italians_ call it, to be drawn in _Caricatura_.
  • Tho' the Beard be only made a Distinction of Sex, and Sign of masculine
  • Heat by _Ulmus_, yet the Precocity and early Growth thereof in him, was
  • not to be liked in reference unto long Life. _Lewis_, that virtuous but
  • unfortunate King of _Hungary_, who lost his Life at the Battle of
  • _Mohacz_, was said to be born without a Skin, to have bearded at
  • fifteen,[296] and to have shewn some grey Hairs about twenty; from
  • whence the Diviners conjectur'd, that he would be spoiled of his
  • Kingdom, and have but a short Life: But Hairs make fallible
  • Predictions, and many Temples early grey have out-liv'd the Psalmist's
  • Period.[297] Hairs which have most amused me have not been in the Face
  • or Head, but on the Back, and not in Men but Children, as I long ago
  • observed in that Endemial Distemper of little Children in _Languedock_,
  • call'd the _Morgellons_,[298] wherein they critically break out with
  • harsh Hairs on their Backs, which takes off the unquiet Symptoms of the
  • Disease, and delivers them from Coughs and Convulsions.
  • [296] _Ulmus de usu barbæ humanæ._
  • [297] The Life of a Man is threescore and ten.
  • [298] See _Picotus de Rheumatismo_.
  • The _Egyptian_ Mummies that I have seen, have had their Mouths open, and
  • somewhat gaping, which affordeth a good Opportunity to view and observe
  • their Teeth, wherein 'tis not easie to find any wanting or decay'd; and
  • therefore in _Egypt_, where one Man practised but one Operation, or the
  • Diseases but of single Parts, it must needs be a barren Profession to
  • confine unto that of drawing of Teeth, and little better than to have
  • been Tooth-drawer unto King _Pyrrhus_,[299] who had but two in his Head.
  • How the _Bannyans_ of _India_ maintain the Integrity of those Parts, I
  • find not particularly observed; who notwithstanding have an Advantage of
  • their Preservation by abstaining from all Flesh, and employing their
  • Teeth in such Food unto which they may seem at first framed, from their
  • Figure and Conformation: but sharp and corroding Rheums had so early
  • mouldred those Rocks and hardest parts of his Fabrick, that a Man might
  • well conceive that his Years were never like to double or twice tell
  • over his Teeth.[300] Corruption had dealt more severely with them than
  • sepulchral Fires and smart Flames with those of burnt Bodies of old; for
  • in the burnt Fragments of Urnes which I have enquired into, altho' I
  • seem to find few Incisors or Shearers, yet the Dog Teeth and Grinders do
  • notably resist those Fires.
  • [299] His upper and lower Jaw being solid, and without distinct Rows of
  • Teeth.
  • [300] Twice tell over his Teeth, never live to threescore Years.
  • In the Years of his Childhood he had languish'd under the Disease of
  • his Country, the Rickets; after which notwithstanding many have been
  • become strong and active Men; but whether any have attain'd unto very
  • great Years, the Disease is scarce so old as to afford good Observation.
  • Whether the Children of the _English_ Plantations be subject unto the
  • same Infirmity, may be worth the Observing. Whether Lameness and Halting
  • do still encrease among the Inhabitants of _Rovigno_ in _Istria_, I know
  • not; yet scarce twenty Years ago Monsieur _du Loyr_ observed, that a
  • third part of that People halted: but too certain it is, that the
  • Rickets encreaseth among us; the Small-Pox grows more pernicious than
  • the Great: the King's Purse knows that the King's Evil grows more
  • common. _Quartan_ Agues are become no Strangers in _Ireland_; more
  • common and mortal in _England_: and tho' the Ancients gave that
  • Disease[301] very good Words, yet now that Bell makes no strange sound
  • which rings out for the Effects thereof.
  • [301] Ἀσφαλέστατος καὶ ῥήιστος, _securissima et facillima_. Hippoc.
  • Pro Febre quartana raro sonat campana.
  • Some think there were few Consumptions in the Old World, when Men lived
  • much upon Milk; and that the ancient Inhabitants of this Island were
  • less troubled with Coughs when they went naked, and slept in Caves and
  • Woods, than Men now in Chambers and Feather-beds. _Plato_ will tell us,
  • that there was no such Disease as a Catarrh in _Homer's_ time, and that
  • it was but new in _Greece_ in his Age. _Polydore Virgil_ delivereth
  • that Pleurisies were rare in _England_, who lived but in the Days of
  • _Henry_ the Eighth. Some will allow no Diseases to be new, others think
  • that many old ones are ceased and that such which are esteem'd new, will
  • have but their time: However, the Mercy of God hath scatter'd the Great
  • Heap of Diseases, and not loaded any one Country with all: some may be
  • new in one Country which have been old in another. New Discoveries of
  • the Earth discover new Diseases: for besides the common Swarm, there are
  • endemial and local Infirmities proper unto certain Regions, which in the
  • whole Earth make no small Number: and if _Asia_, _Africa_, and _America_
  • should bring in their List, _Pandora's_ Box would swell, and there must
  • be a strange Pathology.
  • Most Men expected to find a consumed Kell, empty and bladder-like Guts,
  • livid and marbled Lungs, and a wither'd _Pericardium_ in this exuccous
  • Corps: but some seemed too much to wonder that two Lobes of his Lungs
  • adher'd unto his Side; for the like I had often found in Bodies of no
  • suspected Consumptions or difficulty of Respiration. And the same more
  • often happeneth in Men than other Animals; and some think in Women than
  • in Men; but the most remarkable I have met with, was in a Man, after a
  • Cough of almost fifty Years, in whom all the Lobes adhered unto the
  • Pleura,[302] and each Lobe unto another; who having also been much
  • troubled with the Gout, brake the Rule of _Cardan_,[303] and died of the
  • Stone in the Bladder. _Aristotle_ makes a Query, Why some Animals
  • cough, as Man; some not, as Oxen. If Coughing be taken as it consisteth
  • of a natural and voluntary motion, including Expectoration and spitting
  • out, it may be as proper unto Man as bleeding at the Nose; otherwise we
  • find that _Vegetius_ and rural Writers have not left so many Medicines
  • in vain against the Coughs of Cattel; and Men who perish by Coughs die
  • the Death of Sheep, Cats and Lions: and tho' Birds have no Midriff, yet
  • we meet with divers Remedies in _Arrianus_ against the Coughs of Hawks.
  • And tho' it might be thought that all Animals who have Lungs do cough;
  • yet in cetaceous Fishes, who have large and strong Lungs, the same is
  • not observed; nor yet in oviparous Quadrupeds: and in the greatest
  • thereof, the Crocodile, altho' we read much of their Tears, we find
  • nothing of that Motion.
  • [302] So _A. F._
  • [303] _Cardan_ in his _Encomium Podagræ_ reckoneth this among the _Dona
  • Podagræ_, that they are deliver'd thereby from the Phthysis and
  • Stone in the Bladder.
  • From the Thoughts of Sleep, when the Soul was conceived nearest unto
  • Divinity, the Ancients erected an Art of Divination, wherein while they
  • too widely expatiated in loose and inconsequent Conjectures,
  • _Hippocrates_[304] wisely considered Dreams as they presaged Alterations
  • in the Body, and so afforded hints toward the Preservation of Health,
  • and prevention of Diseases; and therein was so serious as to advise
  • Alteration of Diet, Exercise, Sweating, Bathing and Vomiting; and also
  • so religious, as to order Prayers and Supplications unto respective
  • Deities, in good Dreams unto _Sol_, _Jupiter cœlestis_, _Jupiter
  • opulentus_, _Minerva_, _Mercurius_ and _Apollo_; in bad unto _Tellus_
  • and the Heroes.
  • [304] _Hippoc. de Insomniis._
  • And therefore I could not but take notice how his Female Friends were
  • irrationally curious so strictly to examine his Dreams, and in this low
  • State to hope for the Fantasms of Health. He was now past the healthful
  • Dreams of the Sun, Moon and Stars, in their Clarity and proper Courses.
  • 'Twas too late to dream of Flying, of Limpid Fountains, smooth Waters,
  • white Vestments, and fruitful green Trees, which are the Visions of
  • healthful Sleeps, and at good Distance from the Grave.
  • And they were also too deeply dejected that he should dream of his dead
  • Friends, inconsequently divining, that he would not be long from them;
  • for strange it was not that he should sometimes dream of the dead, whose
  • Thoughts run always upon Death; beside, to dream of the dead, so they
  • appear not in dark Habits, and take nothing away from us, in
  • _Hippocrates_ his Sense was of good Signification: for we live by the
  • dead, and every thing is or must be so before it becomes our
  • Nourishment. And _Cardan_, who dream'd that he discoursed with his dead
  • Father in the Moon, made thereof no mortal Interpretation: and even to
  • dream that we are dead, was no condemnable Fantasm in old
  • _Oneirocriticism_, as having a Signification of Liberty, vacuity from
  • Cares, Exemption and Freedom from Troubles unknown unto the dead.
  • Some Dreams I confess may admit of easie and feminine Exposition; he who
  • dream'd that he could not see his right Shoulder, might easily fear to
  • lose the Sight of his right Eye; he that before a Journey dream'd that
  • his Feet were cut off, had a plain Warning not to undertake his intended
  • Journey. But why to dream of Lettuce should presage some ensuing
  • Disease, why to eat Figs should signifie foolish Talk, why to eat Eggs
  • great Trouble, and to dream of Blindness should be so highly commended,
  • according to the _Oneirocritical_ Verses of _Astrampsychus_ and
  • _Nicephorus_, I shall leave unto your Divination.
  • He was willing to quit the World alone and altogether, leaving no
  • Earnest behind him for Corruption or After-grave, having small content
  • in that common Satisfaction to survive or live in another, but amply
  • satisfied that his Disease should die with himself, nor revive in a
  • Posterity to puzzle Physick, and make sad _Memento's_ of their Parent
  • hereditary. Leprosie awakes not sometimes before forty, the Gout and
  • Stone often later; but consumptive and tabid[305] Roots sprout more
  • early, and at the fairest make seventeen Years of our Life doubtful
  • before that Age. They that enter the World with original Diseases as
  • well as Sin, have not only common Mortality but sick Traductions to
  • destroy them, make commonly short Courses, and live not at length but in
  • Figures; so that a sound _Cæsarean_[306] nativity may out-last a Natural
  • Birth, and a Knife may sometimes make Way for a more lasting Fruit than
  • a Midwife; which makes so few Infants now able to endure the old Test of
  • the River,[307] and many to have feeble Children who could scarce have
  • been married at _Sparta_, and those provident States who studied strong
  • and healthful Generations; which happen but contingently in mere
  • _pecuniary_ Matches, or Marriages made by the Candle, wherein
  • notwithstanding there is little redress to be hoped from an Astrologer
  • or a Lawyer, and a good discerning Physician were like to prove the most
  • successful Counsellor.
  • [305] _Tabes maxime contingunt ab anno decimo octavo ad trigesimum
  • quintum_, Hippoc.
  • [306] A sound Child cut out of the Body of the Mother.
  • [307] _Natos ad flumina primum deserimus sævoque gelu duramus et undis._
  • _Julius Scaliger_, who in a sleepless Fit of the Gout could make two
  • hundred Verses in a Night, would have but five[308] plain Words upon his
  • Tomb. And this serious Person, tho' no _minor_ Wit, left the Poetry of
  • his Epitaph unto others; either unwilling to commend himself, or to be
  • judg'd by a Distich, and perhaps considering how unhappy great Poets
  • have been in versifying their own Epitaphs: wherein _Petrarcha_,
  • _Dante_, and _Ariosto_, have so unhappily failed, that if their Tombs
  • should outlast their Works, Posterity would find so little of _Apollo_
  • on them, as to mistake them for _Ciceronian_ Poets.
  • [308] _Julii Cæsaris Scaligeri, quod fuit._ Joseph. Scaliger in vita
  • patris.
  • In this deliberate and creeping Progress unto the Grave, he was somewhat
  • too young, and of too noble a Mind, to fall upon that stupid Symptom
  • observable in divers Persons near their Journey's End, and which may be
  • reckoned among the mortal Symptoms of their last Disease; that is, to
  • become more narrow minded, miserable and tenacious, unready to part with
  • any thing, when they are ready to part with all, and afraid to want when
  • they have no Time to spend; mean while Physicians, who know that many
  • are mad but in a single depraved Imagination, and one prevalent
  • Decipiency; and that beside and out of such single Deliriums a Man may
  • meet with sober Actions and good Sense in _Bedlam_; cannot but smile to
  • see the Heirs and concern'd Relations, gratulating themselves in the
  • sober Departure of their Friends; and tho' they behold such mad covetous
  • Passages, content to think they die in good Understanding, and in their
  • sober Senses.
  • Avarice, which is not only Infidelity but Idolatry, either from covetous
  • Progeny or questuary Education, had no Root in his Breast, who made good
  • Works the Expression of his Faith, and was big with Desires unto publick
  • and lasting Charities; and surely where good Wishes and charitable
  • Intentions exceed Abilities, Theorical Beneficency may be more than a
  • Dream. They build not Castles in the Air who would build Churches on
  • Earth; and tho' they leave no such Structures here, may lay good
  • Foundations in Heaven. In brief, his Life and Death were such, that I
  • could not blame them who wished the like, and almost to have been
  • himself; almost, I say; for tho' we may wish the prosperous
  • Appurtenances of others, or to be an other in his happy Accidents; yet
  • so intrinsecal is every Man unto himself, that some doubt may be made,
  • whether any would exchange his Being, or substantially become another
  • Man.
  • He had wisely seen the World at home and abroad, and thereby observed
  • under what variety Men are deluded in the pursuit of that which is not
  • here to be found. And altho' he had no Opinion of reputed Felicities
  • below, and apprehended Men widely out in the Estimate of such Happiness;
  • yet his sober Contempt of the World wrought no _Democratism_ or
  • _Cynicism_, no laughing or snarling at it, as well understanding there
  • are not Felicities in this World to satisfy a serious Mind; and
  • therefore to soften the Stream of our Lives, we are fain to take in the
  • reputed Contentations of this World, to unite with the Crowd in their
  • Beatitudes, and to make ourselves happy by Consortion, Opinion, or
  • Co-existimation: for strictly to separate from received and customary
  • Felicities, and to confine unto the Rigor of Realities, were to contract
  • the Consolation of our Beings unto too uncomfortable Circumscriptions.
  • Not to fear Death,[309] nor Desire it, was short of his Resolution: to
  • be dissolved, and be with Christ, was his dying Ditty. He conceived his
  • Thred long, in no long course of Years, and when he had scarce out-liv'd
  • the second Life of _Lazarus_;[310] esteeming it enough to approach the
  • Years of his Saviour, who so order'd his own human State, as not to be
  • old upon Earth.
  • [309] _Summum nec metuas diem nec optes._
  • [310] Who upon some Accounts, and Tradition, is said to have lived 30
  • Years after he was raised by our Saviour. _Baronius._
  • But to be content with Death may be better than to desire it: a
  • miserable Life may make us wish for Death, but a virtuous one to rest in
  • it; which is the Advantage of those resolved Christians, who looking on
  • Death not only as the Sting, but the Period and End of Sin, the Horizon
  • and Isthmus between this Life and a better, and the Death of this World
  • but as Nativity of another, do contentedly submit unto the common
  • Necessity, and envy not _Enoch_ or _Elias_.
  • Not to be content with Life is the unsatisfactory State of those which
  • destroy themselves;[311] who being afraid to live, run blindly upon
  • their own Death, which no Man fears by Experience: And the Stoicks had a
  • notable Doctrine to take away the Fear thereof; that is, in such
  • Extremities, to desire that which is not to be avoided, and wish what
  • might be feared; and so made Evils voluntary, and to suit with their own
  • Desires, which took off the Terror of them.
  • [311] In the Speech of _Vulteius in Lucan_, animating his Souldiers
  • in a great Struggle to kill one another. _Decernite Lethum et metus
  • omnis abest, cupias quodcunque necesse est._ All Fear is over, do
  • but resolve to die, and make your Desires meet Necessity.
  • But the ancient Martyrs were not encouraged by such Fallacies; who,
  • tho' they feared not Death, were afraid to be their own Executioners;
  • and therefore thought it more Wisdom to crucify their Lusts than their
  • Bodies, to circumcise than stab their Hearts, and to mortify than kill
  • themselves.
  • His Willingness to leave this World about that Age, when most men think
  • they may best enjoy it, tho' paradoxical unto worldly Ears, was not
  • strange unto mine, who have so often observed, that many, tho' old, oft
  • stick fast unto the World, and seem to be drawn like _Cacus's_ Oxen,
  • backward, with great Struggling and Reluctancy unto the Grave. The long
  • Habit of Living makes meer men more hardly to part with Life, and All to
  • be Nothing, but what is to come. To live at the rate of the old World,
  • when some could scarce remember themselves young, may afford no better
  • digested Death than a more moderate Period. Many would have thought it
  • an Happiness to have had their Lot of Life in some notable Conjunctures
  • of Ages past; but the Uncertainty of future Times hath tempted few to
  • make a Part in Ages to come. And surely, he that hath taken the true
  • Altitude of things, and rightly calculated the degenerate State of this
  • Age, is not like to envy those that shall live in the next, much less
  • three or four hundred Years hence, when no Man can comfortably imagine
  • what Face this World will carry: And therefore since every Age makes a
  • Step unto the End of all things, and the Scripture affords so hard a
  • Character of the last Times; quiet Minds will be content with their
  • Generations, and rather bless Ages past, than be ambitious of those to
  • come.
  • Tho' Age had set no Seal upon his Face, yet a dim Eye might clearly
  • discover Fifty in his Actions; and therefore since Wisdom is the grey
  • Hair, and an unspotted Life old Age; altho' his Years came short he
  • might have been said to have held up with longer Livers, and to have
  • been _Solomon's_[312] Old Man. And surely if we deduct all those Days of
  • our Life which we might wish unliv'd, and which abate the Comfort of
  • those we now live; if we reckon up only those Days which God hath
  • accepted of our Lives, a Life of good Years will hardly be a Span long:
  • the Son in this Sense may out-live the Father, and none be
  • climacterically old. He that early arriveth unto the Parts and Prudence
  • of Age, is happily old without the uncomfortable Attendants of it; and
  • 'tis superfluous to live unto grey Hairs, when in a precocious Temper we
  • anticipate the Virtues of them. In brief, he cannot be accounted young
  • who out-liveth the old Man. He that hath early arrived unto the measure
  • of a perfect Stature in Christ, hath already fulfilled the prime and
  • longest Intention of his Being: and one Day lived after the perfect Rule
  • of Piety, is to be preferr'd before sinning Immortality.
  • [312] _Wisdom_, cap. iv.
  • Altho' he attain'd not unto the Years of his Predecessors, yet he wanted
  • not those preserving Virtues which confirm the Thread of weaker
  • Constitutions. Cautelous Chastity and crafty Sobriety were far from him;
  • those Jewels were Paragon, without Flaw, Hair, Ice, or Cloud in him:
  • which affords me an Hint to proceed in these good Wishes, and few
  • _Memento's_ unto you.
  • Tread softly and circumspectly in this funambulous Track, and narrow
  • Path of Goodness: pursue Virtue virtuously; be sober and temperate, not
  • to preserve your Body in a sufficiency to wanton Ends; not to spare
  • your Purse; not to be free from the Infamy of common Transgressors that
  • way, and thereby to ballance or palliate obscure and closer Vices; nor
  • simply to enjoy Health: By all which you may leaven good Actions, and
  • render Virtues disputable: but in one Word, that you may truly serve
  • God; which every Sickness will tell you, you cannot well do without
  • health. The sick Man's Sacrifice is but a lame Oblation. Pious Treasures
  • laid up in healthful Days, excuse the Defect of sick Non-performances;
  • without which we must needs look back with Anxiety upon the lost
  • Opportunities of Health; and may have cause rather to envy than pity the
  • Ends of penitent Malefactors, who go with clear Parts unto the last Act
  • of their Lives; and in the Integrity of their Faculties return their
  • Spirit unto God that gave it.
  • Consider whereabout thou art in _Cebes_ his Table, or that old
  • philosophical Pinax of the Life of Man; whether thou art still in the
  • Road of Uncertainties; whether thou hast yet entred the narrow Gate, got
  • up the Hill and asperous Way which leadeth unto the House of Sanity, or
  • taken that purifying Potion from the Hand of sincere Erudition, which
  • may send the clear and pure away unto a virtuous and happy Life.
  • In this virtuous voyage let not Disappointment cause Despondency, nor
  • Difficulty Despair: Think not that you are sailing from _Lima_[313] to
  • _Manillia_, wherein thou may'st tye up the Rudder, and sleep before the
  • Wind; but expect rough Seas, Flaws, and contrary Blasts; and 'tis well
  • if by many cross Tacks and Veerings thou arrivest at thy Port. Sit not
  • down in the popular Seats, and common Level of Virtues, but endeavour to
  • make them Heroical. Offer not only Peace-Offerings but Holocausts unto
  • God. To serve him singly to serve our selves, were too partial a Piece
  • of Piety, nor likely to place us in the highest Mansions of Glory.
  • [313] Through the Pacifick Sea, with a constant Gale from the East.
  • He that is chaste and continent, not to impair his Strength, or
  • terrified by Contagion, will hardly be heroically virtuous. Adjourn not
  • that Virtue unto those Years when _Cato_ could lend out his Wife, and
  • impotent _Satyrs_ write Satyrs against Lust: but be chaste in thy
  • flaming Days, when _Alexander_ dared not trust his Eyes upon the fair
  • Daughters of _Darius_, and when so many Men think there is no other Way
  • but _Origen's_.[314]
  • [314] Who is said to have castrated himself.
  • Be charitable before Wealth makes thee covetous, and lose not the Glory
  • of the Mitre. If Riches increase, let thy Mind hold Pace with them; and
  • think it not enough to be liberal, but munificent. Tho' a Cup of cold
  • Water from some hand may not be without its Reward; yet stick not thou
  • for Wine and Oyl for the Wounds of the distressed: and treat the poor as
  • our Saviour did the Multitude, to the Relicks of some Baskets.
  • Trust not to the Omnipotency of Gold, or say unto it, Thou art my
  • Confidence: kiss not thy Hand when thou beholdest that terrestrial Sun,
  • nor bore thy Ear unto its Servitude. A Slave unto Mammon makes no
  • Servant unto God: Covetousness cracks the Sinews of Faith, numbs the
  • Apprehension of any thing above Sense, and only affected with the
  • Certainty of Things present, makes a Peradventure of things to come;
  • lives but unto one World, nor hopes but fears another; makes our own
  • Death sweet unto others, bitter unto our selves; gives a dry Funeral,
  • Scenical Mourning, and no wet Eyes at the Grave.
  • If Avarice be thy Vice, yet make it not thy Punishment: Miserable Men
  • commiserate not themselves, bowelless unto themselves, and merciless
  • unto their own Bowels. Let the Fruition of things bless the Possession
  • of them, and take no Satisfaction in dying but living rich: for since
  • thy good Works, not thy Goods, will follow thee; since Riches are an
  • Appurtenance of Life, and no dead Man is rich, to famish in Plenty, and
  • live poorly to die rich, were a multiplying Improvement in Madness, and
  • Use upon Use in Folly.
  • Persons lightly dip'd, not grain'd in generous Honesty, are but pale in
  • Goodness, and faint hued in Sincerity: but be thou what thou virtuously
  • art, and let not the Ocean wash away thy Tincture: stand magnetically
  • upon that Axis where prudent Simplicity hath fix'd thee, and let no
  • Temptation invert the Poles of thy Honesty: and that Vice may be
  • uneasie, and even monstrous unto thee, let iterated good Acts, and long
  • confirm'd Habits make Vertue natural, or a second Nature in thee. And
  • since few or none prove eminently vertuous but from some advantageous
  • Foundations in their Temper, and natural Inclinations; study thy self
  • betimes, and early find what Nature bids thee to be, or tells thee what
  • thou may'st be. They who thus timely descend into themselves,
  • cultivating the good Seeds which Nature hath set in them, and improving
  • their prevalent Inclinations to Perfection, become not Shrubs, but
  • Cedars in their Generation; and to be in the form of the best of the
  • Bad, or the worst of the Good, will be no Satisfaction unto them.
  • Let not the Law of thy Country be the _non ultra_ of thy Honesty, nor
  • think that always good enough which the Law will make good. Narrow not
  • the Law of Charity, Equity, Mercy; joyn Gospel Righteousness with Legal
  • Right; be not a meer _Gamaliel_ in the Faith; but let the Sermon in the
  • Mount be thy _Targum_ unto the Law of _Sinai_.
  • Make not the Consequences of Vertue the Ends thereof: be not beneficent
  • for a Name or Cymbal of Applause, nor exact and punctual in Commerce,
  • for the Advantages of Trust and Credit which attend the Reputation of
  • just and true Dealing; for such Rewards, tho' unsought for, plain Vertue
  • will bring with her, whom all Men honour, tho' they pursue not. To have
  • other bye Ends in good Actions, sowers laudable Performances, which must
  • have deeper Roots, Motions, and Instigations, to give them the Stamp of
  • Vertues.
  • Tho' human Infirmity may betray thy heedless Days into the popular Ways
  • of Extravagancy, yet let not thine own Depravity, or the Torrent of
  • vicious Times, carry thee into desperate Enormities in Opinions,
  • Manners, or Actions: if thou hast dip'd thy Foot in the River, yet
  • venture not over _Rubicon_; run not into Extremities from whence there
  • is no Regression, nor be ever so closely shut up within the Holds of
  • Vice and Iniquity, as not to find some Escape by a Postern of
  • Resipiscency.
  • Owe not thy Humility unto Humiliation by Adversity, but look humbly down
  • in that State when others look upward upon thee: be patient in the Age
  • of Pride and Days of Will and Impatiency, when Men live but by Intervals
  • of Reason, under the Sovereignty of Humor and Passion, when 'tis in the
  • Power of every one to transform thee out of thy self, and put thee into
  • the short Madness. If you cannot imitate _Job_, yet come not short of
  • _Socrates_,[315] and those patient Pagans, who tir'd the Tongues of
  • their Enemies while they perceiv'd they spet their Malice at brazen
  • Walls and Statues.
  • [315] _Ira furor brevis est._
  • Let Age, not Envy, draw Wrinkles on thy Cheeks: be content to be envied,
  • but envy not. Emulation may be plausible, and Indignation allowable; but
  • admit no Treaty with that Passion which no Circumstance can make good. A
  • Displacency at the Good of others, because they enjoy it, altho' we do
  • not want it, is an absurd Depravity, sticking fast unto human Nature
  • from its primitive Corruption; which he that can well subdue, were a
  • Christian of the first Magnitude, and for ought I know, may have one
  • Foot already in Heaven.
  • While thou so hotly disclaim'st the Devil, be not guilty of Diabolism;
  • fall not into one Name with that unclean Spirit, nor act his Nature whom
  • thou so much abhorrest; that is, to accuse, calumniate, backbite,
  • whisper, detract, or sinistrously interpret others; degenerous
  • Depravities and narrow-minded Vices, not only below S. _Paul's_ noble
  • Christian, but _Aristotle's_[316] true Gentleman. Trust not with some,
  • that the Epistle of S. _James_ is Apocryphal, and so read with less Fear
  • that Stabbing Truth, that in company with this Vice thy Religion is in
  • vain. _Moses_ broke the Tables without breaking of the Law; but where
  • Charity is broke the Law it self is shatter'd, which cannot be whole
  • without Love, that is the fulfilling of it. Look humbly upon thy
  • Vertues, and tho' thou art rich in some, yet think thy self poor and
  • naked, without that crowning Grace, which thinketh no Evil, which
  • envieth not, which beareth, believeth, hopeth, endureth all things. With
  • these sure Graces, while busie Tongues are crying out for a Drop of cold
  • Water, Mutes may be in Happiness, and sing the _Trisagium_[317] in
  • Heaven.
  • [316] See _Arist. Ethicks_ Chapt. of Magnanimity.
  • [317] Holy, Holy, Holy.
  • Let not the Sun in _Capricorn_ go down upon thy Wrath, but Write thy
  • Wrongs in Water: draw the Curtain of Night upon Injuries; shut them up
  • in the Tower of Oblivion,[318] and let them be as tho' they had not
  • been. Forgive thine Enemies totally, and without any Reserve of Hope,
  • that however, God will revenge thee.
  • [318] Even when the Days are shortest; alluding to the Tower of
  • _Oblivion_ mentioned by _Procopius_, which was the Name of a
  • Tower of Imprisonment among the _Persians_: whosoever was put
  • therein he was as it were buried alive, and it was Death for any
  • but to name it.
  • Be substantially great in thy self, and more than thou appearest unto
  • others; and let the World be deceived in thee, as they are in the Lights
  • of Heaven. Hang early Plummets upon the Heels of Pride, and let Ambition
  • have but an Epicyche or narrow Circuit in thee. Measure not thy self by
  • thy Morning Shadow, but by the Extent of thy Grave; and reckon thy self
  • above the Earth by the Line thou must be contented with under it. Spread
  • not into boundless Expansions either to Designs or Desires. Think not
  • that Mankind liveth but for a few, and that the rest are born but to
  • serve the Ambition of those, who make but Flies of Men, and Wildernesses
  • of whole Nations. Swell not into Actions which embroil and confound the
  • Earth; but be one of those violent ones which _force the Kingdom of
  • Heaven_.[319] If thou must needs reign, be _Zeno_, King, and enjoy that
  • Empire which every Man gives himself. Certainly, the iterated
  • Injunctions of Christ unto Humility, Meekness, Patience, and that
  • despised Train of Vertues, cannot but make pathetical Impressions upon
  • those who have well consider'd the Affairs of all Ages, wherein Pride,
  • Ambition, and Vain glory, have led up the worst of Actions, and
  • whereunto Confusion, Tragedies, and Acts denying all Religion, do owe
  • their Originals.
  • [319] _Matthew_ xi.
  • Rest not in an Ovation,[320] but a Triumph over thy Passions; chain up
  • the unruly Legion of thy Breast; behold thy Trophies within thee, not
  • without thee: Lead thine own Captivity captive, and be _Cæsar_ unto thy
  • self.
  • [320] _Ovation_, a petty and minor kind of Triumph.
  • Give no quarter unto those Vices which are of thine inward Family; and
  • having a Root in thy Temper, plead a Right and Property in thee. Examine
  • well thy complexional Inclinations. Raise early Batteries against those
  • strong Holds built upon the Rock of Nature, and make this a great Part
  • of the Militia of thy Life. The politick Nature of Vice must be oppos'd
  • by Policy, and therefore wiser Honesties project and plot against Sin;
  • wherein notwithstanding we are not to rest in Generals, or the trite
  • Stratagems of Art: that may succeed with one Temper which may prove
  • successless with another. There is no Community or Common-wealth of
  • Virtue; every Man must study his own Oeconomy, and erect these Rules
  • unto the Figure of himself.
  • Lastly, If Length of Days be thy Portion, make it not thy Expectation:
  • Reckon not upon long Life, but live always beyond thy Account. He that
  • so often surviveth his Expectation, lives many Lives, and will hardly
  • complain of the Shortness of his Days. Time past is gone like a Shadow;
  • make Times to come present; conceive that near which may be far off;
  • approximate thy last Times by present Apprehensions of them: Live like a
  • Neighbour unto Death, and think there is but little to come. And since
  • there is something in us that must still live on, join both Lives
  • together; unite them in thy Thoughts and Actions, and live in one but
  • for the other. He who thus ordereth the Purposes of this Life, will
  • never be far from the next, and is in some manner already in it, by an
  • happy Conformity, and close Apprehension of it.
  • _FINIS_
  • POSTHUMOUS WORKS
  • 1712
  • REPERTORIUM:
  • Or, some Account of the Tombs and Monuments in the Cathedral Church of
  • Norwich, in 1680.
  • In the Time of the late Civil Wars, there were about an hundred Brass
  • Inscriptions stol'n and taken away from Grave-Stones, and Tombs, in the
  • Cathedral Church of _Norwich_; as I was inform'd by _John Wright_, one
  • of the Clerks, above Eighty Years old, and Mr. _John Sandlin_, one of
  • the Choir, who lived Eighty nine Years; and, as I remember, told me that
  • he was a Chorister in the Reign of Queen _Elizabeth_.
  • Hereby the distinct Places of the Burials of many noble and considerable
  • Persons become unknown; and, lest they should be quite buried in
  • Oblivion, I shall, of so many, set down only these following that are
  • most noted to Passengers, with some that have been erected since those
  • unhappy Times.
  • First, in the Body of the Church, between the Pillars of the South Isle,
  • stands a Tomb, cover'd with a kind of Touch-stone; which is the Monument
  • of MILES SPENCER, LL.D. and Chancellor of _Norwich_, who lived unto
  • Ninety Years. The Top Stone was entire, but now quite broken, split, and
  • depress'd by Blows: There was more special Notice taken of this Stone,
  • because Men used to try their Money upon it; and that the Chapter
  • demanded certain Rents to be paid on it. He was Lord of the Mannor of
  • _Bowthorp_ and _Colney_, which came unto the _Yaxley's_ from him; also
  • Owner of _Chappel_, in the Field.
  • The next Monument is that of Bishop RICHARD NICKS, _alias_ Nix, or the
  • Blind Bishop, being quite dark many Years before he died. He sat in this
  • _See_ Thirty Six Years, in the Reigns of King _Henry_ VII. and _Henry_
  • VIII. The Arches are beautified above and beside it, where are to be
  • seen the Arms of the _See_ of _Norwich_, _impaling_ his own, _viz._ a
  • _Chevron_ between three _Leopards_ Heads. The same Coat of Arms is on
  • the Roof of the _North_ and _South Cross Isle_; which Roofs he either
  • rebuilt, or repair'd. The Tomb is low, and broad, and 'tis said there
  • was an Altar at the bottom of the Eastern Pillar: The Iron-work, whereon
  • the Bell hung, is yet visible on the Side of the Western Pillar.
  • Then the Tomb of Bishop JOHN PARKHURST, with a legible Inscription on
  • the Pillar, set up by Dean _Gardiner_, running thus.
  • Johannes Parkhurst, _Theol. Professor_, Guilfordiæ _natus_,
  • Oxoniæ _educatus, temporibus_ Mariæ _Reginæ pro
  • Nitida conscientia tuenda_ Tigurinæ _vixit exul
  • Voluntarius: Postea presul factus, sanctissime
  • Hanc rexit Ecclesiam per 16 an. Obiit secundo die_
  • Febr. 1574.
  • A Person he was of great Esteem and Veneration in the Reign of Queen
  • _Elizabeth_. His Coat of Arms is on the Pillars, visible, at the going
  • out of the Bishop's Hall.
  • Between the two uppermost Pillars, on the same Side, stood a handsom
  • Monument of Bishop EDMUND SCAMLER, thus.
  • _Natus apud_ Gressingham, _in Com._ Lanc. SS. _Theol. Prof.
  • apud_ Cantabrigienses. _Obiit Ætat._ 85. _an._ 1594 _nonis_ Maii.
  • He was Houshold Chaplain to the Archbishop of _Canterbury_, and died
  • 1594. The Monument was above a yard and half high, with his Effigies in
  • Alabaster, and all enclosed with a high Iron Grate. In the late Times
  • the Grate was taken away, the Statue broken, and the Free-stone pulled
  • down as far as the inward Brick-work; which being unsightly, was
  • afterwards taken away, and the Space between the Pillars left void, as
  • it now remaineth.
  • In the South-side of this Isle, according as the Inscription denoteth,
  • was buried GEORGE GARDINER, sometime Dean.
  • Georgius Gardiner Barvici _natus_, Cantabrigiæ _educatus,
  • Primo minor Canonicus, secundo Præbendarius, tertio Archidiaconus_.
  • Nordovici, _et demum_ 28 Nov. _An._ 1573. _factus est Sacellanus
  • Dominæ Reginæ, et Decanus hujus Ecclesiæ, in quo loco per 16
  • Annos rexit_.
  • Somewhat higher is a Monument for Dr. EDMUND PORTER, a learned
  • Prebendary, sometime of this Church.
  • Between two Pillars of the North Isle in the Body of the Church, stands
  • the Monument of Sir JAMES HOBART, Attorney-General to King _Henry_ VII.
  • and VIII. He built _Loddon_ Church, St. _Olave's_ Bridge, and made the
  • Causeway adjoining upon the South-side. On the upper Part is the
  • Atchievement of the _Hobarts_, and below are their Arms; as also of the
  • _Nantons_, _viz._ (_three Martlets_) his second Lady being of that
  • Family. It is a close Monument, made up of handsom Stone-work: And this
  • Enclosure might have been employ'd as an Oratory. Some of the Family of
  • the _Hobarts_ have been buried near this Monument; as Mr. _James Hobart_
  • of _Holt_. On the South-side, two young Sons, and a Daughter of Dean
  • _Herbert Astley_, who married _Barbara_, Daughter of _John_, only Son of
  • Sir _John Hobart_ of _Hales_.
  • In the Middle Isle, under a very large Stone, almost over which a Branch
  • for Lights hangeth, was buried Sir FRANCIS SOUTHWELL, descended from
  • those of great Name and Estate in _Norfolk_, who formerly possessed
  • _Woodrising_.
  • Under a fair Stone, by Bishop _Parkhurst's_ Tomb, was buried Dr.
  • MASTERS, Chancellor.
  • Gul. Maister, _LL. Doctor Curiæ Cons. Ep==atus_ Norwicen.
  • _Officialis principalis. Obiit 2 Feb. 1589._
  • At the upper End of the Middle Isle, under a large Stone, was buried
  • Bishop WALTER _de_ HART, _alias le_ HART, or LYGHARD. He was Bishop 26
  • Years, in the Times of _Henry_ VI. and _Edward_ IV. He built the
  • Transverse Stone Partition, or Rood Loft, on which the great Crucifix
  • was placed, beautified the Roof of the Body of the Church, and paved it.
  • Towards the North-side of the Partition-Wall are his Arms the _Bull_ and
  • towards the South-side, _a Hart in Water_, as a _Rebus_ of his Name,
  • _Walter Hart_. Upon the Door, under the Rood Loft, was a Plate of Brass,
  • containing these Verses.
  • _Hic jacet absconsus sub marmore presul honestus
  • Anno milleno C quater cum septuageno
  • Annexis binis instabat ei prope finis
  • Septima cum decima lux Maij sit numerata
  • Ipsius est anima de corpore tunc separata._
  • Between this Partition and the Choir on the North-side, is the Monument
  • of Dame ELIZABETH CALTHORPE, Wife of Sir _Francis Calthorpe_, and
  • afterwards Wife of _John Colepepper_, Esq.
  • In the same Partition, behind the Dean's Stall, was buried JOHN CROFTS,
  • lately Dean, Son of Sir _Henry Crofts_ of _Suffolk_, and Brother to the
  • Lord _William Crofts_. He was sometime Fellow of _All-Souls_ College in
  • _Oxford_, and the first Dean after the Restauration of his Majesty King
  • _Charles_ II. whose Predecessor, Dr. _John Hassal_, who was Dean many
  • Years, was not buried in this Church, but in that of _Creek_. He was of
  • _New_ College in _Oxford_, and Chaplain to the Lady _Elizabeth_, Queen
  • of _Bohemia_, who obtain'd this Deanry for him.
  • On the South-side of the Choir, between two Pillars, stands the Monument
  • of Bishop JAMES GOLDWELL, Dean of Salisbury, and Secretary to King
  • _Edward_ IV. who sat in this _See_ Twenty five Years. His Effigies is
  • in Stone, with a _Lion_ at his Feet, which was his Arms, as appears on
  • his Coat above the Tomb. On the Choir Side, his Arms are also to be seen
  • in the sixth Escocheon, in the West-side over the Choir; as also in S.
  • _Andrew's_ Church, at the Deanry in a Window; at _Trowes_,
  • _Newton-Hall_, and at _Charta-magna_ in _Kent_, the Place of his
  • Nativity; where he also built, or repair'd the Chappel. He is said to
  • have much repair'd the East End of this Church; did many good Works,
  • lived in great Esteem, and died _Ann._ 1498 or 1499.
  • Next above Bishop _Goldwell_, where the Iron Grates yet stand, Bishop
  • JOHN WAKERING is said to have been buried. He was Bishop in the Reign of
  • King _Henry_ V. and was sent to the Council of _Constance_: He is said
  • also to have built the Cloister in the Bishop's Palace, which led into
  • it from the Church Door, which was cover'd with a handsom Roof, before
  • the late Civil War. Also reported to have built the Chapter-house, which
  • being ruinous, is now demolish'd, and the decay'd Parts above and about
  • it handsomly repair'd, or new built. The Arms of the _See_ impaling his
  • own Coat, the Three _Fleur des Lys_, are yet visible upon the Wall by
  • the Door. He lived in great Reputation, and died 1426, and is said to
  • have been buried before S. _George's_ Altar.
  • On the North-side of the Choir, between the two Arches, next to Queen
  • _Elizabeth's_ Seat, were buried Sir THOMAS ERPINGHAM, and his Wives the
  • Lady JOAN, _etc._ whose Pictures were in the Painted-Glass Windows, next
  • unto this Place, with the Arms of the _Erpingham's_. The Insides of both
  • the Pillars were painted in red Colours, with divers Figures and
  • Inscriptions, from the top almost to the bottom, which are now washed
  • out by the late whiting of the Pillars. He was a Knight of the Garter in
  • the Time of _Hen._ IV. and some Part of _Hen._ V. and I find his Name in
  • the List of the Lord Wardens of the Cinque-Ports. He is said to have
  • built the _Black Friars_ Church, or Steeple, or both, now called
  • _New-Hall Steeple_. His Arms are often on the Steeple, which are an
  • Escocheon within an _Orle of Martlets_, and also upon the out-side of
  • the Gate, next the School-House. There was a long Brass Inscription
  • about the Tomb-stone, which was torn away in the late Times, and the
  • Name of _Erpingham_ only remaining. _Johannes Dominus de Erpingham
  • Miles_, was buried in the Parish Church of _Erpingham_, as the
  • Inscription still declareth.
  • In the North Isle, near to the Door, leading towards _Jesus Chappel_,
  • was buried Sir WILLIAM DENNY, Recorder of _Norwich_, and one of the
  • Counsellors at Law to King _Charles_ I.
  • In _Jesus Chappel_ stands a large Tomb (which is said to have been
  • translated from our Ladies Chappel, when that grew ruinous, and was
  • taken down) whereof the Brass Inscription about it is taken away; but
  • old Mr. _Spendlow_, who was a Prebendary 50 Years, and Mr. _Sandlin_,
  • used to say, that it was the Tombstone of the _Windham's_; and in all
  • Probability, might have belonged to Sir _Thomas Windham_, one of King
  • _Henry_ VIII.'s Counsellors, of his Guard, and Vice-Admiral; for I find
  • that there hath been such an Inscription upon the Tomb of a _Windham_ in
  • this Church.
  • _Orate pro a==a_ Thome Windham, _militis_, Elianore, _et Domine_
  • Elizabethe, _uxorum ejus, etc. qui quidem_ Thomas _fuit unus
  • consiliariorum_
  • _Regis_ Henrici VIII. _et unus militum pro corpore, ejusdem Domini,
  • nec non Vice-Admirallus_.
  • And according to the Number of the Three Persons in the Inscription,
  • there are Three Figures upon the Tomb.
  • On the North Wall of _Jesus Chappel_ there is a legible Brass
  • Inscription in Latin Verses; and at the last Line _Pater Noster_. This
  • was the Monument of _Randulfus Pulvertoft custos caronelle_. Above the
  • Inscription was his Coat of Arms, _viz. Six Ears of Wheat with a
  • Border of Cinque-foils_; but now washed out, since the Wall was
  • whiten'd.
  • At the Entrance of St. _Luke's Chappel_, on the Left Hand, is an arched
  • Monument, said to belong to one of the Family of the _Bosvile's_ or
  • _Boswill_, sometime Prior of the Convent. At the East End of the
  • Monument are the Arms of the Church (_the Cross_) and on the West End
  • another (_three Bolt Arrows_,) which is supposed to be his Paternal
  • Coat. The same Coat is to be seen in the sixth Escocheon of the
  • South-side, under the Belfry. Some Inscriptions upon this Monument were
  • washed out when the Church was lately whiten'd; as among the rest, _O
  • morieris! O morieris! O morieris!_ The _three Bolts_ are the known Arms
  • of the _Bosomes_, an ancient Family in _Norfolk_; but whether of the
  • _Bosviles_, or no, I am uncertain.
  • Next unto it is the Monument of RICHARD BROME, Esq. whose Arms thereon
  • are _Ermyns_; and for the Crest, _a Bunch or Branch of Broom with Golden
  • Flowers_. This might be _Richard Brome_, Esq. whose Daughter married the
  • Heir of the _Yaxley's of Yaxley_, in the Time of _Henry_ VII. And one of
  • the same Name founded a Chappel in the Field in _Norwich_.
  • There are also in St. _Luke's Chappel_, amongst the Seats on the
  • South-side, two substantial Marble and cross'd Tombs, very ancient, said
  • to be two Priors of this Convent.
  • At the Entrance into the Cloister, by the upper Door on the Right Hand,
  • next the Stairs, was a handsom Monument on the Wall, which was pulled
  • down in the late Times, and a Void Place still remaineth. Upon this
  • Stone were the Figures of two Persons in a praying Posture, on their
  • Knees. I was told by Mr. _Sandlin_, that it was said to be the Monument
  • for one of the _Bigots_, who built or beautified that Arch by it, which
  • leadeth into the Church.
  • In the Choir towards the high Altar, and below the Ascents, there is an
  • old Tomb, which hath been generally said to have been the Monument of
  • Bishop WILLIAM HERBERT, Founder of the Church, and commonly known by the
  • Name of the Founder's Tomb. This was above an Ell high; but when the
  • Pulpit, in the late Confusion, was placed at the Pillar, where Bishop
  • _Overall's_ Monument now is, and the Aldermen's Seats were at the East
  • End, and the Mayor's Seat in the middle at the high Altar, the height of
  • the Tomb being a Hindrance unto the People, it was taken down to such a
  • Lowness as it now remains in. He was born at _Oxford_, in good Favour
  • with King _William Rufus_, and King _Henry_ I. removed the Episcopal
  • _See_ from _Thetford_ to _Norwich_, built the Priory for 60 Monks, the
  • Cathedral Church, the Bishop's Palace, the Church of S. _Leonard_, whose
  • Ruins still remain upon the Brow of _Mushold-Hill_; the Church of S.
  • _Nicolas_ at _Yarmouth_, of S. _Margaret_ at _Lynn_, of S. _Mary_ at
  • _Elmham_, and instituted the _Cluniack_ Monks at _Thetford_. _Malmsbury_
  • saith he was, _Vir pecuniosus_, which his great Works declare, and had
  • always this good Saying of S. _Hierom_ in his Mouth, _Erravimus juvenes,
  • emendemus senes_.
  • Many Bishops of old might be buried about, or not far from the Founder,
  • as _William Turbus_, a _Norman_, the third Bishop of _Norwich_, and
  • _John_ of _Oxford_ the fourth, accounted among the learned Men of his
  • Time, who built _Trinity_ Church in _Ipswich_, and died in the Reign of
  • King _John_; and it is deliver'd, that these two Bishops were buried
  • near to Bishop _Herbert_, the Founder.
  • In the same Row, or not far off, was buried Bishop HENRY _le_ SPENCER,
  • as lost Brass Inscriptions have declar'd. And Mr. _Sandlin_ told me,
  • that he had seen an Inscription on a Gravestone thereabouts, with the
  • Name of _Henricus de_, or _le Spencer_: He came young unto the _See_,
  • and sat longer in it than any before or after him: But his Time might
  • have been shorter, if he had not escaped in the Fray at _Lennam_, (a
  • Town of which he was Lord) where forcing the Magistrate's Tipstaff to be
  • carried before him, the People with Staves, Stones, and Arrows, wounded,
  • and put his Servants to Flight. He was also wounded, and left alone, as
  • _John Fox_ hath set it down out of the Chronicle of S. _Albans_.
  • In the same Row, of late Times, was buried Bishop RICHARD MONTAGUE, as
  • the Inscription, _Depositum Montacutii Episcopi_, doth declare.
  • For his eminent Knowledge in the _Greek_ Language, he was much
  • countenanc'd by Sir _Henry Savile_, Provost of _Eaton_ College, and
  • settled in a Fellowship thereof: Afterwards made Bishop of
  • _Chichester_; thence translated unto _Norwich_, where he lived about
  • three Years. He came unto _Norwich_ with the evil Effects of a quartan
  • Ague, which he had about a Year before, and which accompany'd him to his
  • Grave; yet he studied, and writ very much, had an excellent Library of
  • Books, and Heaps of Papers, fairly written with his own Hand, concerning
  • the Ecclesiastical History. His Books were sent to _London_; and, as it
  • was said, his Papers against _Baronius_, and others transmitted to
  • _Rome_; from whence they were never return'd.
  • On the other Side was buried Bishop JOHN OVERALL, Fellow of _Trinity_
  • College in _Cambridge_, Master of _Katherine_ Hall, _Regius_ Professor,
  • and Dean of St. _Pauls_; and had the Honour to be nominated one of the
  • first Governours of _Sutton_ Hospital, by the Founder himself, a Person
  • highly reverenc'd and belov'd; who being buried without any Inscription,
  • had a Monument lately erected for him by Dr. _Cosin_, Lord Bishop of
  • _Durham_, upon the next Pillar.
  • Under the large Sandy-colour'd Stone was buried Bishop RICHARD CORBET, a
  • Person of singular Wit, and an eloquent Preacher, who lived Bishop of
  • this _See_ but three Years, being before Dean of _Christ_ Church, then
  • Bishop of _Oxford_. The Inscription is as follows:
  • Richardus Corbet _Theologiæ Doctor,
  • Ecclesiæ Cathedralis Christi Oxoniensis
  • Primum alumnus inde Decanus, exinde
  • Episcopus, illinc huc translatus, et
  • Hinc in cœlum_, Jul. 28. _Ann._ 1635.
  • The Arms on it, are the _See_ of _Norwich_, impaling, _Or a Raven sab._
  • Corbet.
  • Towards the upper End of the Choir, and on the South-side, under a fair
  • large Stone, was interred Sir WILLIAM BOLEYN, or BULLEN, Great
  • Grandfather to Queen _Elizabeth_. The Inscription hath been long lost,
  • which was this:
  • _Hic jacet corpus_ Willelmi Boleyn, _militis,
  • Qui obiit_ x _Octobris, Ann. Dom._ MCCCCCV.
  • And I find in a good Manuscript of the Ancient Gentry of _Norfolk_ and
  • _Suffolk_ these Words. _Sir_ William Boleyn, _Heir unto Sir_ Tho.
  • Boleyn, _who married_ Margaret, _Daughter and Heir of_ Tho. Butler,
  • _Earl of_ Ormond, _died in the Year_ 1505, _and was buried on the
  • South-side of the Chancel of Christ Church in_ Norwich. And surely the
  • Arms of few Families have been more often found in any Church, than
  • those of the _Boleyn's_, on the Walls, and in the Windows of the East
  • Part of this Church. Many others of this noble Family were buried in
  • _Bleckling_ Church.
  • Many other Bishops might be buried in this Church, as we find it so
  • asserted by some Historical Accounts; but no History or Tradition
  • remaining of the Place of their Interment, in vain we endeavour to
  • design and point out the same.
  • As of Bishop JOHANNES _de_ GRAY, who, as it is delivered, was interr'd
  • in this Church, was a Favourite of King _John_, and sent by him to the
  • Pope: He was also Lord Deputy of _Ireland_, and a Person of great
  • Reputation, and built _Gaywood Hall_ by _Lynn_.
  • As also of Bishop ROGER SKEREWYNG, in whose Time happened that bloody
  • Contention between the Monks and Citizens, begun at a Fair kept before
  • the Gate, when the Church was fir'd: To compose which King _Henry_ III.
  • came to _Norwich_, and _William de Brunham_, Prior, was much to blame.
  • See _Holingshead, etc._
  • Or, of Bishop WILLIAM MIDDLETON, who succeeded him, and was buried in
  • this Church; in whose Time the Church that was burnt while _Skerewyng_
  • sat was repair'd and consecrated, in the Presence of King _Edward_ I.
  • Or, of Bishop JOHN SALMON, sometime Lord Chancellor of _England_, who
  • died 1325, and was here interr'd, his Works were noble. He built the
  • great Hall in the Bishop's Palace; the Bishop's long Chappel on the
  • East-side of the Palace, which was no ordinary Fabrick; and a strong
  • handsom Chappel at the West End of the Church, and appointed four
  • Priests for the daily Service therein: Unto which great Works he was the
  • better enabled, by obtaining a Grant of the first Fruits from Pope
  • _Clement_.
  • Or, of Bishop THOMAS PERCY, Brother to the Earl of _Northumberland_, in
  • the reign of _Richard_ II. who gave unto a Chantry the Lands about
  • _Carlton_, _Kimberly_, and _Wicklewood_; in whose Time the Steeple and
  • Belfry were blown down, and rebuilt by him, and a Contribution from the
  • Clergy.
  • Or, of Bishop ANTHONY _de_ BECK, a Person of an unquiet Spirit, very
  • much hated, and poison'd by his Servants.
  • Or likewise, of Bishop THOMAS BROWNE, who being Bishop of _Rochester_,
  • was chosen Bishop of _Norwich_, while he was at the Council of _Basil_,
  • in the reign of King _Henry_ VI. was a strenuous Assertor of the Rights
  • of the Church against the Citizens.
  • Or, of Bishop WILLIAM RUGGE, in whose last Year happen'd _Kett's_
  • Rebellion, in the Reign of _Edward_ VI. I find his Name, _Guil.
  • Norwicensis_, among the Bishops, who subscribed unto a Declaration
  • against the Pope's Supremacy, in the Time of _Henry_ VIII.
  • Or, of Bishop JOHN HOPTON, who was Bishop in the Time of Queen _Mary_,
  • and died the same Year with her. He is often mentioned, together with
  • his Chancellor _Dunning_, by _John Fox_ in his Martyrology.
  • Or lastly, of Bishop WILLIAM REDMAN, of _Trinity College_ in
  • _Cambridge_, who was Archdeacon of _Canterbury_. His Arms are upon a
  • Board on the North-side of the Choir, near to the Pulpit.
  • Of the four Bishops in Queen _Elizabeth's_ Reign, _Parkhurst_, _Freake_,
  • _Scamler_ and _Redman_, Sir _John Harrington_, in his _History of the
  • Bishops_ in her Time, writeth thus; _For the four Bishops in the Queen's
  • Days, they liv'd as Bishops should do, and were not Warriours like
  • Bishop_ Spencer, _their Predecessor_.
  • Some Bishops were buried neither in the Body of the Church, nor in the
  • Choir; but in our Ladies Chappel, at the East End of the Church, built
  • by Bishop WALTER _de_ SUTHFEILD, (in the Reign of _Henry_ III.) wherein
  • he was buried, and Miracles said to be wrought at his Tomb, he being a
  • Person of great Charity and Piety.
  • Wherein also was buried Bishop SIMON _de_ WANTON, _vel_ WALTON, and
  • Bishop _Alexander_, who had been Prior of the Convent; and also, as some
  • think, Bishop _Roger Skerewyng_, and probably other Bishops, and Persons
  • of Quality, whose Tombs and Monuments we now in vain enquire after in
  • the Church.
  • This was a handsom Chappel; and there was a fair Entrance into it out of
  • the Church, of a considerable Height also, as may be seen by the
  • out-side, where it adjoined unto the Wall of the Church. But being
  • ruinous, it was, as I have heard, demolished in the Time of Dean
  • _Gardiner_: But what became of the Tombs, Monuments, and Grave-stones,
  • we have no Account: In this Chappel, the Bishop's Consistory, or Court,
  • might be kept in old Time, for we find in _Fox's Martyrology_, that
  • divers Persons accused of Heresy were examined by the Bishop, or his
  • Chancellor, in St. _Mary's_ Chappel. This famous Bishop, _Walter de
  • Suthfeild_, who built this Chappel, is also said to have built the
  • Hospital not far off.
  • Again, divers Bishops sat in this _See_, who left not their Bones in
  • this Church; for some died not here, but at distant Places; some were
  • translated to other Bishopricks; and some, tho' they lived and died
  • here, were not buried in this Church.
  • Some died at distant Places; as Bishop Richard Courtney, Chancellor of
  • _Oxford_, and in great Favour with King _Henry_ V. by whom he was sent
  • unto the King of _France_, to challenge his Right unto that Crown; but
  • he dying in _France_, his Body was brought into _England_, and interr'd
  • in _Westminster-Abbey_ among the Kings.
  • Bishop WILLIAM BATEMAN, LL.D. born in _Norwich_, who founded
  • _Trinity-Hall_, in _Cambridge_, and persuaded _Gonvil_ to build
  • _Gonvil-College_, died at _Avignon_ in _France_, being sent by the King
  • to _Rome_, and was buried in that City.
  • Bishop WILLIAM AYERMIN died near _London_.
  • Bishop THOMAS THIRLBY, Doctor of Law, died in Archbishop _Matthew
  • Parker's_ House, and was buried at _Lambeth_, with this inscription:
  • [_Hic jacet_ Thomas Thirlby, _olim Episcopus Eliensis,
  • qui obiit 26 die Augusti, Anno Domini, 1570_.]
  • Bishop THOMAS JANN, who was Prior of _Ely_, died at _Folkston-Abbey_,
  • near _Dover_ in _Kent_.
  • Some were translated unto other Bishopricks; as Bishop WILLIAM RALEGH
  • was remov'd unto _Winchester_, by King _Henry_ III.
  • Bishop RALPH _de_ WALPOLE was translated to _Ely_, in the time of
  • _Edward_ I. He is said to have begun the building of the Cloister, which
  • is esteemed the fairest in _England_.
  • Bishop WILLIAM ALNWICK built the Church Gates at the West End of the
  • Church, and the great Window, and was translated to _Lincoln_, in the
  • Reign of _Henry_ VI.
  • And of later time, Bishop EDMUND FREAKE, who succeeded Bishop
  • _Parkhurst_, was removed unto _Worcester_, and there lieth entomb'd.
  • Bishop SAMUEL HARSNET, Master of _Pembroke-Hall_, in _Cambridge_, and
  • Bishop of _Chichester_, was thence translated to _York_.
  • Bishop FRANCIS WHITE, Almoner unto the King, formerly Bishop of
  • _Carlisle_, translated unto _Ely_.
  • Bishop MATTHEW WREN, Dean of the Chappel, translated also to _Ely_, and
  • was not buried here.
  • Bishop JOHN JEGON, who died 1617, was buried at _Aylesham_, near
  • _Norwich_. He was Master of _Bennet College_, and Dean of _Norwich_,
  • whose Arms, _Two Chevrons with an Eagle on a Canton_, are yet to be seen
  • on the West Side of the Bishop's Throne.
  • My honour'd Friend Bishop JOSEPH HALL, Dean of _Worcester_, and Bishop
  • of _Exon_, translated to _Norwich_, was buried at _Heigham_, near
  • _Norwich_, where he hath a Monument. When the Revenues of the Church
  • were alienated, he retired unto that Suburbian Parish, and there ended
  • his Days, being above 80 Years of Age. A Person of singular Humility,
  • Patience, and Piety; his own Works are the best Monument and Character
  • of himself, which was also very lively drawn in his excellent Funeral
  • Sermon, preach'd by my learned and faithful old Friend, _John
  • Whitefoot_, Rector of _Heigham_, a very deserving Clerk of the
  • Convocation of _Norwich_. His Arms in the Register Office of _Norwich_
  • are, _Sable three Talbots Heads erased Argent_.
  • My honour'd Friend also, Bishop EDWARD REYNOLDS, was not buried in the
  • Church but in the Bishop's Chappel; which was built by himself. He was
  • born at _Southampton_, brought up at _Merton Colledge_ in _Oxford_, and
  • the first Bishop of _Norwich_ after the King's Restauration: A Person
  • much of the Temper of his Predecessor, Dr. _Joseph Hall_, of singular
  • Affability, Meekness and Humility; of great Learning; a frequent
  • Preacher, and constant Resident: He sat in this _See_ about 17 Years;
  • and though buried in his private Chappel, yet his Funeral Sermon was
  • preached in the Cathedral, by Mr. _Benedict Rively_, now Minister of S.
  • _Andrews_: He was succeeded by Dr. _Anthony Sparrow_, our worthy and
  • honoured Diocesan.
  • It is thought that some Bishops were buried in the old Bishops Chappel,
  • said to be built by Bishop _John Salmon_ [demolish'd in the Time of the
  • late War] for therein were many Gravestones, and some plain Monuments.
  • This old Chappel was higher, broader, and much larger than the said new
  • Chappel built by Bishop _Reynolds_; but being covered with Lead, the
  • Lead was sold, and taken away in the late rebellious Times; and the
  • Fabrick growing ruinous and useless, it was taken down, and some of the
  • Stones partly made use of in the building of the new Chappel.
  • Now, whereas there have been so many noble and ancient Families in these
  • Parts, yet we find not more of them to have been buried in this the
  • Mother Church. It may be consider'd, that no small numbers of them were
  • interred in the Churches and Chappels of the Monasteries and religious
  • Houses of this City, especially in three thereof; the _Austin-Fryars_,
  • the _Black-Fryars_, the _Carmelite,_ or _White Fryars_; for therein were
  • buried many Persons of both Sexes, of great and good Families, whereof
  • there are few or no Memorials in the Cathedral. And in the best
  • preserved Registers of such Interments of old, from Monuments and
  • Inscriptions, we find the Names of Men and Women of many ancient
  • Families; as of _Ufford_, _Hastings_, _Radcliffe_, _Morley_, _Windham_,
  • _Geney_, _Clifton_, _Pigot_, _Hengrave_, _Garney_, _Howell_, _Ferris_,
  • _Bacon_, _Boys_, _Wichingham_, _Soterley_; of _Falstolph_, _Ingham_,
  • _Felbrigge_, _Talbot_, _Harsick_, _Pagrave_, _Berney_, _Woodhowse_,
  • _Howldich_; of _Argenton_, _Somerton_, _Gros_, _Benhall_, _Banyard_,
  • _Paston_, _Crunthorpe_, _Withe_, _Colet_, _Gerbrigge_, _Berry_,
  • _Calthorpe_, _Everard_, _Hetherset_, _Wachesham_: All Lords, Knights,
  • and Esquires, with divers others. Beside the great and noble Families of
  • the _Bigots_, _Mowbrays_, _Howards_, were the most part interr'd at
  • _Thetford_, in the Religious Houses of which they were Founders, or
  • Benefactors. The _Mortimers_ were buried at _Attleburgh_; the _Aubeneys_
  • at _Windham_, in the Priory or Abbey founded by them. And _Camden_ says,
  • _That a great part of the Nobility and Gentry of those Parts were buried
  • at Pentney_ Abbey: Many others were buried dispersedly in Churches, or
  • Religious Houses, founded or endowed by themselves; and therefore it is
  • the less to be wonder'd at, that so many great and considerable Persons
  • of this Country were not interr'd in this Church.
  • There are Twenty-four Escocheons, _viz._ six on a Side on the inside of
  • the Steeple over the Choir, with several Coats of Arms, most whereof are
  • Memorials of Things, Persons, and Families, Well-wishers, Patrons,
  • Benefactors, or such as were in special Veneration, Honour, and Respect,
  • from the Church. As particularly the Arms of _England_, of _Edward_ the
  • Confessor; an Hieroglyphical Escocheon of the Trinity, unto which this
  • Church was dedicated. _Three Cups within a Wreath of Thorns_, the Arms
  • of _Ely_, the Arms of the _See_ of _Canterbury_, quartered with the Coat
  • of the famous and magnified _John Morton_, Archbishop of _Canterbury_,
  • who was Bishop of _Ely_ before; of Bishop _James Goldwell_, that
  • honoured Bishop of _Norwich_. _The three Lions of_ England, S.
  • _George's_ Cross, the Arms of the Church impaled with Prior _Bosviles_
  • Coat, the Arms of the Church impaled with the private Coats of three
  • Priors, the Arms of the City of _Norwich_.
  • There are here likewise the Coats of some great and worthy Families; as
  • of _Vere_, _Stanley_, _De la Pole_, _Wingfield_, _Heyden_, _Townshend_,
  • _Bedingfield_, _Bruce_, _Clere_; which being little taken notice of, and
  • Time being still like to obscure, and make them past Knowledge, I would
  • not omit to have a Draught thereof set down, which I keep by me.
  • There are also many Coats of Arms on the Walls, and in the Windows of
  • the East End of the Church; but none so often as those of the _Boleyns_,
  • _viz._ in a Field _Arg. a Chev. Gul. between three Bulls Heads couped
  • sab. armed or_; whereof some are quartered with the Arms of noble
  • Families. As also about the Church, the Arms of _Hastings_, _De la
  • Pole_, _Heyden_, _Stapleton_, _Windham_, _Wichingham_, _Clifton_,
  • _Heveningham_, _Bokenham_, _Inglos_.
  • In the North Window of _Jesus_ Chappel are the Arms of _Radcliff_ and
  • _Cecil_; and in the East Window of the same Chappel the Coats of
  • _Branch_, and of _Beale_.
  • There are several Escocheon Boards fastened to the upper Seats of the
  • Choir: Upon the three lowest on the South-side are the Arms of Bishop
  • _Jegon_, of the _Pastons_, and of the _Hobarts_; and in one above the
  • Arms of the _Howards_. On the Board on the North-side are the Arms of
  • Bishop _Redmayn_; and of the _Howards_.
  • Upon the outside of the Gate, next to the School, are the Escocheons and
  • Arms of _Erpingham_, being an Escocheon within an _Orle of Martlets_;
  • impaled with the Coats of _Clopton_ and _Bavent_, or such Families who
  • married with the _Erpinghams_ who built the Gates. The Word, _Pœna_,
  • often upon the Gates, shews it to have been built upon Pennance.
  • At the West End of the Church are chiefly observable the Figure of King
  • _William Rufus_, or King _Henry_ I. and a Bishop on his Knees receiving
  • the Charter from him: Or else of King _Henry_ VI. in whose Reign this
  • Gate and fair Window was built. Also the maimed Statues of Bishops,
  • whose Copes are garnished and charged with a Cross _Moline_: And at
  • their Feet, Escocheons, with the Arms of the Church; and also Escocheons
  • with Crosses _Molines_. That these, or some of them, were the Statues of
  • Bishop _William Alnwyck_, seems more than probable; for he built the
  • three Gates, and the great Window at the West End of the Church; and
  • where the Arms of the _See_ are in a Roundele, are these Words,--_Orate
  • pro anima Domini Willelmi Alnwyk_.--Also in another Escocheon, charged
  • with Cross _Molines_, there is the same Motto round about it.
  • Upon the wooden Door on the outside, there are also the _Three Miters_,
  • which are the Arms of the _See_ upon one Leaf, and a Cross _Moline_ on
  • the other.
  • Upon the outside of the End of the North Cross Isle, there is a Statue
  • of an old Person; which, being formerly covered and obscured by Plaister
  • and Mortar over it, was discovered upon the late Reparation, or
  • whitening of that End of the Isle. This may probably be the Statue of
  • Bishop _Richard Nicks_, or the blind Bishop; for he built the Isle, or
  • that Part thereof; and also the Roof, where his Arms are to be seen, _A
  • Chevron_ between _three Leopards Heads Gules_.
  • The Roof of the Church is noble, and adorn'd with Figures. In the Roof
  • of the Body of the Church there are no Coats of Arms, but
  • Representations from Scripture Story, as the Story of _Pharaoh_; of
  • _Sampson_ towards the East End. Figures of the last Supper, and of our
  • Saviour on the Cross, towards the West End; besides others of Foliage,
  • and the like ornamental Figures.
  • The North Wall of the Cloister was handsomly beautified, with the Arms
  • of some of the Nobility in their proper Colours, with their Crests,
  • _Mantlings_, _Supporters_, and the whole Atchivement quartered with the
  • several Coats of their Matches, drawn very large from the upper Part of
  • the Wall, and took up about half of the Wall. They are Eleven in Number;
  • particularly these. 1. An empty Escocheon. 2. The Atchievement of
  • _Howard_, Duke of _Norfolk_. 3. Of _Clinton_. 4. _Russel._ 5. _Cheyney._
  • 6. The Queen's Atchievement. 7. _Hastings._ 8. _Dudley._ 9. _Cecill._
  • 10. _Carey._ 11. _Hatton._
  • They were made soon after Queen _Elizabeth_ came to _Norwich_, _Ann.
  • 1578_, where she remained a Week, and lodged at the Bishop's Palace in
  • the Time of Bishop _Freake_, attended by many of the Nobility; and
  • particularly by those, whose Arms are here set down.
  • They made a very handsome Show, especially at that Time, when the
  • Cloister Windows were painted unto the Cross-Bars. The Figures of those
  • Coats, in their distinguishable and discernable Colours, are not beyond
  • my Remembrance. But in the late Times, when the Lead was faulty, and the
  • Stone-work decayed, the Rain falling upon the Wall, washed them away.
  • The Pavement also of the Cloister on the same Side was broken, and the
  • Stones taken away, a Floor of Dust remaining: But that Side is now
  • handsomly paved by the Beneficence of my worthy Friend _William
  • Burleigh_, Esq.
  • At the Stone Cistern in the Cloister, there yet perceivable _a Lyon
  • Rampant, Argent, in a field Sable_, which Coat is now quartered in the
  • Arms of the _Howards_.
  • In the Painted Glass in the Cloister, which hath been above the
  • Cross-Bars, there are several Coats. And I find by an Account taken
  • thereof, and set down in their proper Colours, that here were these
  • following, _viz._ the Arms of _Morley_, _Shelton_, _Scales_,
  • _Erpingham_, _Gournay_, _Mowbray_, _Savage_, now _Rivers_, three Coats
  • of _Thorpe's_, and one of _a Lyon Rampant, Gules in a Field Or_, not
  • well known to what Family it belongeth.
  • Between the lately demolish'd Chapter-House and S. _Luke's_ Chappel,
  • there is an handsom Chappel, wherein the Consistory, or Bishop's Court
  • is kept, with a noble Gilded Roof. This goeth under no Name, but may
  • well be call'd _Beauchampe's_ Chappel, or the Chappel of our _Lady_ and
  • _All-Saints_, as being built by _William Beauchampe_, according to this
  • Inscription. _In honore Beate Marie Virginis, et omnium sanctorum_
  • Willelmus Beauchampe _capellam hanc ordinavit, et ex propriis sumptibus
  • construxit_. This Inscription is in old Letters on the outside of the
  • Wall, at the South-side of the Chappel, and almost obliterated; He was
  • buried under an Arch in the Wall, which was richly gilded; and some part
  • of the Gilding is yet to be perceived, tho' obscured and blinded by the
  • Bench on the inside. I have heard there is a Vault below gilded like the
  • Roof of the Chappel. The Founder of this Chappel, _William Beauchampe_,
  • or _de Bello Campo_, might be one of the _Beauchampe's_, who were Lords
  • of _Abergevenny_; for _William_ Lord _Abergevenny_ had Lands and Mannors
  • in this Country. And in the Register of Institutions it is to be seen,
  • that _William Beauchampe_, Lord of _Abergevenny_ was Lord Patron of
  • _Berg cum Apton_, five Miles distant from _Norwich_, and presented
  • Clerks to that Living, 1406, and afterward: So that, if he lived a few
  • Years after, he might be buried in the latter End of _Henry_ IV. or in
  • the Reign of _Henry_ V. or in the Beginning of _Henry_ VI. Where to find
  • _Heydon's_ Chappel is more obscure, if not altogether unknown; for such
  • a Place there was, and known by the Name of _Heydon's_ Chappel, as I
  • find in a Manuscript concerning some ancient Families of _Norfolk_, in
  • these Words, _John Heydon of Baconsthorpe, Esq.; died in the Reign of_
  • Edward IV. _Ann. 1479. He built a Chappel on the South side of the
  • Cathedral Church of_ Norwich, _where he was buried. He was in great
  • Favour with King_ Henry VI. _and took part with the House of_ Lancaster
  • _against that of_ York.
  • HEN. HEYDON, Kt. his Heir, built the Church of _Salthouse_, and made the
  • Causey between _Thursford_ and _Walsingham_ at his own Charge: He died
  • in the Time of _Henry_ VII. and was buried in _Heydon's_ Chappel,
  • joining to the Cathedral aforesaid. The Arms of the _Heydon's_ are
  • Quarterly _Argent_, and _Gules a Cross engrailed counter-changed_, make
  • the third Escocheon in the North-Row over the Choir, and are in several
  • Places in the Glass-Windows, especially on the South-side, and once in
  • the Deanry.
  • There was a Chappel to the South-side of the Goal, or Prison, into which
  • there is one Door out of the Entry of the Cloister; and there was
  • another out of the Cloister itself, which is now made up of Brickwork:
  • The Stone-work which remaineth on the inside is strong and handsom. This
  • seems to have been a much frequented Chappel of the Priory by the
  • wearing of the Steppings unto it, which are on the Cloister Side.
  • Many other Chappels there were within the Walls and Circuit of the
  • Priory; as of S. _Mary_ of the _Marsh_; of S. _Ethelbert_, and others.
  • But a strong and handsom Fabrick of one is still remaining, which is the
  • Chappel of St. _John_ the Evangelist, said to have been founded by
  • Bishop _John Salmon_, who died _Ann._ 1325, and four Priests were
  • entertained for the daily Service therein: That which was properly the
  • Chappel, is now the Free-School: The adjoining Buildings made up the
  • Refectory, Chambers, and Offices of the Society.
  • Under the Chappel, there was a Charnell-House, which was a remarkable
  • one in former Times, and the Name is still retained. In an old
  • Manuscript of a Sacrist of the Church, communicated to me by my worthy
  • Friend Mr. _John Burton_, the Learned, and very deserving Master of the
  • Free-School, I find that the Priests had a Provisional Allowance from
  • the Rectory of _Westhall_ in _Suffolk_. And of the Charnell-House it is
  • delivered, that with the Leave of the Sacrist, the Bones of such as were
  • buried in _Norwich_ might be brought into it. _In carnario subtus dictam
  • capellam sancti Johannis constituto, ossa humana in civitate_ Norwici
  • _humata, de licentia sacristæ, qui dicti carnarii clavem et custodiam
  • habebit specialem utusque ad resurrectionem generalem honeste
  • conserventur a carnibus integre demulata reponi volumus et obsignari._
  • Probably the Bones were piled in good Order, the Sculls, Arms, and
  • Leg-Bones, in their distinct Rows and Courses, as in many
  • Charnell-Houses. How these Bones were afterwards disposed of, we have no
  • Account; or whether they had not the like Removal with those in the
  • Charnell-House of S. _Paul_ kept under a Chappel on the North-side of S.
  • _Paul's_ Church-yard: For when the Chappel was demolish'd, the Bones
  • which lay in the Vault, amounting to more than a Thousand Cart-Loads,
  • were conveyed into _Finnesbury_ Fields, and there laid in a moorish
  • Place, with so much Soil to cover them, as raised the Ground for three
  • Wind-mills to stand on, which have since been built there, according as
  • _John Stow_ hath delivered, in his Survey of _London_.
  • There was formerly a fair and large, but plain Organ in the Church, and
  • in the same Place with this at present. (It was agreed in a Chapter by
  • the Dean and Prebends, that a new Organ be made, and Timber fitted to
  • make a Loft for it, _June 6. Ann. 1607_. repaired 1626. and 10_l._ which
  • _Abel Colls_ gave to the Church, was bestowed upon it.) That in the late
  • tumultuous Time was pulled down, broken, sold, and made away. But since
  • his Majesty's Restauration, another fair, well-tuned, plain Organ, was
  • set up by Dean _Crofts_ and the Chapter, and afterwards painted, and
  • beautifully adorned, by the Care and Cost of my honoured Friend Dr.
  • _Herbert Astley_, the present worthy Dean. There were also five or six
  • Copes belonging to the Church; which, tho' they look'd somewhat old,
  • were richly embroider'd. These were formerly carried into the
  • Market-Place; some blowing the Organ-pipes before them, and were cast
  • into a Fire provided for that purpose, with shouting and rejoicing: So
  • that, at present, there is but one Cope belonging to the Church, which
  • was presented thereunto by _Philip Harbord_, Esq. the present High
  • Sheriff of _Norfolk_, my honoured Friend.
  • Before the late Times, the Combination Sermons were preached in the
  • Summer Time at the Cross in the Green-Yard, where there was a good
  • Accommodation for the Auditors. The Mayor, Aldermen, with their Wives
  • and Officers, had a well-contriv'd Place built against the Wall of the
  • Bishop's Palace, cover'd with Lead; so that they were not offended by
  • Rain. Upon the North-side of the Church, Places were built Gallery-wise,
  • one above another; where the Dean, Prebends, and their Wives, Gentlemen,
  • and the better Sort, very well heard the Sermon: The rest either stood,
  • or sat in the Green, upon long Forms provided for them, paying a Penny,
  • or Halfpenny apiece, as they did at S. _Paul's_ Cross in _London_. The
  • Bishop and Chancellor heard the Sermons at the Windows of the Bishop's
  • Palace: The Pulpit had a large Covering of Lead over it, and a Cross
  • upon it; and there were eight or ten Stairs of Stone about it, upon
  • which the Hospital-Boys and others stood. The Preacher had his Face to
  • the South, and there was a painted Board, of a Foot and a half broad,
  • and about a Yard and a half long, hanging over his Head before, upon
  • which were painted the Arms of the Benefactors towards the Combination
  • Sermon, which he particularly commemorated in his Prayer, and they were
  • these; Sir _John Suckling_, Sir _John Pettus_, _Edward Nuttel_, _Henry
  • Fasset_, _John Myngay_. But when the Church was sequester'd, and the
  • Service put down, this Pulpit was taken down, and placed in _New-Hall_
  • Green, which had been the Artillery-Yard, and the Public Sermon was
  • there preached. But the Heirs of the Benefactors denying to pay the
  • wonted Beneficence for any Sermon out of _Christ_-Church, (the Cathedral
  • being now commonly so call'd) some other Ways were found to provide a
  • Minister, at a yearly Sallary, to preach every Sunday, either in that
  • Pulpit in the Summer, or elsewhere in the Winter.
  • I must not omit to say something of the Shaft, or Spire of this Church,
  • commonly called the Pinacle, as being a handsom and well proportioned
  • Fabrick, and one of the highest in _England_, higher than the noted
  • Spires of _Litchfield_, _Chichester_, or _Grantham_, but lower than that
  • at _Salisbury_, [at a general Chapter, holden _June 4. 1633_, it was
  • agreed that the Steeple should be mended] for that Spire being raised
  • upon a very high Tower, becomes higher from the Ground; but this Spire,
  • considered by itself, seems, at least, to equal that. It is an Hundred
  • and five Yards and two Foot from the Top of the Pinacle unto the
  • Pavement of the Choir under it. The Spire is very strongly built, tho'
  • the Inside be of Brick. The upper Aperture, or Window, is the highest
  • Ascent inwardly; out of which, sometimes a long Streamer hath been
  • hanged, upon the Guild, or Mayor's Day. But at His Majesty's
  • Restauration, when the Top was to be mended, and a new gilded
  • Weather-Cock was to be placed upon it, there were Stayings made at the
  • upper Window, and divers Persons went up to the Top of the Pinacle. They
  • first went up into the Belfry, and then by eight Ladders, on the Inside
  • of the Spire, till they came to the upper Hole, or Window; then went out
  • unto the Outside, where a Staying was set, and so ascended up unto the
  • Top-Stone, on which the Weather-Cock standeth.
  • The Cock is three quarters of a Yard high, and one Yard and two Inches
  • long; as is also the Cross-Bar, and Top-Stone of the Spire, which is not
  • flat, but consists of a half Globe, and Channel about it; and from
  • thence are eight Leaves of Stone spreading outward, under which begin
  • the eight Rows of Crockets, which go down the Spire at five Foot
  • distance.
  • From the Top there is a Prospect all about the Country. _Mourshold-Hill_
  • seems low, and flat Ground. The _Castle-Hill_, and high Buildings, do
  • very much diminish. The River looks like a Ditch. The City, with the
  • Streets, make a pleasant Show, like a Garden with several Walks in it.
  • Tho' this Church, for its Spire, may compare, in a manner, with any in
  • _England_, yet in its Tombs and Monuments it is exceeded by many.
  • No Kings have honour'd the same with their Ashes, and but few with their
  • Presence. And it is not without some Wonder, that _Norwich_ having been
  • for a long Time so considerable a Place, so few Kings have visited it:
  • Of which Number, among so many Monarchs since the Conquest, we find but
  • Four, _viz._ King _Henry_ III. _Edward_ I. Queen _Elizabeth_, and our
  • Gracious Sovereign now reigning; King _Charles_ II. of which I had
  • particular Reason to take Notice.[321]
  • [321] Sir _Thomas_ being then Knighted.
  • The Castle was taken by the Forces of King _William_ the Conqueror; but
  • we find not, that he was here. King _Henry_ VII. by the Way of
  • _Cambridge_, made a Pilgrimage unto _Walsingham_; but Records tell us
  • not, that he was at _Norwich_. King _James_ I. came sometimes to
  • _Thetford_ for his Hunting Recreation, but never vouchsafed to advance
  • twenty Miles farther.
  • Not long after the writing of these Papers, Dean _Herbert Astley_ died,
  • a civil, generous, and public-minded Person, who had travell'd in
  • _France_, _Italy_, and _Turkey_, and was interr'd near the Monument of
  • Sir _James Hobart_: Unto whom succeeded my honoured Friend Dr. _John
  • Sharpe_, a Prebend of this Church, and Rector of St. _Giles's_ in the
  • Fields, _London_; a Person of singular Worth, and deserv'd Estimation,
  • the Honour and Love of all Men; in the first Year of whose Deanery,
  • 1681, the Prebends were these:
  • Mr. _Joseph Loveland_, } { Dr. _William Smith_,
  • Dr. _Hezekiah Burton_, } { Mr. _Nathaniel Hodges_,
  • Dr. _William Hawkins_, } { Mr. _Humphrey Prideaux_.
  • (But Dr. _Burton_ dying in that Year, Mr. _Richard Kidder_ succeeded,)
  • worthy Persons, learned Men, and very good Preachers.
  • _ADDENDA_
  • I have by me the Picture of Chancellor SPENCER, drawn when he was Ninety
  • Years old, as the Inscription doth declare, which was sent unto me from
  • _Colney_.
  • Tho' Bishop NIX sat long in the _See_ of _Norwich_, yet is not there
  • much deliver'd of him: _Fox_ in his _Martyrology_ hath said something of
  • him in the Story of THOMAS BILNEY, who was burnt in _Lollard's_ Pit
  • without _Bishopgate_, in his Time.
  • Bishop SPENCER lived in the Reign of RICHARD II. and HENRY IV. sat in
  • the _See_ of _Norwich_ 37 Years: Of a Soldier made a Bishop, and
  • sometimes exercising the Life of a Soldier in his Episcopacy; for he led
  • an Army into _Flanders_ on the Behalf of Pope _Urban_ VI. in Opposition
  • to _Clement_ the Anti-Pope; and also over-came the Rebellious Forces of
  • _Litster_ the _Dyer_, in _Norfolk_, by _North-Walsham_, in the Reign of
  • King RICHARD II.
  • Those that would know the Names of the Citizens who were chief Actors in
  • the Tumult in Bishop SKEREWYNG'S Time, may find 'em set down in the Bull
  • of Pope _Gregory_ XI.
  • Some Bishops, tho' they liv'd and died here, might not be buried in this
  • Church, as some Bishops probably of old, more certainly of later Time.
  • * * * * *
  • HERE CONCLUDES SIR Thomas Browne's _MS._
  • MISCELLANIES
  • An Account of Island, alias Ice-land,
  • In the Year 1662.
  • Great Store of Drift-wood, or Float-wood, is every Year cast up on their
  • Shores, brought down by the Northern Winds, which serveth them for
  • Fewel, and other Uses, the greatest Part whereof is _Firr_.
  • Of _Bears_ there are none in the Country, but sometimes they are brought
  • down from the North upon Ice, while they follow _Seales_, and so are
  • carried away. Two in this Manner came over, and landed in the North of
  • _Island_ this last Year, 1662.
  • No _Conies_, or _Hares_, but of _Foxes_ great Plenty, whose White Skins
  • are much desired, and brought over into this Country.
  • The last Winter, 1662, so cold, and lasting with us in _England_, was
  • the mildest they have had for many Years in _Island_.
  • Two new Eruptions with Slime and Smoak, were observed the last Year in
  • some Mountains about Mount _Hecla_.[322]
  • [322] _A Burning Mountain in_ Island.
  • Some hot Mineral Springs they have, and very effectual, but they make
  • but rude Use thereof.
  • The Rivers are large, swift, and rapid, but have many Falls, which
  • render them less Commodious; they chiefly abound with _Salmons_.
  • They sow no Corn, but receive it from Abroad.
  • They have a kind of large _Lichen_, which dried, becometh hard and
  • sticky, growing very plentifully in many Places; whereof they make use
  • for Food, either in Decoction, or Powder, some whereof I have by me,
  • different from any with us.
  • In one Part of the Country, and not near the Sea, there is a large black
  • Rock, which Polished, resembleth Touchstone, as I have seen in Pieces
  • thereof, of various Figures.
  • There is also a Rock, whereof I received one Fragment, which seems to
  • make it one kind of _Pisolithes_, or rather _Orobites_, as made up of
  • small Pebbles, in the Bigness and Shape of the Seeds of _Eruum_, or
  • _Orobus_.
  • They have some large Well-grained White Pebbles, and some kind of White
  • _Cornelian_, or _Agath_ Pebbles, on the Shore, which Polish well. Old
  • Sir _Edmund Bacon_, of these Parts, made Use thereof in his peculiar Art
  • of Tinging and Colouring of Stones.
  • For Shells found on the Sea-shore, such as have been brought unto me are
  • but coarse, nor of many Kinds, as ordinary _Turbines_, _Chamas_,
  • _Aspers_, _Laves_, _etc._
  • I have received divers Kinds of Teeth, and Bones of Cetaceous Fishes,
  • unto which they could assign no Name.
  • An exceeding fine Russet Downe is sometimes brought unto us, which their
  • great Number of Fowls afford, and sometimes store of Feathers,
  • consisting of the Feathers of small Birds.
  • Beside _Shocks_, and little Hairy _Dogs_, they bring another sort over,
  • Headed like a _Fox_, which they say are bred betwixt _Dogs_ and _Foxes_;
  • these are desired by the Shepherds of this Country.
  • Green _Plovers_, which are Plentiful here in the Winter, are found to
  • breed there in the beginning of Summer.
  • Some _Sheep_ have been brought over, but of coarse Wooll, and some
  • _Horses_ of mean Stature, but strong and Hardy: one whereof kept in the
  • Pastures by _Yarmouth_, in the Summer, would often take the Sea,
  • swimming a great Way, a Mile or Two, and return the same, when its
  • Provision fail'd in the Ship wherein it was brought, for many Days fed
  • upon Hoops and Cask; nor at the Land would, for many Months, be brought
  • to feed upon Oats.
  • These Accounts I received from a Native of _Island_, who comes Yearly
  • into _England_; and by Reason of my long Acquaintance, and Directions I
  • send unto some of his Friends against the _Elephantiasis_, (_Leprosie_,)
  • constantly visits me before his Return; and is ready to perform for me
  • what I shall desire in his Country; wherein, as in other Ways, I shall
  • be very Ambitious to serve the Noble Society, whose most Honouring
  • Servant I am,
  • THOMAS BROWNE.
  • _Norwich, Jan.
  • 15, 1663._
  • Concerning some Urnes found in
  • Brampton-Field, in Norfolk,
  • Ann. 1667.
  • I thought I had taken Leave of URNES, when I had some Years past given a
  • short Account of those found at _Walsingham_,[323] but a New Discovery
  • being made, I readily obey your Commands in a brief Description thereof.
  • [323] _See_ Hydriotaphia, _Urne-Burial: or, A Discourse of the
  • Sepulchral Urnes lately found in_ Norfolk, _8vo._ Lond. _printed_
  • 1658.
  • In a large Arable Field, lying between _Buxton_ and _Brampton_, but
  • belonging to _Brampton_, and not much more than a Furlong from _Oxnead
  • Park_, divers _Urnes_ were found. A Part of the Field being designed to
  • be inclosed, while the Workmen made several Ditches, they fell upon
  • divers _Urnes_, but earnestly, and carelesly digging, they broke all
  • they met with, and finding nothing but Ashes, or burnt Cinders, they
  • scattered what they found. Upon Notice given unto me, I went unto the
  • Place, and though I used all Care with the Workmen, yet they were broken
  • in the taking out, but many, without doubt, are still remaining in that
  • Ground.
  • Of these Pots none were found above Three Quarters of a Yard in the
  • Ground, whereby it appeareth, that in all this Time the Earth hath
  • little varied its Surface, though this Ground hath been Plowed to the
  • utmost Memory of Man. Whereby it may be also conjectured, that this hath
  • not been a _Wood-Land_, as some conceive all this Part to have been; for
  • in such Lands they usually made no common Burying-places, except for
  • some special Persons in Graves, and likewise that there hath been an
  • Ancient Habitation about these Parts; for at _Buxton_ also, not a Mile
  • off, _Urnes_ have been found in my Memory, but in their Magnitude,
  • Figure, Colour, Posture, _etc._ there was no small Variety, some were
  • large and capacious, able to contain above Two Gallons, some of a
  • middle, others of a smaller Size; the great ones probably belonging to
  • greater Persons, or might be Family _Urnes_, fit to receive the Ashes
  • successively of their Kindred and Relations, and therefore of these,
  • some had Coverings of the same Matter, either fitted to them, or a thin
  • flat Stone, like a Grave Slate, laid over them; and therefore also great
  • Ones were but thinly found, but others in good Number; some were of
  • large wide Mouths, and Bellies proportionable, with short Necks, and
  • bottoms of Three Inches _Diameter_, and near an Inch thick; some small,
  • with Necks like Juggs, and about that Bigness; the Mouths of some few
  • were not round, but after the Figure of a Circle compressed; though
  • some had small, yet none had pointed Bottoms, according to the Figures
  • of those which are to be seen in _Roma Soteranea_, _Viginerus_, or
  • _Mascardus_.
  • In the Colours also there was great Variety, some were Whitish, some
  • Blackish, and inclining to a Blue, others Yellowish, or dark Red,
  • arguing the Variety of their Materials. Some Fragments, and especially
  • Bottoms of Vessels, which seem'd to be handsome neat Pans, were also
  • found of a fine _Coral_-like Red, somewhat like _Portugal_ Vessels, as
  • tho' they had been made out of some fine _Bolary_ Earth, and very
  • smooth; but the like had been found in divers Places, as Dr. _Casaubon_
  • hath observed about the Pots found at _Newington_ in _Kent_, and as
  • other Pieces do yet testifie, which are to be found at _Burrow_ Castle,
  • an Old _Roman_ Station, not far from _Yarmouth_.
  • Of the _Urnes_, those of the larger Sort, such as had Coverings, were
  • found with their Mouths placed upwards, but great Numbers of the others
  • were, as they informed me, (and One I saw my self,) placed with their
  • Mouths downward, which were probably such as were not to be opened
  • again, or receive the Ashes of any other Person; though some wonder'd at
  • this Position, yet I saw no Inconveniency in it; for the Earth being
  • closely pressed, and especially in _Minor_ Mouth'd Pots, they stand in a
  • Posture as like to continue as the other, as being less subject to have
  • the Earth fall in, or the Rain to soak into them; and the same Posture
  • has been observed in some found in other Places, as _Holingshead_
  • delivers, of divers found in _Anglesea_.
  • Some had Inscriptions, the greatest Part none; those with Inscriptions
  • were of the largest Sort, which were upon the reverted Verges thereof;
  • the greatest part of those which I could obtain were somewhat
  • obliterated; yet some of the Letters to be made out: The Letters were
  • between Lines, either Single or Double, and the Letters of some few
  • after a fair _Roman_ Stroke, others more rudely and illegibly drawn,
  • wherein there seemed no great Variety. _NUON_ being upon very many of
  • them; only upon the inside of the bottom of a small Red Pan-like Vessel,
  • were legibly set down in embossed Letters, _CRACUNA. F._ which might
  • imply _Cracuna figuli_, or the Name of the Manufactor, for Inscriptions
  • commonly signified the Name of the Person interr'd, the Names of
  • Servants Official to such Provisions, or the Name of the Artificer, or
  • Manufactor of such Vessels; all which are particularly exemplified by
  • the Learned _Licetus_,[324] where the same inscription is often found,
  • it is probably, of the Artificer, or where the Name also is in the
  • _Genitive_ Case, as he also observeth.
  • [324] Vid. _Licet._ de Lucernis.
  • Out of one was brought unto me a Silver _Denarius_, with the Head of
  • _Diva Faustina_ on the Obverse side, on the Reverse the Figures of the
  • Emperor and Empress joining their Right Hands, with this Inscription,
  • _Concordia_; the same is to be seen in _Augustino_; I also received from
  • some Men and Women then present Coins of _Posthumus_, and _Tetricus_,
  • Two of the Thirty Tyrants in the Reign of _Gallienus_, which being of
  • much later Date, begat an Inference, that _Urne-Burial_ lasted longer,
  • at least in this Country, than is commonly supposed. Good Authors
  • conceive, that this Custom ended with the Reigns of the _Antonini_,
  • whereof the last was _Antoninus Heliogabalus_, yet these Coins extend
  • about Fourscore Years lower; and since the Head of _Tetricus_ is made
  • with a radiated Crown, it must be conceived to have been made after his
  • Death, and not before his Consecration, which as the Learned _Tristan_
  • Conjectures, was most probably in the Reign of the Emperor _Tacitus_,
  • and the Coin not made, or at least not issued Abroad, before the Time of
  • the Emperor _Probus_, for _Tacitus_ Reigned but Six Months and an Half,
  • his Brother _Florianus_ but Two Months, unto whom _Probus_ succeeding,
  • Reigned Five Years.
  • There were also found some pieces of Glass, and finer Vessels, which
  • might contain such Liquors as they often Buried in, or by, the _Urnes_;
  • divers Pieces of Brass, of several Figures; and in one _Urne_ was found
  • a Nail Two Inches long; whither to declare the Trade or Occupation of
  • the Person, is uncertain. But upon the Monuments of _Smiths_ in
  • _Gruter_, we meet with the Figures of _Hammers_, _Pincers_, and the
  • like; and we find the Figure of a _Cobler's_ Awl on the Tomb of one of
  • that Trade, which was in the Custody of _Berini_, as _Argulus_ hath set
  • it down in his Notes upon ONUPHRIUS, _Of the Antiquities of_ VERONA.
  • Now, though _Urnes_ have been often discovered in former Ages, many
  • think it strange there should be many still found, yet assuredly there
  • may be great Numbers still concealed. For tho' we should not reckon upon
  • any who were thus buried before the Time of the _Romans_, [altho' that
  • the _Druids_ were thus buried, it may be probable, and we read of the
  • _Urne of Chindonactes_, a _Druid_, found near _Dijon_ in _Burgundy_,
  • largely discoursed of by _Licetus_,] and tho, I say, we take not in any
  • Infant which was _Minor igne rogi_, before Seven Months, or Appearance
  • of Teeth, nor should account this Practice of burning among the
  • _Britains_ higher than _Vespasian_, when it is said by Tacitus, that
  • they conformed unto the Manners and Customs of the _Romans_, and so
  • both Nations might have one Way of Burial: yet from his Days, to the
  • Dates of these _Urnes_, were about Two Hundred Years. And therefore if
  • we fall so low, as to conceive there were buried in this Nation but
  • Twenty Thousand Persons, the Account of the buried Persons would amount
  • unto Four Millions, and consequently so great a Number of _Urnes_
  • dispersed through the Land, as may still satisfy the Curiosity of
  • succeeding Times, and arise unto all Ages.
  • The Bodies, whose Reliques these _Urnes_ contained, seemed thoroughly
  • burned; for beside pieces of Teeth, there were found few Fragments of
  • Bones, but rather Ashes in hard Lumps, and pieces of Coals, which were
  • often so fresh, that one sufficed to make a good Draught of its _Urne_,
  • which still remaineth with me.
  • Some Persons digging at a little Distance from the _Urne_ Places, in
  • hopes to find something of Value, after they had digged about Three
  • Quarters of a Yard deep, fell upon an observable Piece of Work, whose
  • Description this Figure affordeth. The Work was Square, about Two Yards
  • and a Quarter on each Side. The Wall, or outward Part, a Foot thick, in
  • Colour Red, and looked like Brick; but it was solid, without any Mortar
  • or Cement, or figur'd Brick in it, but of an whole Piece, so that it
  • seemed to be Framed and Burnt in the same Place where it was found. In
  • this kind of Brick-work were Thirty-two Holes, of about Two Inches and
  • an Half _Diameter_, and Two above a Quarter of a Circle in the East and
  • West Sides. Upon Two of these Holes, on the East Side, were placed Two
  • Pots, with their Mouths downward; putting in their Arms they found the
  • Work hollow below, and the Earth being clear'd off, much Water was found
  • below them, to the Quantity of a Barrel, which was conceived to have
  • been the Rain-water which soaked in through the Earth above them.
  • The upper Part of the Work being broke, and opened, they found a Floor
  • about Two Foot below, and then digging onward, Three Floors successively
  • under one another, at the Distance of a Foot and Half, the Stones being
  • of a Slatty, not Bricky, substance; in these Partitions some Pots were
  • found, but broke by the Workmen, being necessitated to use hard Blows
  • for the breaking of the Stones; and in the last Partition but one, a
  • large Pot was found of a very narrow Mouth, short Ears, of the Capacity
  • of Fourteen Pints, which lay in an enclining Posture, close by, and
  • somewhat under a kind of Arch in the solid Wall, and by the great Care
  • of my worthy Friend, Mr. _William Masham_, who employed the Workmen, was
  • taken up whole, almost full of Water, clean, and without Smell, and
  • insipid, which being poured out, there still remains in the Pot a great
  • Lump of an heavy crusty Substance. What Work this was we must as yet
  • reserve unto better Conjecture. Mean while we find in _Gruter_ that some
  • Monuments of the Dead had divers Holes successively to let in the Ashes
  • of their Relations, but Holes in such a great Number to that Intent, we
  • have not anywhere met with.
  • About Three Months after, my Noble and Honoured Friend, Sir _Robert
  • Paston_, had the Curiosity to open a Piece of Ground in his Park at
  • _Oxnead_, which adjoined unto the former Field, where Fragments of Pots
  • were found, and upon one the Figure of a well-made Face; but probably
  • this Ground had been opened and digged before, though out of the Memory
  • of Man, for we found divers small Pieces of Pots, _Sheeps_ Bones,
  • sometimes an _Oyster_-shell a Yard deep in the Earth, an unusual _Coin_
  • of the Emperor _Volusianus_, having on the Obverse the Head of the
  • Emperor, with a Radiated Crown, and this Inscription, _Imp. Cæs. C.
  • Volusiano Aug._ that is, _Imperatori Cæsari Caio Vibio Volusiano
  • Augusto_. On the Reverse an Human Figure, with the Arms somewhat
  • extended, and at the Right Foot an Altar, with the Inscription,
  • _Pietas_. This Emperor was Son unto _Caius Vibius Tribonianus Gallus_,
  • with whom he jointly reigned after the _Decii_, about the Year 254; both
  • he, himself, and his Father, were slain by the Emperor _Æmilianus_. By
  • the Radiated Crown this Piece should be Coined after his Death and
  • Consecration, but in whose Time it is not clear in History.
  • Concerning the too nice Curiosity of
  • censuring the Present, or judging
  • into Future Dispensations.
  • We have enough to do rightly to apprehend and consider things as they
  • are, or have been, without amusing our selves how they might have been
  • otherwise, or what Variations, Consequences and Differences might have
  • otherwise arose upon a different Face of things, if they had otherwise
  • fallen out in the State or Actions of the World.
  • If SCANDERBERG had joined his Forces with HUNNIADES, as might have been
  • expected before the Battel in the Plains of _Cossoan_, in good
  • probability they might have ruin'd MAHOMET, if not the _Turkish_
  • Empire.
  • If ALEXANDER had march'd Westward, and warr'd with the _Romans_, whether
  • he had been able to subdue that little but valiant People, is an
  • uncertainty: We are sure he overcame _Persia_; Histories attest, and
  • Prophecies foretel the same. It was decreed that the _Persians_ should
  • be conquered by ALEXANDER, and his Successors by the _Romans_, in whom
  • Providence had determin'd to settle the fourth Monarchy, which neither
  • PYRRHUS nor HANNIBAL must prevent; tho' HANNIBAL came so near it, that
  • he seem'd to miss it by fatal Infatuation: which if he had effected,
  • there had been such a traverse and confusion of Affairs, as no Oracle
  • could have predicted. But the _Romans_ must reign, and the Course of
  • Things was then moving towards the Advent of CHRIST, and blessed
  • Discovery of the Gospel: Our Saviour must suffer at _Jerusalem_, and be
  • sentenc'd by a _Roman_ Judge; St. PAUL, a _Roman_ Citizen, must preach
  • in the _Roman_ Provinces, and St. PETER be Bishop of _Rome_, and not of
  • _Carthage_.
  • Upon Reading Hudibras.
  • The way of _Burlesque_ POEMS is very Ancient, for there was a ludicrous
  • mock way of transferring Verses of Famous Poets into a Jocose Sense and
  • Argument, and they were call'd Ὠδέαι or _Parodiæ_; divers Examples of
  • which are to be found in ATHENÆUS.
  • The first Inventer hereof was HIPPONACTES, but HEGEMON SOPATER and many
  • more pursu'd the same Vein; so that the _Parodies_ of OVID'S _Buffoon
  • Metamorphoses Burlesques, Le Eneiade Travastito_, are no new Inventions,
  • but old Fancies reviv'd.
  • An Excellent _Parodie_ there is of both the SCALIGERS upon an Epigram of
  • CATULLUS, which STEPHENS hath set down in his _Discourse of Parodies_: a
  • remarkable one among the _Greeks_ is that of MATRON, in the Words and
  • Epithites of HOMER describing the Feast of XENOCLES the _Athenian_
  • Rhetorician, to be found in the fourth Book of _Athenæus_, pag. 134.
  • Edit. _Casaub._
  • CHRISTIAN
  • MORALS,
  • BY
  • S^{R} THOMAS BROWN,
  • OF NORWICH, _M.D._
  • And AUTHOR of
  • RELIGIO MEDICI
  • Published from the Original and Correct
  • Manuscript of the Author;
  • by _JOHN JEFFERY_, D.D.
  • ARCH-DEACON of NORWICH.
  • _CAMBRIDGE_
  • Printed at the UNIVERSITY-PRESS,
  • For _Cornelius Crownfield_, Printer to the UNIVERSITY;
  • And are to be sold by Mr. _Knapton_ at the Crown
  • in St. _Paul's_ Churchyard; and Mr. _Morphew_ near
  • Stationers-Hall, _LONDON_, 1716.
  • _TO THE RIGHT_ HONOURABLE
  • DAVID EARL OF BUCHAN.
  • VISCOUNT AUCHTERHOUSE, LORD CARDROSS
  • AND GLENDOVACHIE,
  • ONE OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF POLICE, AND LORD
  • LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTIES OF STIRLING
  • AND CLACKMANNAN IN NORTH-BRITTAIN.
  • MY LORD,
  • The Honour you have done our Family Obligeth us to make all just
  • Acknowledgments of it: and there is no Form of Acknowledgment in our
  • power, more worthy of Your Lordship's Acceptance, than this Dedication
  • of the last Work of our Honoured and Learned Father. Encouraged
  • hereunto by the Knowledge we have of Your Lordship's Judicious Relish of
  • universal Learning, and sublime Virtue, we beg the Favour of Your
  • Acceptance of it, which will very much Oblige our Family in general, and
  • Her in particular, who is,
  • MY LORD,
  • _Your Lordship's_
  • _most humble Servant_,
  • ELIZABETH LITTELTON.
  • THE PREFACE
  • _If any One, after he has read_ Religio Medici, _and the ensuing
  • Discourse, can make Doubt, whether the same Person was the Author of
  • them both, he may be Assured by the Testimony of Mrs._ LITTELTON, _Sr._
  • THOMAS BROWN'S _Daughter, who Lived with her Father when it was composed
  • by Him; and who, at the time, read it written by his own Hand: and also
  • by the Testimony of Others (of whom I am One), who read the MS. of the
  • Author, immediately after his Death, and who have since Read the Same;
  • from which it hath been faithfully and exactly Transcribed for the
  • Press. The Reason why it was not Printed sooner is, because it was
  • unhappily Lost, by being Mislay'd among Other MSS. for which Search was
  • lately made in the Presence of the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, of
  • which his Grace, by Letter, Informed M^{rs.}_ LITTELTON, _when he sent
  • the MS to Her. There is nothing printed in the Discourse, or in the
  • short notes, but what is found in the original MS of the Author, except
  • only where an Oversight had made the Addition or transposition of some
  • words necessary._
  • JOHN JEFFERY
  • Arch-Deacon
  • of Norwich.
  • CHRISTIAN MORALS
  • PART I
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 1]
  • Tread softly and circumspectly in this funambulatory Track and narrow
  • Path of Goodness: Pursue Virtue virtuously: Leven not good Actions, nor
  • render Virtues disputable. Stain not fair Acts with foul Intentions:
  • Maim not Uprightness by halting Concomitances, nor circumstantially
  • deprave substantial Goodness.
  • Consider whereabout thou art in _Cebes's_ Table, or that old
  • Philosophical Pinax of the Life of Man: whether thou art yet in the Road
  • of uncertainties; whether thou hast yet entred the narrow Gate, got up
  • the Hill and asperous way, which leadeth unto the House of Sanity; or
  • taken that purifying Potion from the hand of sincere Erudition, which
  • may send Thee clear and pure away unto a virtuous and happy Life.
  • In this virtuous Voyage of thy Life hall not about like the Ark, without
  • the use of Rudder, Mast, or Sail, and bound for no Port. Let not
  • Disappointment cause Despondency, nor difficulty despair. Think not that
  • you are Sailing from _Lima_ to _Manillia_, when you may fasten up the
  • Rudder, and sleep before the Wind; but expect rough Seas, Flaws, and
  • contrary Blasts: and 'tis well, if by many cross Tacks and Veerings you
  • arrive at the Port; for we sleep in Lyons Skins in our Progress unto
  • Virtue, and we slide not, but climb unto it.
  • Sit not down in the popular Forms and common Level of Virtues. Offer not
  • only Peace Offerings but Holocausts unto God: where all is due make no
  • reserve, and cut not a Cummin Seed with the Almighty: To serve Him
  • singly to serve ourselves were too partial a piece of Piety; not like to
  • place us in the illustrious Mansions of Glory.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 2]
  • Rest not in an Ovation[325] but a Triumph over thy Passions. Let Anger
  • walk hanging down the head; Let Malice go Manicled, and Envy fetter'd
  • after thee. Behold within thee the long train of thy Trophies not
  • without thee. Make the quarrelling Lapithytes sleep, and Centaurs within
  • lye quiet. Chain up the unruly Legion of thy breast. Lead thine own
  • captivity captive, and be _Cæsar_ within thy self.
  • [325] Ovation, a petty and minor kind of Triumph.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 3]
  • He that is Chast and Continent not to impair his strength, or honest for
  • fear of Contagion, will hardly be Heroically virtuous. Adjourn not this
  • virtue untill that temper, when _Cato_ could lend out his Wife, and
  • impotent Satyrs write Satyrs upon Lust: But be chast in thy flaming
  • Days, when _Alexander_ dar'd not trust his eyes upon the fair sisters of
  • _Darius_, and when so many think there is no other way but
  • _Origen's_.[326]
  • [326] Who is said to have Castrated himself.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 4]
  • Show thy Art in Honesty, and loose not thy Virtue by the bad Managery of
  • it. Be Temperate and Sober, not to preserve your body in an ability for
  • wanton ends; not to avoid the infamy of common transgressors that way,
  • and thereby to hope to expiate or palliate obscure and closer vices; not
  • to spare your purse, nor simply to enjoy health: but in one word, that
  • thereby you may truly serve God, which every sickness will tell you you
  • cannot well do without health. The sick Man's Sacrifice is but a lame
  • Oblation. Pious Treasures lay'd up in healthful days plead for sick
  • non-performances: without which we must needs look back with anxiety
  • upon the lost opportunities of health; and may have cause rather to envy
  • than pity the ends of penitent publick Sufferers, who go with healthful
  • prayers unto the last Scene of their lives, and in the Integrity of
  • their faculties return their Spirit unto God that gave it.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 5]
  • Be charitable before wealth make thee covetous, and loose not the glory
  • of the Mite. If Riches encrease let thy mind hold pace with them; and
  • think it not enough to be Liberal, but Munificent. Though a Cup of cold
  • water from some hand may not be without it's reward, yet stick not thou
  • for Wine and Oyl for the Wounds of the Distressed, and treat the poor,
  • as our Saviour did the Multitude, to the reliques of some baskets.
  • Diffuse thy beneficence early, and while thy Treasures call thee Master:
  • there may be an Atropos of thy Fortunes before that of thy Life, and thy
  • wealth cut off before that hour, when all Men shall be poor; for the
  • Justice of Death looks equally upon the dead, and _Charon_ expects no
  • more from _Alexander_ than from _Irus_.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 6]
  • Give not only unto seven, but also unto eight,[327] that is, unto more
  • than many. Though to give unto every one that asketh may seem severe
  • advice,[328] yet give thou also before asking; that is, where want is
  • silently clamorous, and mens Necessities not their Tongues do loudly
  • call for thy Mercies. For though sometimes necessitousness be dumb, or
  • misery speak not out, yet true Charity is sagacious, and will find out
  • hints for beneficence. Acquaint thyself with the Physiognomy of Want,
  • and let the Dead colours and first lines of necessity suffice to tell
  • thee there is an object for thy bounty. Spare not where thou canst not
  • easily be prodigal, and fear not to be undone by mercy. For since he who
  • hath pity on the poor lendeth unto the Almighty Rewarder, who observes
  • no Ides but every day for his payments; Charity becomes pious Usury,
  • Christian Liberality the most thriving industry; and what we adventure
  • in a Cockboat may return in a Carrack unto us. He who thus casts his
  • bread upon the Water shall surely find it again; for though it falleth
  • to the bottom, it sinks but like the Ax of the Prophet, to rise again
  • unto him.
  • [327] Ecclesiasticus.
  • [328] Luke.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 7]
  • If Avarice be thy Vice, yet make it not thy Punishment. Miserable men
  • commiserate not themselves, bowelless unto others, and merciless unto
  • their own bowels. Let the fruition of things bless the possession of
  • them, and think it more satisfaction to live richly than dye rich. For
  • since thy good works, not thy goods, will follow thee; since wealth is
  • an appertinance of life, and no dead Man is Rich; to famish in Plenty,
  • and live poorly, to dye Rich, were a multiplying improvement in Madness,
  • and use upon use in Folly.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 8]
  • Trust not to the Omnipotency of Gold, and say not unto it Thou art my
  • Confidence. Kiss not thy hand to that Terrestrial Sun, nor bore thy ear
  • unto its servitude. A Slave unto Mammon makes no servant unto God.
  • Covetousness cracks the sinews of Faith; nummes the apprehension of any
  • thing above sense; and only affected with the certainty of things
  • present, makes a peradventure of things to come; lives but unto one
  • World, nor hopes but fears another; makes their own death sweet unto
  • others, bitter unto themselves; brings formal sadness, scenical
  • mourning, and no wet eyes at the grave.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 9]
  • Persons lightly dipt, not grain'd in generous Honesty, are but pale in
  • Goodness, and faint hued in Integrity. But be thou what thou vertuously
  • art, and let not the Ocean wash away thy Tincture. Stand magnetically
  • upon that Axis, when prudent simplicity hath fixt there; and let no
  • attraction invert the Poles of thy Honesty. That Vice may be uneasy and
  • even monstrous unto thee, let iterated good Acts and long confirmed
  • habits make Virtue almost natural, or a second nature in thee. Since
  • virtuous superstructions have commonly generous foundations, dive into
  • thy inclinations, and early discover what nature bids thee to be, or
  • tells thee thou may'st be. They who thus timely descend into themselves,
  • and cultivate the good seeds which nature hath set in them, prove not
  • shrubs but Cedars in their generation. And to be in the form of the best
  • of the Bad, or the worst of the Good,[329] will be no satisfaction unto
  • them.
  • [329] Optimi malorum pessimi bonorum.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 10]
  • Make not the consequence of Virtue the ends thereof. Be not beneficent
  • for a name or Cymbal of applause, nor exact and just in Commerce for the
  • advantages of Trust and Credit, which attend the reputation of true and
  • punctual dealing. For these Rewards, though unsought for, plain Virtue
  • will bring with her. To have other by-ends in good actions sowers
  • Laudable performances, which must have deeper roots, motives, and
  • instigations, to give them the stamp of Virtues.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 11]
  • Let not the Law of thy Country be the non ultra of thy Honesty; nor
  • think that always good enough which the law will make good. Narrow not
  • the Law of Charity, Equity, Mercy. Joyn Gospel Righteousness with Legal
  • Right. Be not a mere _Gamaliel_ in the Faith, but let the Sermon in the
  • Mount be thy _Targum_ unto the law of _Sinah_.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 12]
  • Live by old Ethicks and the classical Rules of Honesty. Put no new names
  • or notions upon Authentick Virtues and Vices. Think not that Morality is
  • Ambulatory; that Vices in one age are not Vices in another; or that
  • Virtues, which are under the everlasting Seal of right Reason, may be
  • Stamped by Opinion. And therefore though vicious times invert the
  • opinions of things, and set up a new Ethicks against Virtue, yet hold
  • thou unto old Morality; and rather than follow a multitude to do evil,
  • stand like _Pompey's_ pillar conspicuous by thyself, and single in
  • Integrity. And since the worst of times afford imitable Examples of
  • Virtue; since no Deluge of Vice is like to be so general but more than
  • eight will escape; Eye well those Heroes who have held their Heads above
  • Water, who have touched Pitch, and not been defiled, and in the common
  • Contagion have remained uncorrupted.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 13]
  • Let Age not Envy draw wrinkles on thy cheeks, be content to be envy'd,
  • but envy not. Emulation may be plausible and Indignation allowable, but
  • admit no treaty with that passion which no circumstance can make good. A
  • displacency at the good of others because they enjoy it, though not
  • unworthy of it, is an absurd depravity, sticking fast unto corrupted
  • nature, and often too hard for Humility and Charity, the great
  • Suppressors of Envy. This surely is a Lyon not to be strangled but by
  • _Hercules_ himself, or the highest stress of our minds, and an Atom of
  • that power which subdueth all things unto it self.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 14]
  • Owe not thy Humility unto humiliation from adversity, but look humbly
  • down in that State when others look upwards upon thee. Think not thy own
  • shadow longer than that of others, nor delight to take the Altitude of
  • thyself. Be patient in the age of Pride, when Men live by short
  • intervals of Reason under the dominion of Humor and Passion, when it's
  • in the Power of every one to transform thee out of thy self, and run
  • thee into the short madness. If you cannot imitate _Job_, yet come not
  • short of _Socrates_, and those patient Pagans who tired the Tongues of
  • their Enemies, while they perceived they spit their malice at brazen
  • Walls and Statues.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 15]
  • Let not the Sun in Capricorn[330] go down upon thy wrath, but write thy
  • wrongs in Ashes. Draw the Curtain of night upon injuries, shut them up
  • in the Tower of Oblivion[331] and let them be as though they had not
  • been. To forgive our Enemies, yet hope that God will punish them, is not
  • to forgive enough. To forgive them our selves, and not to pray God to
  • forgive them, is a partial piece of Charity. Forgive thine enemies
  • totally, and without any reserve that however God will revenge thee.
  • [330] Even when the Days are shortest.
  • [331] Alluding unto the Tower of Oblivion mentioned by _Procopius_,
  • which was the name of a Tower of Imprisonment among the
  • _Persians_: whoever was put therein was as it were buried alive,
  • and it was death for any but to name him.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 16]
  • While thou so hotly disclaimest the Devil, be not guilty of Diabolism.
  • Fall not into one name with that unclean Spirit, nor act his nature whom
  • thou so much abhorrest; that is to Accuse, Calumniate, Backbite,
  • Whisper, Detract, or sinistrously interpret others. Degenerous
  • depravities, and narrow minded vices! not only below St. _Paul's_ noble
  • Christian but _Aristotle's_ true Gentleman.[332] Trust not with some
  • that the Epistle of St. _James_ is Apocryphal, and so read with less
  • fear that Stabbing Truth, that in company with this vice thy religion is
  • in vain. _Moses_ broke the Tables without breaking of the Law; but where
  • Charity is broke, the Law it self is shattered, which cannot be whole
  • without Love, which is the fulfilling of it. Look humbly upon thy
  • Virtues, and though thou art Rich in some, yet think thyself Poor and
  • Naked without that Crowning Grace, which thinketh no evil, which envieth
  • not, which beareth, hopeth, believeth, endureth all things. With these
  • sure Graces, while busy Tongues are crying out for a drop of cold Water,
  • mutes may be in happiness, and sing the _Trisagion_[333] in heaven.
  • [332] See _Aristotle's_ Ethicks, chapter of Magnanimity.
  • [333] Holy, holy, holy.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 17]
  • However thy understanding may waver in the Theories of True and False,
  • yet fasten the Rudder of thy Will, steer strait unto good and fall not
  • foul on evil. Imagination is apt to rove, and conjecture to keep no
  • bounds. Some have run out so far, as to fancy the Stars might be but the
  • light of the Crystalline Heaven shot through perforations on the bodies
  • of the Orbs. Others more Ingeniously doubt whether there hath not been a
  • vast tract of land in the _Atlantick_ ocean, which Earthquakes and
  • violent causes have long ago devoured. Speculative Misapprehensions may
  • be innocuous, but immorality pernicious; Theorical mistakes and Physical
  • Deviations may condemn our Judgments, not lead us into Judgment. But
  • perversity of Will, immoral and sinfull enormities walk with _Adraste_
  • and _Nemesis_ at their Backs, pursue us unto Judgment, and leave us
  • viciously miserable.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 18]
  • Bid early defiance unto those Vices which are of thine inward Family,
  • and having a root in thy Temper plead a right and propriety in thee.
  • Raise timely batteries against those strong holds built upon the Rock of
  • Nature, and make this a great part of the Militia of thy life. Delude
  • not thyself into iniquities from participation or community, which abate
  • the sense but not the obliquity of them. To conceive sins less, or less
  • of sins, because others also Transgress, were Morally to commit that
  • natural fallacy of Man, to take comfort from Society, and think
  • adversities less, because others also suffer them. The politick nature
  • of Vice must be opposed by Policy; and therefore wiser Honesties project
  • and plot against it. Wherein notwithstanding we are not to rest in
  • generals, or the trite Stratagems of Art. That may succeed with one
  • which may prove successless with another: There is no community or
  • commonweal of Virtue: Every man must study his own œconomy, and adapt
  • such rules unto the figure of himself.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 19]
  • Be substantially great in thy self, and more than thou appearest unto
  • others; and let the World be deceived in thee, as they are in the Lights
  • of Heaven. Hang early plummets upon the heels of Pride, and let Ambition
  • have but an Epicycle and narrow circuit in thee. Measure not thy self by
  • thy morning shadow, but by the extent of thy grave, and Reckon thy self
  • above the Earth by the line thou must be contented with under it. Spread
  • not into boundless Expansions either of designs or desires. Think not
  • that mankind liveth but for a few, and that the rest are born but to
  • serve those Ambitions, which make but flies of Men and wildernesses of
  • whole Nations. Swell not into vehement actions which imbroil and
  • confound the Earth; but be one of those violent ones which force the
  • Kingdom of Heaven.[334] If thou must needs Rule, be _Zeno's_ king, and
  • enjoy that empire which every Man gives himself. He who is thus his own
  • Monarch contentedly sways the Scepter of himself, not envying the Glory
  • of Crowned Heads and Elohims of the Earth. Could the World unite in the
  • practise of that despised train of Virtues, which the Divine Ethicks of
  • our Saviour hath so inculcated upon us, the furious face of things must
  • disappear, Eden would be yet to be found, and the Angels might look down
  • not with pity, but Joy upon us.
  • [334] Matthew xi.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 20]
  • Though the Quickness of thine Ear were able to reach the noise of the
  • Moon, which some think it maketh in it's rapid revolution; though the
  • number of thy Ears should equal _Argus_ his Eyes; yet stop them all with
  • the wise man's wax, and be deaf unto the suggestions of Tale-bearers,
  • Calumniators, Pickthank or Malevolent Delators, who while quiet Men
  • sleep, sowing the Tares of discord and division, distract the
  • tranquillity of Charity and all friendly Society. These are the Tongues
  • that set the world on fire, cankers of reputation, and, like that of
  • _Jonas_ his gourd, wither a good name in a night. Evil Spirits may sit
  • still, while these Spirits walk about, and perform the business of Hell.
  • To speak more strictly, our corrupted hearts are the Factories of the
  • Devil, which may be at work without his presence. For when that
  • circumventing Spirit hath drawn Malice, Envy, and all unrighteousness
  • unto well rooted habits in his disciples, iniquity then goes on upon its
  • own legs, and if the gate of Hell were shut up for a time, Vice would
  • still be fertile and produce the fruits of Hell. Thus when God forsakes
  • us, Satan also leaves us. For such offenders he looks upon as sure and
  • sealed up, and his temptations then needless unto them.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 21]
  • Annihilate not the Mercies of God by the Oblivion of Ingratitude. For
  • Oblivion is a kind of Annihilation, and for things to be as though they
  • had not been, is like unto never being. Make not thy Head a Grave, but a
  • Repository of God's Mercies. Though thou hadst the Memory of _Seneca_,
  • or _Simonides_, and Conscience, the punctual Memorist within us, yet
  • trust not to thy Remembrance in things which need Phylacteries. Register
  • not only strange but merciful occurrences: Let _Ephemerides_ not
  • _Olympiads_ give thee account of his mercies. Let thy Diaries stand
  • thick with dutiful Mementos and Asterisks of acknowledgment. And to be
  • compleat and forget nothing, date not his mercy from thy nativity, Look
  • beyond the World, and before the _Æara_ of _Adam_.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 22]
  • Paint not the Sepulcher of thy self, and strive not to beautify thy
  • corruption. Be not an Advocate for thy Vices, nor call for many
  • Hour-Glasses to justify thy imperfections. Think not that always good
  • which thou thinkest thou canst always make good, nor that concealed
  • which the Sun doth not behold. That which the Sun doth not now see, will
  • be visible when the Sun is out, and the Stars are fallen from Heaven.
  • Mean while there is no darkness unto Conscience; which can see without
  • Light, and in the deepest obscurity give a clear Draught of things,
  • which the Cloud of dissimulation hath conceal'd from all eyes. There is
  • a natural standing Court within us, examining, acquitting, and
  • condemning at the Tribunal of ourselves, wherein iniquities have their
  • natural Theta's and no nocent is absolved by the verdict of himself. And
  • therefore although our transgressions shall be tryed at the last bar,
  • the process need not be long: for the Judge of all knoweth all, and
  • every Man will nakedly know himself. And when so few are like to plead
  • not Guilty, the Assize must soon have an end.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 23]
  • Comply with some humours, bear with others, but serve none. Civil
  • complacency consists with decent honesty: Flattery is a Juggler, and no
  • Kin unto Sincerity. But while thou maintainest the plain path, and
  • scornest to flatter others, fall not into self Adulation, and become not
  • thine own Parasite. Be deaf unto thy self, and be not betrayed at home.
  • Self-credulity, pride, and levity lead unto self-Idolatry. There is no
  • _Damocles_ like unto self opinion, nor any _Siren_ to our own fawning
  • Conceptions. To magnify our minor things, or hug ourselves in our
  • apparitions; to afford a credulous Ear unto the clawing suggestions of
  • fancy; to pass our days in painted mistakes of our selves; and though we
  • behold our own blood, to think ourselves the sons of _Jupiter_;[335] are
  • blandishments of self love, worse than outward delusion. By this
  • Imposture Wise Men sometimes are Mistaken in their Elevation, and look
  • above themselves. And Fools, which are Antipodes unto the Wise, conceive
  • themselves to be but their _Periœci_, and in the same parallel with
  • them.
  • [335] As _Alexander_ the Great did.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 24]
  • Be not a _Hercules furens_ abroad, and a Poltron within thy self. To
  • chase our Enemies out of the Field, and be led captive by our Vices; to
  • beat down our Foes, and fall down to our Concupiscences; are Solecisms
  • in Moral Schools, and no Laurel attends them. To well manage our
  • Affections, and wild Horses of _Plato_, are the highest Circenses; and
  • the noblest Digladiation is in the Theater of our selves; for therein
  • our inward Antagonists, not only like common Gladiators, with ordinary
  • Weapons and down right Blows make at us, but also like Retiary and
  • Laqueary Combatants, with Nets, Frauds, and Entanglements, fall upon us.
  • Weapons for such combats are not to be forged at _Lipara_: _Vulcan's_
  • Art doth nothing in this internal Militia; wherein not the Armour of
  • _Achilles_, but the Armature of _St. Paul_, gives the Glorious day, and
  • Triumphs not Leading up into Capitols, but up into the highest Heavens.
  • And therefore while so many think it the only valour to command and
  • master others, study thou the Dominion of thy self, and quiet thine own
  • Commotions. Let Right Reason be thy _Lycurgus_, and lift up thy hand
  • unto the Law of it; move by the Intelligences of the superiour
  • Faculties, not by the Rapt of Passion, nor merely by that of Temper and
  • Constitution. They who are merely carried on by the Wheel of such
  • Inclinations, without the Hand and Guidance of Sovereign Reason, are but
  • the Automatous part of mankind, rather lived than living, or at least
  • under-living themselves.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 25]
  • Let not Fortune, which hath no name in Scripture, have any in thy
  • Divinity. Let Providence, not Chance, have the honour of thy
  • acknowledgments, and be thy _Œdipus_ in Contingences. Mark well the
  • Paths and winding Ways thereof; but be not too wise in the Construction,
  • or sudden in the Application. The Hand of Providence writes often by
  • Abbreviatures, Hieroglyphicks or short Characters, which, like the
  • Laconism on the Wall, are not to be made out but by a Hint or Key from
  • that Spirit which indited them. Leave future occurrences to their
  • uncertainties, think that which is present thy own; And since 'tis
  • easier to foretell an Eclipse, than a foul Day at some distance, Look
  • for little Regular below. Attend with patience the uncertainty of
  • Things, and what lieth yet unexerted in the Chaos of Futurity. The
  • uncertainty and ignorance of Things to come makes the World new unto us
  • by unexpected Emergences; whereby we pass not our days in the trite road
  • of affairs affording no Novity; for the novellizing Spirit of Man lives
  • by variety, and the new Faces of Things.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 26]
  • Though a contented Mind enlargeth the dimension of little things; and
  • unto some 'tis Wealth enough not to be Poor; and others are well
  • content, if they be but Rich enough to be Honest, and to give every Man
  • his due: yet fall not into that obsolete Affectation of Bravery to throw
  • away thy Money, and to reject all Honours or Honourable stations in this
  • courtly and splendid World. Old Generosity is superannuated, and such
  • contempt of the World out of date. No Man is now like to refuse the
  • favour of great ones, or be content to say unto Princes, stand out of my
  • Sun. And if any there be of such antiquated Resolutions, they are not
  • like to be tempted out of them by great ones; and 'tis fair if they
  • escape the name of Hypocondriacks from the Genius of latter times, unto
  • whom contempt of the World is the most contemptible opinion, and to be
  • able, like _Bias_, to carry all they have about them were to be the
  • eighth Wise-man. However, the old tetrick Philosophers look'd always
  • with Indignation upon such a Face of Things; and observing the unnatural
  • current of Riches, Power, and Honour in the World, and withal the
  • imperfection and demerit of persons often advanced unto them, were
  • tempted into angry Opinions, that Affairs were ordered more by Stars
  • than Reason, and that things went on rather by Lottery, than Election.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 27]
  • If thy Vessel be but small in the Ocean of this World, if Meanness of
  • Possessions be thy allotment upon Earth, forget not those Virtues which
  • the great disposer of all bids thee to entertain from thy Quality and
  • Condition, that is, Submission, Humility, Content of mind, and Industry.
  • Content may dwell in all Stations. To be low, but above contempt, may be
  • high enough to be Happy. But many of low Degree may be higher than
  • computed, and some Cubits above the common Commensuration; for in all
  • States Virtue gives Qualifications, and Allowances, which make out
  • defects. Rough Diamonds are sometimes mistaken for Pebbles, and Meanness
  • may be Rich in Accomplishments, which Riches in vain desire. If our
  • merits be above our Stations, if our intrinsecal Value be greater than
  • what we go for, or our Value than our Valuation, and if we stand higher
  • in God's, than in the Censor's Book; it may make some equitable balance
  • in the inequalities of this World, and there may be no such vast Chasm
  • or Gulf between disparities as common Measures determine. The Divine Eye
  • looks upon high and low differently from that of Man. They who seem to
  • stand upon _Olympus_, and high mounted unto our eyes, may be but in the
  • Valleys, and low Ground unto his; for he looks upon those as highest who
  • nearest approach his Divinity, and upon those as lowest who are farthest
  • from it.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 28]
  • When thou lookest upon the Imperfections of others, allow one Eye for
  • what is Laudable in them, and the balance they have from some
  • excellency, which may render them considerable. While we look with fear
  • or hatred upon the Teeth of the Viper, we may behold his Eye with love.
  • In venemous Natures something may be amiable: Poysons afford
  • Antipoysons: nothing is totally, or altogether uselessly bad. Notable
  • Virtues are sometimes dashed with notorious Vices, and in some vicious
  • tempers have been found illustrious Acts of Virtue; which makes such
  • observable worth in some actions of king _Demetrius_, _Antonius_, and
  • _Ahab_, as are not to be found in the same kind in _Aristides_, _Numa_,
  • or _David_. Constancy, Generosity, Clemency, and Liberality, have been
  • highly conspicuous in some Persons not markt out in other concerns for
  • Example or Imitation. But since Goodness is exemplary in all, if others
  • have not our Virtues, let us not be wanting in theirs, nor scorning them
  • for their Vices whereof we are free, be condemned by their Virtues,
  • wherein we are deficient. There is Dross, Alloy, and Embasement in all
  • human Temper; and he flieth without Wings, who thinks to find Ophyr or
  • pure Metal in any. For perfection is not like Light center'd in any one
  • body, but like the dispersed Seminalities of Vegetables at the Creation
  • scattered through the whole Mass of the Earth, no place producing all
  • and almost all some. So that 'tis well, if a perfect Man can be made out
  • of many Men, and to the Perfect Eye of God even out of Mankind. Time,
  • which perfects some Things, imperfects also others. Could we intimately
  • apprehend the Ideated Man, and as he stood in the intellect of God upon
  • the first exertion by Creation, we might more narrowly comprehend our
  • present Degeneration, and how widely we are fallen from the pure
  • Exemplar and Idea of our Nature: for after this corruptive Elongation
  • from a primitive and pure Creation, we are almost lost in Degeneration;
  • and _Adam_ hath not only fallen from his Creator, but we ourselves from
  • _Adam_, our Tycho and primary Generator.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 29]
  • Quarrel not rashly with Adversities not yet understood; and overlook not
  • the Mercies often bound up in them. For we consider not sufficiently the
  • good of Evils, nor fairly compute the Mercies of Providence in things
  • afflictive at first hand. The famous _Andreas Doria_ being invited to a
  • feast by _Aloysio Fieschi_ with design to Kill him, just the night
  • before, fell mercifully into a fit of the Gout and so escaped that
  • mischief. When _Cato_ intended to Kill himself, from a blow which he
  • gave his servant, who would not reach his Sword unto him, his Hand so
  • swell'd that he had much ado to Effect his design. Hereby any one but a
  • resolved Stoick might have taken a fair hint of consideration, and that
  • some merciful Genius would have contrived his preservation. To be
  • sagacious in such intercurrences is not Superstition, but wary and pious
  • Discretion: and to contemn such hints were to be deaf unto the speaking
  • hand of God, wherein _Socrates_ and _Cardan_ would hardly have been
  • mistaken.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 30]
  • Break not open the gate of Destruction, and make no haste or bustle unto
  • Ruin. Post not heedlessly on unto the _non ultra_ of Folly, or precipice
  • of Perdition. Let vicious ways have their Tropicks and Deflexions, and
  • swim in the Waters of Sin but as in the _Asphaltick_ Lake, though
  • smeared and defiled, not to sink to the bottom. If thou hast dipt thy
  • foot in the Brink, yet venture not over _Rubicon_. Run not into
  • Extremities from whence there is no regression. In the vicious ways of
  • the World it mercifully falleth out that we become not extempore wicked,
  • but it taketh some time and pains to undo ourselves. We fall not from
  • Virtue, like _Vulcan_ from Heaven, in a day. Bad Dispositions require
  • some time to grow into bad Habits, bad Habits must undermine good, and
  • often repeated acts make us habitually evil: so that by gradual
  • depravations, and while we are but staggeringly evil, we are not left
  • without Parentheses of considerations, thoughtful rebukes, and merciful
  • interventions, to recal us unto ourselves. For the Wisdom of God hath
  • methodiz'd the course of things unto the best advantage of goodness, and
  • thinking Considerators overlook not the tract thereof.
  • [Sidenote: Sect. 31]
  • Since Men and Women have their proper Virtues and Vices, and even Twins
  • of different sexes have not only distinct coverings in the Womb, but
  • differing qualities and Virtuous Habits after; transplace not their
  • Proprieties, and confound not their Distinctions. Let Masculine and
  • feminine accomplishments shine in their proper Orbs, and adorn their
  • Respective subjects. However unite not the Vices of both Sexes in one;
  • be not Monstrous in Iniquity, nor Hermaphroditically Vitious.
  • [Sidenote: Sect. 32]
  • If generous Honesty, Valour, and plain Dealing, be the Cognisance of
  • thy Family or Characteristick of thy Country, hold fast such
  • inclinations suckt in with thy first Breath, and which lay in the Cradle
  • with thee. Fall not into transforming degenerations, which under the old
  • name create a new Nation. Be not an Alien in thine own Nation; bring not
  • _Orontes_ into _Tiber_; learn the Virtues not the Vices of thy foreign
  • Neighbours, and make thy imitation by discretion not contagion. Feel
  • something of thyself in the noble Acts of thy Ancestors, and find in
  • thine own Genius that of thy Predecessors. Rest not under the Expired
  • merits of others, shine by those of thy own. Flame not like the central
  • fire which enlightneth no Eyes, which no Man seeth, and most men think
  • there's no such thing to be seen. Add one Ray unto the common Lustre;
  • add not only to the Number but the Note of thy Generation; and prove not
  • a Cloud but an Asterisk in thy Region.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 33]
  • Since thou hast an Alarum in thy Breast, which tells thee thou hast a
  • Living Spirit in thee above two thousand times in an hour; dull not away
  • thy Days in sloathful supinity and the tediousness of doing nothing. To
  • strenuous Minds there is an inquietude in overquietness, and no
  • laboriousness in labour; and to tread a mile after the slow pace of a
  • Snail, or the heavy measures of the Lazy of Brazilia, were a most tiring
  • Pennance, and worse than a race of some furlongs at the Olympicks. The
  • rapid courses of the heavenly bodies are rather imitable by our
  • Thoughts, than our corporeal Motions; yet the solemn motions of our
  • lives amount unto a greater measure than is commonly apprehended. Some
  • few men have surrounded the Globe of the Earth; yet many in the set
  • Locomotions and movements of their days have measured the circuit of it,
  • and twenty thousand miles have been exceeded by them. Move circumspectly
  • not meticulously, and rather carefully sollicitous than anxiously
  • sollicitudinous. Think not there is a Lyon in the way, nor walk with
  • Leaden Sandals in the paths of Goodness; but in all Virtuous motions let
  • Prudence determine thy measures. Strive not to run like _Hercules_ a
  • furlong in a breath: Festination may prove Precipitation; Deliberating
  • delay may be wise cunctation, and slowness no sloathfulness.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 34]
  • Since virtuous actions have their own Trumpets, and without any noise
  • from thy self will have their resound abroad; busy not thy best Member
  • in the Encomium of thy self. Praise is a debt we owe unto the Virtues of
  • others, and due unto our own from all, whom Malice hath not made Mutes,
  • or Envy struck Dumb. Fall not however into the common prevaricating way
  • of self commendation and boasting, by denoting the imperfections of
  • others. He who discommendeth others obliquely commendeth himself. He who
  • whispers their infirmities proclaims his own Exemption from them; and
  • consequently says, I am not as this Publican, or _Hic Niger_,[336] whom
  • I talk of. Open ostentation and loud vain-glory is more tolerable than
  • this obliquity, as but containing some Froath, no Ink, as but consisting
  • of a personal piece of folly, nor complicated with uncharitableness.
  • Superfluously we seek a precarious applause abroad: every good Man hath
  • his plaudite within himself; and though his Tongue be silent, is not
  • without loud Cymbals in his Breast. Conscience will become his
  • Panegyrist, and never forget to crown and extol him unto himself.
  • [336] Hic niger est, hunc tu Romane caveto. _Horace._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 35]
  • Bless not thy self only that thou wert born in _Athens_;[337] but among
  • thy multiplyed acknowledgments lift up one hand unto Heaven, that thou
  • wert born of Honest Parents, that Modesty, Humility, Patience, and
  • Veracity lay in the same Egg, and came into the World with thee. From
  • such foundations thou may'st be Happy in a Virtuous precocity, and make
  • an early and long walk in Goodness; so may'st thou more naturally feel
  • the contrariety of Vice unto Nature, and resist some by the Antidote of
  • thy Temper. As Charity covers, so Modesty preventeth a multitude of
  • sins; withholding from noon day Vices and brazen-brow'd Iniquities, from
  • sinning on the house-top, and painting our follies with the rays of the
  • Sun. Where this Virtue reigneth, though Vice may show its Head, it
  • cannot be in its Glory: where shame of sin sets, look not for Virtue to
  • arise; for when Modesty taketh Wing, _Astræa_[338] goes soon after.
  • [337] As _Socrates_ did. _Athens_ a place of Learning and Civility.
  • [338] _Astræa_ Goddess of justice and consequently of all virtue.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 36]
  • The Heroical vein of Mankind runs much in the Souldiery, and couragious
  • part of the World; and in that form we oftenest find Men above Men.
  • History is full of the gallantry of that Tribe; and when we read their
  • notable Acts, we easily find what a difference there is between a Life
  • in _Plutarch_ and in _Laërtius_. Where true Fortitude dwells, Loyalty,
  • Bounty, Friendship, and Fidelity, may be found. A man may confide in
  • persons constituted for noble ends, who dare do and suffer, and who have
  • a Hand to burn for their Country and their Friend. Small and creeping
  • things are the product of petty Souls. He is like to be mistaken, who
  • makes choice of a covetous Man for a Friend, or relieth upon the Reed of
  • narrow and poltron Friendship. Pityful things are only to be found in
  • the cottages of such Breasts; but bright Thoughts, clear Deeds,
  • Constancy, Fidelity, Bounty, and generous Honesty are the Gems of noble
  • Minds; wherein, to derogate from none, the true Heroick English
  • Gentleman hath no Peer.
  • PART II
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 1]
  • Punish not thy self with Pleasure; Glut not thy sense with palative
  • Delights; nor revenge the contempt of Temperance by the penalty of
  • Satiety. Were there an Age of delight or any pleasure durable, who would
  • not honour _Volupia_? but the Race of Delight is short, and Pleasures
  • have mutable faces. The pleasures of one age are not pleasures in
  • another, and their Lives fall short of our own. Even in our sensual
  • days, the strength of delight is in its seldomness or rarity, and sting
  • in its satiety: Mediocrity is its Life, and immoderacy its Confusion.
  • The Luxurious Emperors of old inconsiderately satiated themselves with
  • the dainties of Sea and Land, till, wearied through all varieties, their
  • refections became a study unto them, and they were fain to feed by
  • Invention. Novices in true Epicurism! which by mediocrity, paucity,
  • quick and healthful Appetite, makes delights smartly acceptable; whereby
  • _Epicurus_ himself found _Jupiter's_ brain[339] in a piece of
  • Cytheridian Cheese, and the Tongues of Nightingals in a dish of Onyons.
  • Hereby healthful and temperate poverty hath the start of nauseating
  • Luxury; unto whose clear and naked appetite every meal is a feast, and
  • in one single dish the first course of _Metellus_;[340] who are cheaply
  • hungry, and never loose their hunger, or advantage of a craving appetite,
  • because obvious food contents it; while _Nero_,[341] half famish'd, could
  • not feed upon a piece of Bread, and lingring after his snowed water,
  • hardly got down an ordinary cup of Calda.[342] By such circumscriptions
  • of pleasure the contemned Philosophers reserved unto themselves the secret
  • of Delight, which the _Helluo's_ of those days lost in their exorbitances.
  • In vain we study Delight: It is at the command of every sober Mind, and in
  • every sense born with us: but Nature, who teacheth us the rule of pleasure,
  • instructeth also in the bounds thereof, and where its line expireth. And
  • therefore Temperate Minds, not pressing their pleasures until the sting
  • appeareth, enjoy their contentations contentedly, and without regret,
  • and so escape the folly of excess, to be pleased unto displacency.
  • [339] _Cerebrum Jovis_, for a delicious bit.
  • [340] _Metellus_ his riotous Pontifical Supper, the great variety
  • whereat is to be seen in _Macrobius_.
  • [341] _Nero_ in his flight. _Sueton._
  • [342] _Caldæ gelidæque minister._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 2]
  • Bring candid Eyes unto the perusal of mens works, and let not _Zoilism_
  • or Detraction blast well intended labours. He that endureth no faults in
  • mens writings must only read his own, wherein for the most part all
  • appeareth White. Quotation mistakes, inadvertency, expedition, and human
  • Lapses may make not only Moles but Warts in Learned Authors, who
  • notwithstanding being judged by the capital matter admit not of
  • disparagement. I should unwillingly affirm that Cicero was but slightly
  • versed in _Homer_, because in his work _de Gloria_ he ascribed those
  • verses unto _Ajax_, which were delivered by _Hector_. What if _Plautus_
  • in the account of _Hercules_ mistaketh nativity for conception? Who
  • would have mean thoughts of _Apollinaris Sidonius_, who seems to mistake
  • the river _Tigris_ for _Euphrates_; and though a good Historian and
  • learned Bishop of _Auvergne_ had the misfortune to be out in the Story
  • of _David_, making mention of him when the Ark was sent back by the
  • _Philistins_ upon a Cart; which was before his time. Though I have no
  • great opinion of _Machiavel's_ learning, yet I shall not presently say,
  • that he was but a Novice in Roman History, because he was mistaken in
  • placing _Commodus_ after the Emperour _Severus_. Capital Truths are to
  • be narrowly eyed, collateral Lapses and circumstantial deliveries not to
  • be too strictly sifted. And if the substantial subject be well forged
  • out, we need not examine the sparks, which irregularly fly from it.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 3]
  • Let well weighed Considerations, not stiff and peremptory Assumptions,
  • guide thy discourses, Pen, and Actions. To begin or continue our works
  • like _Trismegistus_ of old, _verum certè verum atque verissimum
  • est_,[343] would sound arrogantly unto present Ears in this strict
  • enquiring Age, wherein, for the most part, Probably, and Perhaps, will
  • hardly serve to mollify the Spirit of captious Contradictors. If
  • _Cardan_ saith that a Parrot is a beautiful Bird, _Scaliger_ will set
  • his Wits o' work to prove it a deformed Animal. The Compage of all
  • Physical Truths is not so closely jointed, but opposition may find
  • intrusion, nor always so closely maintained, as not to suffer attrition.
  • Many Positions seem quodlibetically constituted, and like a _Delphian_
  • blade will cut on both sides. Some Truths seem almost Falshoods, and
  • some Falshoods almost Truths; wherein Falshood and Truth seem almost
  • æquilibriously stated, and but a few grains of distinction to bear down
  • the ballance. Some have digged deep, yet glanced by the Royal Vein; and
  • a man may come unto the _Pericardium_, but not the Heart of Truth.
  • Besides, many things are known, as some are seen, that is by Parallaxis,
  • or at some distance from their true and proper beings, the superficial
  • regard of things having a different aspect from their true and central
  • Natures. And this moves sober Pens unto suspensory and timorous
  • assertions, nor presently to obtrude them as _Sibyls_ leaves, which
  • after considerations may find to be but folious apparances, and not the
  • central and vital interiors of truth.
  • [343] _In Tabula Smaragdina._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 4]
  • Value the Judicious, and let not mere acquests in minor parts of
  • Learning gain thy preexistimation. 'Tis an unjust way of compute to
  • magnify a weak Head for some Latin abilities, and to undervalue a solid
  • Judgment, because he knows not the genealogy of _Hector_. When that
  • notable King of _France_[344] would have his son to know but one
  • sentence in Latin, had it been a good one, perhaps it had been enough.
  • Natural parts and good Judgments rule the World. States are not governed
  • by Ergotisms. Many have Ruled well who could not perhaps define a
  • Commonwealth, and they who understand not the Globe of the Earth command
  • a great part of it. Where natural Logick prevails not, Artificial too
  • often faileth. Where Nature fills the Sails, the Vessel goes smoothly
  • on, and when Judgment is the Pilot, the Ensurance need not be high. When
  • Industry builds upon Nature, we may expect Pyramids: where that
  • foundation is wanting, the structure must be low. They do most by Books,
  • who could do much without them; and he that chiefly ows himself unto
  • himself is the substantial Man.
  • [344] Lewis the Eleventh. _Qui nescit dissimulare nescit Regnare._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 5]
  • Let thy Studies be as free as thy Thoughts and Contemplations: but fly
  • not only upon the wings of Imagination; Joyn Sense unto Reason, and
  • Experiment unto Speculation, and so give life unto Embryon Truths, and
  • Verities yet in their Chaos. There is nothing more acceptable unto the
  • Ingenious World, than this noble Eluctation of Truth; wherein, against
  • the tenacity of Prejudice and Prescription, this Century now prevaileth.
  • What Libraries of new Volumes aftertimes will behold, and in what a new
  • World of Knowledge the eyes of our posterity may be happy, a few Ages
  • may joyfully declare; and is but a cold thought unto those, who cannot
  • hope to behold this Exantlation of Truth, or that obscured Virgin half
  • out of the Pit. Which might make some content with a commutation of the
  • time of their lives, and to commend the Fancy of the _Pythagorean_
  • metempsychosis; whereby they might hope to enjoy this happiness in their
  • third or fourth selves, and behold that in _Pythagoras_, which they now
  • but foresee in _Euphorbus_.[345] The World, which took but six days to
  • make, is like to take six thousand to make out: mean while old Truths
  • voted down begin to resume their places, and new ones arise upon us;
  • wherein there is no comfort in the happiness of _Tully's_ Elizium[346],
  • any satisfaction from the Ghosts of the Ancients, who knew so little of
  • what is now well known. Men disparage not Antiquity, who prudently exalt
  • new Enquiries, and make not them the Judges of Truth, who were but
  • fellow Enquirers of it. Who can but magnify the Endeavors of
  • _Aristotle_, and the noble start which Learning had under him; or less
  • than pitty the slender progression made upon such advantages? While many
  • Centuries were lost in repetitions and transcriptions sealing up the
  • Book of Knowledge. And therefore rather than to swell the leaves of
  • Learning by fruitless Repetitions, to sing the same Song in all Ages,
  • nor adventure at Essays beyond the attempt of others, many would be
  • content that some would write like _Helmont_ and _Paracelsus_; and be
  • willing to endure the monstrosity of some opinions, for divers singular
  • notions requiting such aberrations.
  • [345] _Ipse ego, nam memini, Trojani in tempore belli
  • Panthoides Euphorbus eram._
  • [346] Who comforted himself that he should there converse with the old
  • Philosophers.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 6]
  • Despise not the obliquities of younger ways, nor despair of better
  • things whereof there is yet no prospect. Who would imagine that
  • _Diogenes_, who in his younger days was a falsifier of Money, should in
  • the after course of his life be so great a contemner of Metal? Some
  • Negros who believe the Resurrection, think that they shall Rise
  • white.[347] Even in this life Regeneration may imitate Resurrection, our
  • black and vitious tinctures may wear off, and goodness cloath us with
  • candour. Good admonitions Knock not always in vain. There will be signal
  • Examples of God's mercy, and the Angels must not want their charitable
  • Rejoyces for the conversion of lost Sinners. Figures of most Angles do
  • nearest approach unto Circles, which have no Angles at all. Some may be
  • near unto goodness, who are conceived far from it, and many things
  • happen, not likely to ensue from any promises of Antecedencies. Culpable
  • beginnings have found commendable conclusions, and infamous courses
  • pious retractations. Detestable Sinners have proved exemplary Converts
  • on Earth, and may be Glorious in the Apartment of _Mary Magdalen_ in
  • Heaven. Men are not the same through all divisions of their Ages. Time,
  • Experience, self Reflexions, and God's mercies make in some
  • well-temper'd minds a kind of translation before Death, and Men to
  • differ from themselves as well as from other Persons. Hereof the old
  • World afforded many Examples to the infamy of latter Ages, wherein Men
  • too often live by the rule of their inclinations; so that, without any
  • astral prediction, the first day gives the last,[348] Men are commonly
  • as they were, or rather, as bad dispositions run into worser habits, the
  • Evening doth not crown, but sowerly conclude the Day.
  • [347] Mandelslo.
  • [348] _Primusque dies dedit extremum._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 7]
  • If the Almighty will not spare us according to his merciful capitulation
  • at _Sodom_, if his Goodness please not to pass over a great deal of Bad
  • for a small pittance of Good, or to look upon us in the Lump; there is
  • slender hope for Mercy, or sound presumption of fulfilling half his
  • Will, either in Persons or Nations: they who excel in some Virtues being
  • so often defective in others; few Men driving at the extent and
  • amplitude of Goodness, but computing themselves by their best parts, and
  • others by their worst, are content to rest in those Virtues, which
  • others commonly want. Which makes this speckled Face of Honesty in the
  • World; and which was the imperfection of the old Philosophers and great
  • pretenders unto Virtue, who well declining the gaping Vices of
  • Intemperance, Incontinency, Violence and Oppression, were yet blindly
  • peccant in iniquities of closer faces, were envious, malicious,
  • contemners, scoffers, censurers, and stufft with Vizard Vices, no less
  • depraving the Ethereal particle and diviner portion of Man. For Envy,
  • Malice, Hatred, are the qualities of _Satan_, close and dark like
  • himself; and where such brands smoak the Soul cannot be White. Vice may
  • be had at all prices; expensive and costly iniquities, which make the
  • noise, cannot be every Man's sins: but the soul may be foully inquinated
  • at a very low rate, and a Man may be cheaply vitious, to the perdition
  • of himself.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 8]
  • Opinion rides upon the neck of Reason, and Men are Happy, Wise, or
  • Learned, according as that Empress shall set them down in the Register
  • of Reputation. However weigh not thyself in the scales of thy own
  • opinion, but let the Judgment of the Judicious be the Standard of thy
  • Merit. Self-estimation is a flatterer too readily intitling us unto
  • Knowledge and Abilities, which others sollicitously labour after, and
  • doubtfully think they attain. Surely such confident tempers do pass
  • their days in best tranquility, who, resting in the opinion of their own
  • abilities, are happily gull'd by such contentation; wherein Pride,
  • Self-conceit, Confidence, and Opiniatrity will hardly suffer any to
  • complain of imperfection. To think themselves in the right, or all that
  • right, or only that, which they do or think, is a fallacy of high
  • content; though others laugh in their sleeves, and look upon them as in
  • a deluded state of Judgment. Wherein notwithstanding 'twere but a civil
  • piece of complacency to suffer them to sleep who would not wake, to let
  • them rest in their securities, nor by dissent or opposition to stagger
  • their contentments.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 9]
  • Since the Brow speaks often true, since Eyes and Noses have Tongues, and
  • the countenance proclaims the Heart and inclinations; let observation so
  • far instruct thee in Physiognomical lines, as to be some Rule for thy
  • distinction, and Guide for thy affection unto such as look most like
  • Men. Mankind, methinks, is comprehended in a few Faces, if we exclude
  • all Visages, which any way participate of Symmetries and Schemes of Look
  • common unto other Animals. For as though Man were the extract of the
  • World, in whom all were _in coagulato_, which in their forms were _in
  • soluto_, and at Extension; we often observe that Men do most act those
  • Creatures, whose constitution, parts, and complexion do most predominate
  • in their mixtures. This is a corner-stone in Physiognomy, and holds some
  • Truth not only in particular Persons but also in whole Nations. There
  • are therefore Provincial Faces, National Lips and Noses, which testify
  • not only the Natures of those Countries, but of those which have them
  • elsewhere. Thus we may make _England_ the whole Earth, dividing it not
  • only into _Europe_, _Asia_, _Africa_, but the particular Regions
  • thereof, and may in some latitude affirm, that there are _Ægyptians_,
  • _Scythians_, _Indians_ among us; who though born in _England_, yet carry
  • the Faces and Air of those Countries, and are also agreeable and
  • correspondent unto their Natures. Faces look uniformly unto our Eyes:
  • How they appear unto some Animals of a more piercing or differing sight,
  • who are able to discover the inequalities, rubbs, and hairiness of the
  • Skin, is not without good doubt. And therefore in reference unto Man,
  • _Cupid_ is said to be blind. Affection should not be too sharp-Eyed, and
  • Love is not to be made by magnifying Glasses. If things were seen as
  • they truly are, the beauty of bodies would be much abridged. And
  • therefore the wise Contriver hath drawn the pictures and outsides of
  • things softly and amiably unto the natural Edge of our Eyes, not leaving
  • them able to discover those uncomely asperities, which make
  • Oyster-shells in good Faces, and Hedghoggs even in _Venus's_ moles.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 10]
  • Court not Felicity too far, and weary not the favorable hand of Fortune.
  • Glorious actions have their times, extent, and _non ultra's_. To put no
  • end unto Attempts were to make prescription of Successes, and to bespeak
  • unhappiness at the last. For the Line of our Lives is drawn with white
  • and black vicissitudes, wherein the extremes hold seldom one complexion.
  • That _Pompey_ should obtain the sirname of Great at twenty five years,
  • that Men in their young and active days should be fortunate and perform
  • notable things, is no observation of deep wonder, they having the
  • strength of their fates before them, nor yet acted their parts in the
  • World, for which they were brought into it: whereas Men of years,
  • matured for counsels and designs, seem to be beyond the vigour of their
  • active fortunes, and high exploits of life, providentially ordained unto
  • Ages best agreeable unto them. And therefore many brave men finding
  • their fortune grow faint, and feeling its declination, have timely
  • withdrawn themselves from great attempts, and so escaped the ends of
  • mighty Men, disproportionable to their beginnings. But magnanimous
  • thoughts have so dimmed the Eyes of many, that forgetting the very
  • essence of Fortune, and the vicissitude of good and evil, they apprehend
  • no bottom in felicity; and so have been still tempted on unto mighty
  • Actions, reserved for their destructions. For Fortune lays the Plot of
  • our Adversities in the foundation of our Felicities, blessing us in the
  • first quadrate, to blast us more sharply in the last. And since in the
  • highest felicities there lieth a capacity of the lowest miseries, she
  • hath this advantage from our happiness to make us truly miserable. For
  • to become acutely miserable we are to be first happy. Affliction smarts
  • most in the most happy state, as having somewhat in it of _Bellisarius_
  • at Beggers bush, or _Bajazet_ in the grate. And this the fallen Angels
  • severely understand, who having acted their first part in Heaven, are
  • made sharply miserable by transition, and more afflictively feel the
  • contrary state of Hell.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 11]
  • Carry no careless Eye upon the unexpected scenes of things; but ponder
  • the acts of Providence in the publick ends of great and notable Men, set
  • out unto the view of all for no common _memorandums_. The Tragical Exits
  • and unexpected periods of some eminent Persons cannot but amuse
  • considerate Observators; wherein notwithstanding most men seem to see by
  • extramission, without reception or self-reflexion, and conceive
  • themselves unconcerned by the fallacy of their own Exemption: Whereas
  • the Mercy of God hath singled out but few to be the signals of his
  • Justice, leaving the generality of Mankind to the pædagogy of Example.
  • But the inadvertency of our Natures not well apprehending this favorable
  • method and merciful decimation, and that he sheweth in some what others
  • also deserve; they entertain no sense of his Hand beyond the stroak of
  • themselves. Whereupon the whole becomes necessarily punished, and the
  • contracted Hand of God extended unto universal Judgments: from whence
  • nevertheless the stupidity of our tempers receives but faint
  • impressions, and in the most Tragical state of times holds but starts of
  • good motions. So that to continue us in goodness there must be iterated
  • returns of misery, and a circulation in afflictions is necessary. And
  • since we cannot be wise by warnings, since Plagues are insignificant,
  • except we be personally plagued, since also we cannot be punish'd unto
  • Amendment by proxy or commutation, nor by vicinity, but contaction;
  • there is an unhappy necessity that we must smart in our own Skins, and
  • the provoked arm of the Almighty must fall upon ourselves. The capital
  • sufferings of others are rather our monitions than acquitments. There is
  • but one who died salvifically for us, and able to say unto Death,
  • hitherto shalt thou go and no farther; only one enlivening Death, which
  • makes Gardens of Graves, and that which was sowed in Corruption to arise
  • and flourish in Glory: when Death it self shall dye, and living shall
  • have no Period, when the damned shall mourn at the funeral of Death,
  • when Life not Death shall be the wages of sin, when the second Death
  • shall prove a miserable Life, and destruction shall be courted.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 12]
  • Although their Thoughts may seem too severe, who think that few ill
  • natur'd Men go to heaven; yet it may be acknowledged that good natur'd
  • Persons are best founded for that place; who enter the World with good
  • Dispositions, and natural Graces, more ready to be advanced by
  • impressions from above, and christianized unto pieties; who carry about
  • them plain and down right dealing Minds, Humility, Mercy, Charity, and
  • Virtues acceptable unto God and Man. But whatever success they may have
  • as to Heaven, they are the acceptable Men on Earth, and happy is he who
  • hath his quiver full of them for his Friends. These are not the Dens
  • wherein Falshood lurks, and Hypocrisy hides its Head, wherein
  • Frowardness makes its Nest, or where Malice, Hard-heartedness, and
  • Oppression love to dwell; not those by whom the Poor get little, and the
  • Rich some time loose all; Men not of retracted Looks, but who carry
  • their Hearts in their Faces, and need not to be look'd upon with
  • perspectives; not sordidly or mischievously ingrateful; who cannot learn
  • to ride upon the neck of the afflicted, nor load the heavy laden, but
  • who keep the temple of _Janus_ shut by peaceable and quiet tempers; who
  • make not only the best Friends, but the best Enemies, as easier to
  • forgive than offend, and ready to pass by the second offence, before
  • they avenge the first; who make natural Royalists, obedient Subjects,
  • kind and merciful Princes, verified in our own, one of the best natur'd
  • Kings of this Throne. Of the old Roman Emperours the best were the best
  • natur'd; though they made but a small number, and might be writ in a
  • Ring. Many of the rest were as bad Men as Princes; Humorists rather than
  • of good humors, and of good natural parts, rather than of good natures:
  • which did but arm their bad inclinations, and make them wittily wicked.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 13]
  • With what shift and pains we come into the World we remember not; but
  • 'tis commonly found no easy matter to get out of it. Many have studied
  • to exasperate the ways of Death, but fewer hours have been spent to
  • soften that necessity. That the smoothest way unto the grave is made by
  • bleeding, as common opinion presumeth, beside the sick and fainting
  • Languors which accompany that effusion, the experiment in _Lucan_ and
  • _Seneca_ will make us doubt; under which the noble Stoick so deeply
  • laboured, that, to conceal his affliction, he was fain to retire from
  • the sight of his Wife, and not ashamed to implore the merciful hand of
  • his Physician to shorten his misery therein. _Ovid_,[349] the old
  • Heroes, and the Stoicks, who were so afraid of drowning, as dreading
  • thereby the extinction of their Soul, which they conceived to be a Fire,
  • stood probably in fear of an easier way of Death; wherein the Water,
  • entring the possessions of Air, makes a temperate suffocation, and kills
  • as it were without a fever. Surely many, who have had the Spirit to
  • destroy themselves, have not been ingenious in the contrivance thereof.
  • 'Twas a dull way practised by _Themistocles_[350], overwhelm himself
  • with Bulls-blood, who, being an _Athenian_, might have held an easier
  • Theory of Death from the state potion of his Country; from which
  • _Socrates_ in _Plato_ seemed not to suffer much more than from the fit
  • of an Ague. _Cato_ is much to be pitied, who mangled himself with
  • poyniards; and _Hannibal_ seems more subtle, who carried his delivery,
  • not in the point but the pummel[351] of his Sword.
  • [349] _Demito naufragium, mors mihi munus erit._
  • [350] _Plutarch._
  • [351] Pummel, wherein he is said to have carried something, whereby
  • upon a struggle or despair he might deliver himself from all
  • misfortunes.
  • The _Egyptians_ were merciful contrivers, who destroyed their
  • malefactors by Asps, charming their senses into an invincible sleep, and
  • killing as it were with _Hermes_ his Rod. The Turkish Emperour,[352]
  • odious for other Cruelty, was herein a remarkable Master of Mercy,
  • killing his Favorite in his sleep, and sending him from the shade into
  • the house of darkness. He who had been thus destroyed would hardly have
  • bled at the presence of his destroyer; when Men are already dead by
  • metaphor, and pass but from one sleep unto another, wanting herein the
  • eminent part of severity, to feel themselves to dye, and escaping the
  • sharpest attendant of Death, the lively apprehension thereof. But to
  • learn to dye is better than to study the ways of dying. Death will find
  • some ways to unty or cut the most Gordian Knots of Life, and make men's
  • miseries as mortal as themselves: whereas evil Spirits, as undying
  • Substances, are unseparable from their calamities; and therefore they
  • everlastingly struggle under their _Angustia's_, and bound up with
  • immortality can never get out of themselves.
  • [352] _Solyman._ Turkish history.
  • PART III
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 1]
  • 'Tis hard to find a whole Age to imitate, or what Century to propose for
  • Example. Some have been far more approveable than others: but Virtue and
  • Vice, Panegyricks and Satyrs, scatteringly to be found in all. History
  • sets down not only things laudable, but abominable; things which should
  • never have been, or never have been known: So that noble patterns must
  • be fetched here and there from single Persons, rather than whole
  • Nations, and from all Nations, rather than any one. The World was early
  • bad, and the first sin the most deplorable of any. The younger World
  • afforded the oldest Men, and perhaps the Best and the Worst, when length
  • of days made virtuous habits Heroical and immoveable, vitious,
  • inveterate, and irreclaimable. And since 'tis said the imaginations of
  • their hearts were evil, only evil, and continually evil; it may be
  • feared that their sins held pace with their lives; and their Longevity
  • swelling their Impieties, the Longanimity of God would no longer endure
  • such vivacious abominations. Their Impieties were surely of a deep dye,
  • which required the whole Element of Water to wash them away, and
  • overwhelmed their memories with themselves; and so shut up the first
  • Windows of Time, leaving no Histories of those longevous generations,
  • when Men might have been properly Historians, when _Adam_ might have
  • read long Lectures unto _Methuselah_, and _Methuselah_ unto _Noah_. For
  • had we been happy in just Historical accounts of that unparallel'd
  • World, we might have been acquainted with Wonders; and have understood
  • not a little of the Acts and undertakings of _Moses_ his mighty Men, and
  • Men of renown of old; which might have enlarged our Thoughts, and made
  • the World older unto us. For the unknown part of time shortens the
  • estimation, if not the compute of it. What hath escaped our Knowledge
  • falls not under our Consideration, and what is and will be latent is
  • little better than non existent.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 2]
  • Some things are dictated for our Instruction, some acted for our
  • Imitation, wherein 'tis best to ascend unto the highest conformity, and
  • to the honour of the Exemplar. He honours God who imitates him. For what
  • we virtuously imitate we approve and Admire; and since we delight not to
  • imitate Inferiors, we aggrandize and magnify those we imitate; since
  • also we are most apt to imitate those we love, we testify our affection
  • in our imitation of the Inimitable. To affect to be like may be no
  • imitation. To act, and not to be what we pretend to imitate, is but a
  • mimical conformation, and carrieth no Virtue in it. _Lucifer_ imitated
  • not God, when he said he would be like the Highest, and he imitated not
  • _Jupiter_, who counterfeited Thunder. Where Imitation can go no farther,
  • let Admiration step on, whereof there is no end in the wisest form of
  • Men. Even Angels and Spirits have enough to admire in their sublimer
  • Natures, Admiration being the act of the Creature and not of God, who
  • doth not Admire himself. Created Natures allow of swelling Hyperboles;
  • nothing can be said Hyperbolically of God, nor will his Attributes admit
  • of expressions above their own Exuperances. _Trismegistus_ his Circle,
  • whose center is every where, and circumference no where, was no
  • Hyperbole. Words cannot exceed, where they cannot express enough. Even
  • the most winged Thoughts fall at the setting out, and reach not the
  • portal of Divinity.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 3]
  • In Bivious Theorems, and _Janus_-faced Doctrines, let Virtuous
  • considerations state the determination. Look upon Opinions as thou dost
  • upon the Moon, and chuse not the dark hemisphere for thy contemplation.
  • Embrace not the opacous and blind side of Opinions, but that which looks
  • most Luciferously or influentially unto Goodness. 'Tis better to think
  • that there are Guardian Spirits, than that there are no Spirits to Guard
  • us; that vicious Persons are Slaves, than that there is any servitude in
  • Virtue; that times past have been better than times present, than that
  • times were always bad, and that to be Men it sufficeth to be no better
  • than Men in all Ages, and so promiscuously to swim down the turbid
  • stream, and make up the grand confusion. Sow not thy understanding with
  • Opinions, which make nothing of Iniquities, and fallaciously extenuate
  • Transgressions. Look upon Vices and vicious Objects with Hyperbolical
  • Eyes, and rather enlarge their dimensions, that their unseen Deformities
  • may not escape thy sense, and their Poysonous parts and stings may
  • appear massy and monstrous unto thee; for the undiscerned Particles and
  • Atoms of Evil deceive us, and we are undone by the Invisibles of seeming
  • Goodness. We are only deceived in what is not discerned, and to Err is
  • but to be Blind or Dim-sighted as to some Perceptions.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 4]
  • To be Honest in a right Line,[353] and Virtuous by Epitome, be firm unto
  • such Principles of Goodness, as carry in them Volumes of instruction and
  • may abridge thy Labour. And since instructions are many, hold close unto
  • those, whereon the rest depend. So may we have all in a few, and the Law
  • and the Prophets in a Rule, the Sacred Writ in Stenography, and the
  • Scripture in a Nut-Shell. To pursue the osseous and solid part of
  • Goodness, which gives Stability and Rectitude to all the rest; To settle
  • on fundamental Virtues, and bid early defiance unto Mother-vices, which
  • carry in their Bowels the seminals of other Iniquities, makes a short
  • cut in Goodness, and strikes not off an Head but the whole Neck of
  • _Hydra_. For we are carried into the dark Lake, like the _Ægyptian_
  • River into the Sea, by seven principal Ostiaries. The Mother-Sins of
  • that number are the Deadly engins of Evil Spirits that undo us, and even
  • evil Spirits themselves, and he who is under the Chains thereof is not
  • without a possession. _Mary Magdalene_ had more than seven Devils, if
  • these with their Imps were in her, and he who is thus possessed, may
  • literally be named _Legion_. Where such Plants grow and prosper, look
  • for no Champain or Region void of Thorns, but productions like the Tree
  • of _Goa_,[354] and Forrests of abomination.
  • [353] _Linea recta brevissima._
  • [354] _Arbor Goa de Ruyz_, or _ficus Indica_, whose branches send down
  • shoots which root in the ground, from whence there successively
  • rise others, till one Tree becomes a wood.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 5]
  • Guide not the Hand of God, nor order the Finger of the Almighty, unto
  • thy will and pleasure; but sit quiet in the soft showers of Providence,
  • and Favourable distributions in this World, either to thyself or others.
  • And since not only Judgments have their Errands, but Mercies their
  • Commissions; snatch not at every Favour, nor think thy self passed by if
  • they fall upon thy Neighbour. Rake not up envious displacences at things
  • successful unto others, which the wise Disposer of all thinks not fit
  • for thy self. Reconcile the events of things unto both beings, that is,
  • of this World and the next: So will there not seem so many Riddles in
  • Providence, nor various inequalities in the dispensation of things
  • below. If thou dost not anoint thy Face, yet put not on sackcloth at the
  • felicities of others. Repining at the Good draws on rejoicing at the
  • evils of others, and so falls into that inhumane Vice,[355] for which so
  • few Languages have a name. The blessed Spirits above rejoice at our
  • happiness below: but to be glad at the evils of one another, is beyond
  • the malignity of Hell, and falls not on evil Spirits, who, though they
  • rejoice at our unhappiness, take no pleasure at the afflictions of their
  • own Society or of their fellow Natures. Degenerous Heads! who must be
  • fain to learn from such Examples, and to be Taught from the School of
  • Hell.
  • [355] Ἐπιχαιρεκακία.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 6]
  • Grain not thy vicious stains, nor deepen those swart Tinctures, which
  • Temper, Infirmity, or ill habits have set upon thee; and fix not by
  • iterated depravations what time might Efface, or Virtuous washes
  • expunge. He, who thus still advanceth in Iniquity deepneth his deformed
  • hue; turns a Shadow into Night, and makes himself a _Negro_ in the black
  • Jaundice; and so becomes one of those Lost ones, the disproportionate
  • pores of whose Brains afford no entrance unto good Motions, but reflect
  • and frustrate all Counsels, Deaf unto the Thunder of the Laws, and Rocks
  • unto the Cries of charitable Commiserators. He who hath had the Patience
  • of _Diogenes_, to make Orations unto Statues, may more sensibly
  • apprehend how all Words fall to the Ground, spent upon such a surd and
  • Earless Generation of Men, stupid unto all Instruction, and rather
  • requiring an Exorcist, than an Orator for their Conversion.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 7]
  • Burden not the back of _Aries_, _Leo_, or _Taurus,_ with thy faults; nor
  • make _Saturn_, _Mars_, or _Venus_, guilty of thy Follies. Think not to
  • fasten thy imperfections on the Stars, and so despairingly conceive thy
  • self under a fatality of being evil. Calculate thy self within, seek not
  • thy self in the Moon, but in thine own Orb or Microcosmical
  • Circumference. Let celestial aspects admonish and advertise, not
  • conclude and determine thy ways. For since good and bad stars moralize
  • not our Actions, and neither excuse or commend, acquit or condemn our
  • Good or Bad Deeds at the present or last Bar, since some are
  • Astrologically well disposed who are morally highly vicious; not
  • Celestial Figures, but Virtuous Schemes must denominate and state our
  • Actions. If we rightly understood the Names whereby God calleth the
  • Stars, if we knew his Name for the Dog-Star, or by what appellation
  • _Jupiter_, _Mars_, and _Saturn_ obey his Will; it might be a welcome
  • accession unto Astrology, which speaks great things, and is fain to make
  • use of appellations from Greek and Barbarick Systems. Whatever
  • Influences, Impulsions, or Inclinations there be from the Lights above,
  • it were a piece of wisdom to make one of those Wise men who overrule
  • their Stars,[356] and with their own Militia contend with the Host of
  • Heaven. Unto which attempt there want not Auxiliaries from the whole
  • strength of Morality, supplies from Christian Ethicks, influences also
  • and illuminations from above, more powerfull than the Lights of Heaven.
  • [356] _Sapiens dominabitur Astris._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 8]
  • Confound not the distinctions of thy Life which Nature hath divided:
  • that is, Youth, Adolescence, Manhood, and old Age, nor in these divided
  • Periods, wherein thou art in a manner Four, conceive thyself but One.
  • Let every division be happy in its proper Virtues, nor one Vice run
  • through all. Let each distinction have its salutary transition, and
  • critically deliver thee from the imperfections of the former, so
  • ordering the whole, that Prudence and Virtue may have the largest
  • section. Do as a Child but when thou art a Child, and ride not on a Reed
  • at twenty. He who hath not taken leave of the follies of his Youth, and
  • in his maturer state scarce got out of that division, disproportionately
  • divideth his Days, crowds up the latter part of his Life, and leaves too
  • narrow a corner for the Age of Wisdom, and so hath room to be a Man
  • scarce longer than he hath been a Youth. Rather than to make this
  • confusion, anticipate the Virtues of Age, and live long without the
  • infirmities of it. So may'st thou count up thy Days as some do
  • _Adams_,[357] that is, by anticipation; so may'st thou be coetaneous
  • unto thy Elders, and a Father unto thy contemporaries.
  • [357] _Adam_ thought to be created in the State of Man, about thirty
  • years Old.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 9]
  • While others are curious in the choice of good Air, and chiefly
  • sollicitous for healthful habitations, Study thou Conversation, and be
  • critical in thy Consortion. The aspects, conjunctions, and
  • configurations of the Stars, which mutually diversify, intend, or
  • qualify their influences, are but the varieties of their nearer or
  • farther conversation with one another, and like the Consortion of Men,
  • whereby they become better or worse, and even Exchange their Natures.
  • Since men live by Examples, and will be imitating something; order thy
  • imitation to thy Improvement, not thy Ruin. Look not for Roses in
  • _Attalus_[358] His Garden, or wholesome Flowers in a venemous
  • Plantation. And since there is scarce any one bad, but some others are
  • the worse for him; tempt not Contagion by proximity, and hazard not thy
  • self in the shadow of Corruption. He who hath not early suffered this
  • Shipwrack, and in his Younger Days escaped this _Charybdis_, may make a
  • happy Voyage, and not come in with black Sails into the port. Self
  • conversation, or to be alone, is better than such Consortion. Some
  • School-men tell us, that he is properly alone, with whom in the same
  • place there is no other of the same Species. _Nabuchodonozor_ was alone,
  • though among the Beasts of the field; and a Wise Man may be tolerably
  • said to be alone though with a Rabble of People, little better than
  • Beasts about him. Unthinking Heads, who have not learn'd to be alone,
  • are in a Prison to themselves, if they be not also with others: Whereas
  • on the contrary, they whose thoughts are in a fair, and hurry within,
  • are sometimes fain to retire into Company, to be out of the crowd of
  • themselves. He who must needs have Company, must needs have sometimes
  • bad Company. Be able to be alone. Loose not the advantage of Solitude,
  • and the Society of thy self, nor be only content, but delight to be
  • alone and single with Omnipresency. He who is thus prepared, the Day is
  • not uneasy nor the Night black unto him. Darkness may bound his Eyes,
  • not his Imagination. In his Bed he may ly, like _Pompey_[359] and his
  • Sons, in all quarters of the Earth, may speculate the Universe, and
  • enjoy the whole World in the Hermitage of himself. Thus the old
  • _Ascetick_ Christians found a Paradise in a Desert, and with little
  • converse on Earth held a conversation in Heaven; thus they Astronomiz'd
  • in Caves, and though they beheld not the Stars, had the Glory of Heaven
  • before them.
  • [358] _Attalus_ made a Garden which contained only venemous plants.
  • [359] _Pompeios Juvenes Asia atque Europa, sed ipsum Terra tegit
  • Libyes._
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 10]
  • Let the Characters of good things stand indelibly in thy Mind, and thy
  • Thoughts be active on them. Trust not too much unto suggestions from
  • Reminiscential Amulets, or artificial _Memorandums_. Let the mortifying
  • _Janus_ of _Covarrubias_[360] be in thy daily Thoughts, not only on thy
  • Hand and Signets. Rely not alone upon silent and dumb remembrances.
  • Behold not Death's Heads till thou doest not see them, nor look upon
  • mortifying Objects till thou overlook'st them. Forget not how
  • assuefaction unto any thing minorates the passion from it, how constant
  • Objects loose their hints, and steal an inadvertisement upon us. There
  • is no excuse to forget what every thing prompts unto us. To thoughtful
  • Observators the whole World is a Phylactery, and every thing we see an
  • Item of the Wisdom, Power, or Goodness of God. Happy are they who verify
  • their Amulets, and make their Phylacteries speak in their Lives and
  • Actions. To run on in despight of the Revulsions and Pul-backs of such
  • Remora's aggravates our transgressions. When Death's Heads on our Hands
  • have no influence upon our Heads, and fleshless Cadavers abate not the
  • exorbitances of the Flesh; when Crucifixes upon Mens Hearts suppress not
  • their bad commotions, and his Image who was murdered for us with-holds
  • not from Blood and Murder; Phylacteries prove but formalities, and their
  • despised hints sharpen our condemnations.
  • [360] _Don Sebastian de Covarrubias_, writ 3 Centuries of moral Emblems
  • in _Spanish_. In the 88th of the second Century he sets down two
  • Faces averse, and conjoined _Janus_-like; the one a Gallant
  • Beautiful Face, the other a Death's-Head Face, with this Motto out
  • of _Ovid's Metamorphosis_, _Quid fuerim quid simque vide_.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 11]
  • Look not for _Whales_ in the _Euxine_ Sea, or expect great matters where
  • they are not to be found. Seek not for Profundity in Shallowness, or
  • Fertility in a Wilderness. Place not the expectation of great Happiness
  • here below, or think to find Heaven on Earth; wherein we must be content
  • with Embryon-felicities, and fruitions of doubtful Faces. For the Circle
  • of our felicities makes but short Arches. In every clime we are in a
  • periscian state, and with our Light our Shadow and Darkness walk about
  • us. Our Contentments stand upon the tops of Pyramids ready to fall off,
  • and the insecurity of their enjoyments abrupteth our Tranquillities.
  • What we magnify is Magnificent, but like to the _Colossus_, noble
  • without, stuft with rubbidge and coarse Metal within. Even the Sun,
  • whose Glorious outside we behold, may have dark and smoaky Entrails. In
  • vain we admire the Lustre of any thing seen: that which is truly
  • glorious is invisible. _Paradise_ was but a part of the Earth, lost not
  • only to our Fruition but our Knowledge. And if, according to old
  • Dictates, no Man can be said to be happy before Death, the happiness of
  • this Life goes for nothing before it be over, and while we think
  • ourselves happy we do but usurp that Name. Certainly true Beatitude
  • groweth not on Earth, nor hath this World in it the Expectations we have
  • of it. He Swims in Oyl, and can hardly avoid sinking, who hath such
  • light Foundations to support him. 'Tis therefore happy that we have two
  • Worlds to hold on. To enjoy true happiness we must travel into a very
  • far Countrey, and even out of our selves; for the Pearl we seek for is
  • not to be found in the _Indian_, but in the _Empyrean_ Ocean.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 12]
  • Answer not the Spur of Fury, and be not prodigal or prodigious in
  • Revenge. Make not one in the _Historia Horribilis_;[361] Flay not thy
  • Servant for a broken Glass, nor pound him in a Mortar who offendeth
  • thee; supererogate not in the worst sense, and overdo not the
  • necessities of evil; humour not the injustice of Revenge. Be not
  • Stoically mistaken in the equality of sins, nor commutatively iniquous
  • in the valuation of transgressions; but weigh them in the Scales of
  • Heaven, and by the weights of righteous Reason. Think that Revenge too
  • high, which is but level with the offence. Let thy Arrows of Revenge fly
  • short, or be aimed like those of _Jonathan_, to fall beside the mark.
  • Too many there be to whom a Dead Enemy smells well, and who find Musk
  • and Amber in Revenge. The ferity of such minds holds no rule in
  • Retaliations, requiring too often a Head for a Tooth, and the Supreme
  • revenge for trespasses which a night's rest should obliterate. But
  • patient Meekness takes injuries like Pills, not chewing but swallowing
  • them down, Laconically suffering, and silently passing them over, while
  • angered Pride makes a noise, like _Homerican Mars_[362], at every
  • scratch of offences. Since Women do most delight in Revenge, it may seem
  • but feminine manhood to be vindicative. If thou must needs have thy
  • Revenge of thine Enemy, with a soft Tongue break his Bones,[363] heap
  • Coals of Fire on his Head, forgive him, and enjoy it. To forgive our
  • Enemies is a charming way of Revenge, and a short _Cæsarian_ Conquest
  • overcoming without a blow; laying our Enemies at our Feet, under sorrow,
  • shame, and repentance; leaving our Foes our Friends, and solicitously
  • inclined to grateful Retaliations. Thus to Return upon our Adversaries
  • is a healing way of Revenge, and to do good for evil a soft and melting
  • ultion, a method Taught from Heaven to keep all smooth on Earth. Common
  • forceable ways make not an end of Evil, but leave Hatred and Malice
  • behind them. An Enemy thus reconciled is little to be trusted, as
  • wanting the foundation of Love and Charity, and but for a time
  • restrained by disadvantage or inability. If thou hast not Mercy for
  • others, yet be not Cruel unto thy self. To ruminate upon evils, to make
  • critical notes upon injuries, and be too acute in their apprehensions,
  • is to add unto our own Tortures, to feather the Arrows of our Enemies,
  • to lash our selves with the Scorpions of our Foes, and to resolve to
  • sleep no more. For injuries long dreamt on take away at last all rest;
  • and he sleeps but like _Regulus_, who busieth his Head about them.
  • [361] A Book so intitled wherein are sundry horrid accounts.
  • [362] _Tu miser exclamas, ut Stentora vincere possis,
  • Vel potius quantum Gradivus Homericus._ Juvenal.
  • [363] A soft tongue breaketh the bones. _Proverbs_ 25. 15.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 13]
  • Amuse not thyself about the Riddles of future things. Study Prophecies
  • when they are become Histories, and past hovering in their causes. Eye
  • well things past and present, and let conjectural sagacity suffice for
  • things to come. There is a sober Latitude for prescience in contingences
  • of discoverable Tempers, whereby discerning Heads see sometimes beyond
  • their Eyes, and Wise Men become Prophetical. Leave Cloudy predictions to
  • their Periods, and let appointed Seasons have the lot of their
  • accomplishments. 'Tis too early to study such Prophecies before they
  • have been long made, before some train of their causes have already
  • taken Fire, laying open in part what lay obscure and before buryed unto
  • us. For the voice of Prophecies is like that of Whispering-places: They
  • who are near or at a little distance hear nothing, those at the farthest
  • extremity will understand all. But a Retrograde cognition of times past,
  • and things which have already been, is more satisfactory than a
  • suspended Knowledge of what is yet unexistent. And the Greatest part of
  • time being already wrapt up in things behind us; it's now somewhat late
  • to bait after things before us; for futurity still shortens, and time
  • present sucks in time to come. What is Prophetical in one Age proves
  • Historical in another, and so must hold on unto the last of time; when
  • there will be no room for Prediction, when _Janus_ shall loose one Face,
  • and the long beard of time shall look like those of _David's_ Servants,
  • shorn away upon one side, and when, if the expected _Elias_ should
  • appear, he might say much of what is past, not much of what's to come.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 14]
  • Live unto the Dignity of thy Nature, and leave it not disputable at
  • last, whether thou hast been a Man, or since thou art a composition of
  • Man and Beast, how thou hast predominantly passed thy days, to state the
  • denomination. Un-man not therefore thy self by a Beastial
  • transformation, nor realize old Fables. Expose not thy self by
  • four-footed manners unto monstrous draughts, and _Caricatura_
  • representations. Think not after the old _Pythagorean_ conceit, what
  • Beast thou may'st be after death. Be not under any Brutal
  • _metempsychosis_ while thou livest, and walkest about erectly under the
  • scheme of Man. In thine own circumference, as in that of the Earth, let
  • the Rational Horizon be larger than the sensible, and the Circle of
  • Reason than of Sense. Let the Divine part be upward, and the Region of
  • Beast below. Otherwise, 'tis but to live invertedly, and with thy Head
  • unto the Heels of thy _Antipodes_. Desert not thy title to a Divine
  • particle and union with invisibles. Let true Knowledge and Virtue tell
  • the lower World thou art a part of the higher. Let thy Thoughts be of
  • things which have not entred into the Hearts of Beasts: Think of things
  • long past, and long to come: Acquaint thy self with the _Choragium_ of
  • the Stars, and consider the vast expansion beyond them. Let Intellectual
  • Tubes give thee a glance of things, which visive Organs reach not. Have
  • a glimpse of incomprehensibles, and Thoughts of things, which Thoughts
  • but tenderly touch. Lodge immaterials in thy Head: ascend unto
  • invisibles: fill thy Spirit with Spirituals, with the mysteries of
  • Faith, the magnalities of Religion, and thy Life with the Honour of God;
  • without which, though Giants in Wealth and Dignity, we are but Dwarfs
  • and Pygmies in Humanity, and may hold a pitiful rank in that triple
  • division of mankind into Heroes, Men, and Beasts. For though human Souls
  • are said to be equal, yet is there no small inequality in their
  • operations; some maintain the allowable Station of Men; many are far
  • below it; and some have been so divine, as to approach the _Apogeum_ of
  • their Natures, and to be in the _Confinium_ of Spirits.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 15]
  • Behold thy self by inward Opticks and the Crystalline of thy Soul.
  • Strange it is that in the most perfect sense there should be so many
  • fallacies, that we are fain to make a doctrine, and often to see by Art.
  • But the greatest imperfection is in our inward sight, that is, to be
  • Ghosts unto our own Eyes, and while we are so sharp sighted as to look
  • thorough others, to be invisible unto our selves; for the inward Eyes
  • are more fallacious than the outward. The Vices we scoff at in others
  • laugh at us within our selves. Avarice, Pride, Falshood lye undiscerned
  • and blindly in us, even to the Age of blindness: and therefore to see
  • our selves interiourly, we are fain to borrow other Mens Eyes; wherein
  • true Friends are good Informers, and Censurers no bad Friends.
  • Conscience only, that can see without Light, sits in the _Areopagy_ and
  • dark Tribunal of our Hearts, surveying our Thoughts and condemning their
  • obliquities. Happy is that State of Vision that can see without Light,
  • though all should look as before the Creation, when there was not an Eye
  • to see, or Light to actuate a Vision: wherein notwithstanding obscurity
  • is only imaginable respectively unto Eyes; for unto God there was none,
  • Eternal Light was ever, created Light was for the creation, not himself,
  • and as he saw before the Sun, may still also see without it. In the City
  • of the new _Jerusalem_ there is neither Sun nor Moon; where glorifyed
  • Eyes must see by the _Archetypal_ Sun, or the Light of God, able to
  • illuminate Intellectual Eyes, and make unknown Visions. Intuitive
  • perceptions in Spiritual beings may perhaps hold some Analogy unto
  • Vision: but yet how they see us, or one another, what Eye, what Light,
  • or what perception is required unto their intuition, is yet dark unto
  • our apprehension; and even how they see God, or how unto our glorified
  • Eyes the Beatifical Vision will be celebrated, another World must tell
  • us, when perceptions will be new, and we may hope to behold invisibles.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 16]
  • When all looks fair about, and thou seest not a cloud so big as a Hand
  • to threaten thee, forget not the Wheel of things: Think of sullen
  • vicissitudes, but beat not thy brains to fore-know them. Be armed
  • against such obscurities, rather by submission than fore-knowledge. The
  • Knowledge of future evils mortifies present felicities, and there is
  • more content in the uncertainty or ignorance of them. This favour our
  • Saviour vouchsafed unto _Peter_, when he fore-told not his Death in
  • plain terms, and so by an ambiguous and cloudy delivery dampt not the
  • Spirit of his Disciples. But in the assured fore-knowledge of the
  • deluge, _Noah_ lived many Years under the affliction of a Flood; and
  • _Jerusalem_ was taken unto _Jeremy_, before it was besieged. And
  • therefore the Wisdom of Astrologers, who speak of future things, hath
  • wisely softned the severity of their Doctrines; and even in their sad
  • predictions, while they tell us of inclination not coaction from the
  • Stars, they Kill us not with _Stygian_ oaths and merciless necessity,
  • but leave us hopes of evasion.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 17]
  • If thou hast the brow to endure the Name of Traytor, Perjur'd, or
  • Oppressor, yet cover thy Face when Ingratitude is thrown at thee. If
  • that degenerous Vice possess thee, hide thy self in the shadow of thy
  • shame, and pollute not noble society. Grateful Ingenuities are content
  • to be obliged within some compass of Retribution, and being depressed by
  • the weight of iterated favours may so labour under their inabilities of
  • Requital, as to abate the content from Kindnesses. But narrow self-ended
  • Souls make prescription of good Offices, and obliged by often favours
  • think others still due unto them: whereas, if they but once fail, they
  • prove so perversely ungrateful, as to make nothing of common courtesies,
  • and to bury all that's past. Such tempers pervert the generous course of
  • things; for they discourage the inclinations of noble minds, and make
  • Beneficency cool unto acts of obligation, whereby the grateful World
  • should subsist, and have their consolation. Common gratitude must be
  • kept alive by the additionary fewel of new courtesies: but generous
  • Gratitudes, though but once well obliged, without quickening repetitions
  • or expectation of new Favours, have thankful minds for ever; for they
  • write not their obligations in sandy but marble memories, which wear not
  • out but with themselves.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 18]
  • Think not Silence the wisdom of Fools, but, if rightly timed, the honour
  • of Wise Men, who have not the Infirmity, but the Virtue of Taciturnity,
  • and speak not out of the abundance, but the well weighted thoughts of
  • their Hearts. Such silence may be Eloquence, and speak thy worth above
  • the power of Words. Make such a one thy friend, in whom Princes may be
  • happy, and great Councels successful. Let him have the Key of thy Heart,
  • who hath the Lock of his own, which no Temptation can open; where thy
  • Secrets may lastingly ly, like the lamp in _Olybius_ his Urn,[364]
  • alive, and light, but close and invisible.
  • [364] Which after many hundred years was found burning under ground, and
  • went out as soon as the air came to it.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 19]
  • Let thy Oaths be sacred, and Promises be made upon the Altar of thy
  • Heart. Call not _Jove_[365] to witness with a Stone in one Hand, and a
  • Straw in another, and so make Chaff and Stubble of thy Vows. Worldly
  • Spirits, whose interest is their belief, make Cobwebs of Obligations,
  • and, if they can find ways to elude the Urn of the _Prætor_, will trust
  • the Thunderbolt of _Jupiter_: And therefore if they should as deeply
  • swear as _Osman_ to _Bethlem Gabor_:[366] yet whether they would be
  • bound by those chains, and not find ways to cut such _Gordian_ Knots, we
  • could have no just assurance. But Honest Mens Words are _Stygian_ Oaths,
  • and Promises inviolable. These are not the Men for whom the fetters of
  • Law were first forged: they needed not the solemness of Oaths; by
  • keeping their Faith they swear,[367] and evacuate such confirmations.
  • [365] _Jovem lapidem jurare._
  • [366] See the oath of _Sultan Osman_ in his life, in the addition to
  • _Knolls_ his Turkish history.
  • [367] _Colendo fidem jurant._--Curtius.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 20]
  • Though the World be Histrionical, and most Men live Ironically, yet be
  • thou what thou singly art, and personate only thy self. Swim smoothly in
  • the stream of thy Nature, and live but one Man. To single Hearts
  • doubling is discruciating: such tempers must sweat to dissemble, and
  • prove but hypocritical Hypocrites. Simulation must be short: Men do not
  • easily continue a counterfeiting Life, or dissemble unto Death. He who
  • counterfeiteth, acts a part; and is as it were out of himself: which, if
  • long, proves so irksome, that Men are glad to pull of their Vizards, and
  • resume themselves again; no practice being able to naturalize such
  • unnaturals, or make a Man rest content not to be himself. And therefore
  • since Sincerity is thy Temper, let veracity be thy Virtue in Words,
  • Manners, and Actions. To offer at iniquities, which have so little
  • foundations in thee, were to be vitious up hill, and strain for thy
  • condemnation. Persons vitiously inclined, want no Wheels to make them
  • actively vitious, as having the Elater and Spring of their own Natures
  • to facilitate their Iniquities. And therefore so many, who are
  • sinistrous unto Good Actions, are Ambi-dexterous unto bad; and _Vulcans_
  • in virtuous paths, _Achilleses_ in vitious motions.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 21]
  • Rest not in the high strain'd Paradoxes of old Philosophy supported by
  • naked Reason, and the reward of mortal Felicity, but labour in the
  • Ethicks of Faith, built upon Heavenly assistance, and the happiness of
  • both beings. Understand the Rules, but swear not unto the doctrines of
  • _Zeno_ or _Epicurus_. Look beyond _Antoninus_, and terminate not thy
  • morals in _Seneca_ or _Epictetus_. Let not the twelve, but the two
  • Tables be thy Law: Let _Pythagoras_ be thy Remembrancer, not thy
  • textuary and final Instructer; and learn the Vanity of the World rather
  • from _Solomon_ than _Phocylides_. Sleep not in the Dogma's of the
  • _Peripatus_, Academy, or _Porticus_. Be a moralist of the Mount, an
  • _Epictetus_ in the _Faith_, and christianize thy Notions.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 22]
  • In seventy or eighty years a Man may have a deep Gust of the World, Know
  • what it is, what it can afford, and what 'tis to have been a Man. Such a
  • latitude of years may hold a considerable corner in the general Map of
  • Time; and a Man may have a curt Epitome of the whole course thereof in
  • the days of his own life, may clearly see he hath but acted over his
  • Fore-fathers; what it was to live in Ages past, and what living will be
  • in all ages to come.
  • He is like to be the best judge of Time who hath lived to see about the
  • sixtieth part thereof. Persons of short times may Know what 'tis to
  • live, but not the life of Man, who, having little behind them, are but
  • _Januses_ of one face, and Know not singularities enough to raise Axioms
  • of this World: but such a compass of Years will shew new Examples of old
  • Things, Parallelisms of occurrences through the whole course of Time,
  • and nothing be monstrous unto him; who may in that time understand not
  • only the varieties of Men, but the variation of himself, and how many
  • Men he hath been in that extent of time.
  • He may have a close apprehension what it is to be forgotten, while he
  • hath lived to find none who could remember his Father, or scarce the
  • friends of his youth, and may sensibly see with what a face in no long
  • time oblivion will look upon himself. His Progeny may never be his
  • Posterity; he may go out of the World less related than he came into it;
  • and considering the frequent mortality in Friends and Relations, in such
  • a Term of Time, he may pass away divers years in sorrow and black
  • habits, and leave none to mourn for himself; Orbity may be his
  • inheritance, and Riches his Repentance.
  • In such a thred of Time, and long observation of Men, he may acquire a
  • _Physiognomical_ intuitive Knowledge, Judge the interiors by the
  • outside, and raise conjectures at first sight; and knowing what Men have
  • been, what they are, what Children probably will be, may in the present
  • Age behold a good part, and the temper of the next; and since so many
  • live by the Rules of Constitution, and so few overcome their
  • temperamental Inclinations, make no improbable predictions.
  • Such a portion of Time will afford a large prospect backward, and
  • Authentick Reflections how far he hath performed the great intention of
  • his Being, in the Honour of his Maker; whether he hath made good the
  • Principles of his Nature, and what he was made to be; what
  • Characteristick and special Mark he hath left, to be observable in his
  • Generation; whether he hath Lived to purpose or in vain, and what he
  • hath added, acted, or performed, that might considerably speak him a
  • Man.
  • In such an Age Delights will be undelightful and Pleasures grow stale
  • unto him; Antiquated Theorems will revive, and _Solomon's_ Maxims be
  • Demonstrations unto him; Hopes or presumptions be over, and despair grow
  • up of any satisfaction below. And having been long tossed in the Ocean
  • of this World, he will by that time feel the In-draught of another, unto
  • which this seems but preparatory, and without it of no high value. He
  • will experimentally find the Emptiness of all things, and the nothing of
  • what is past; and wisely grounding upon true Christian Expectations,
  • finding so much past, will wholly fix upon what is to come. He will long
  • for Perpetuity, and live as though he made haste to be happy. The last
  • may prove the prime part of his Life, and those his best days which he
  • lived nearest Heaven.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 23]
  • Live happy in the _Elizium_ of a virtuously composed Mind, and let
  • Intellectual Contents exceed the Delights wherein mere Pleasurists place
  • their Paradise. Bear not too slack reins upon Pleasure, nor let
  • complexion or contagion betray thee unto the exorbitancy of Delight.
  • Make Pleasure thy Recreation or intermissive Relaxation, not thy
  • _Diana_, Life and Profession. Voluptuousness is as insatiable as
  • Covetousness. Tranquillity is better than Jollity, and to appease pain
  • than to invent pleasure. Our hard entrance into the world, our miserable
  • going out of it, our sicknesses, disturbances, and sad Rencounters in
  • it, do clamorously tell us we come not into the World to run a Race of
  • Delight, but to perform the sober Acts and serious purposes of Man;
  • which to omit were foully to miscarry in the advantage of humanity, to
  • play away an uniterable Life, and to have lived in vain. Forget not the
  • capital end, and frustrate not the opportunity of once Living. Dream not
  • of any kind of _Metempsychosis_ or transanimation, but into thine own
  • body, and that after a long time, and then also unto wail or bliss,
  • according to thy first and fundamental Life. Upon a curricle in this
  • World depends a long course of the next, and upon a narrow Scene here an
  • endless expansion hereafter. In vain some think to have an end of their
  • Beings with their Lives. Things cannot get out of their natures, or be
  • or not be in despite of their constitutions. Rational existences in
  • Heaven perish not at all, and but partially on Earth: That which is thus
  • once will in some way be always: The first Living human Soul is still
  • alive, and all _Adam_ hath found no Period.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 24]
  • Since the Stars of Heaven do differ in Glory; since it hath pleased the
  • Almighty hand to honour the North Pole with Lights above the South;
  • since there are some Stars so bright that they can hardly be looked on,
  • some so dim that they can scarce be seen, and vast numbers not to be
  • seen at all even by Artificial Eyes; Read thou the Earth in Heaven, and
  • things below from above. Look contentedly upon the scattered difference
  • of things, and expect not equality in lustre, dignity, or perfection,
  • in Regions or Persons below; where numerous numbers must be content to
  • stand like _Lacteous_ or _Nebulous_ Stars, little taken notice of, or
  • dim in their generations. All which may be contentedly allowable in the
  • affairs and ends of this World, and in suspension unto what will be in
  • the order of things hereafter, and the new Systeme of Mankind which will
  • be in the World to come; when the last may be the first and the first
  • the last; when _Lazarus_ may sit above _Cæsar_, and the just obscure on
  • Earth shall shine like the Sun in Heaven; when personations shall cease,
  • and Histrionism of happiness be over; when Reality shall rule, and all
  • shall be as they shall be for ever.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 25]
  • When the _Stoick_ said that life would not be accepted if it were
  • offered unto such as knew it,[368] he spoke too meanly of that state of
  • being which placeth us in the form of Men. It more depreciates the value
  • of this life, that Men would not live it over again; for although they
  • would still live on, yet few or none can endure to think of being twice
  • the same Men upon Earth, and some had rather never have lived than to
  • tread over their days once more. _Cicero_ in a prosperous state had not
  • the patience to think of beginning in a cradle again. _Job_ would not
  • only curse the day of his Nativity, but also of his Renascency, if he
  • were to act over his Disasters, and the miseries of the Dunghil. But the
  • greatest under-weening of this Life is to undervalue that, unto which
  • this is but Exordial or a Passage leading unto it. The great advantage
  • of this mean life is thereby to stand in a capacity of a better; for
  • the Colonies of Heaven must be drawn from Earth, and the Sons of the
  • first _Adam_ are only heirs unto the second. Thus _Adam_ came into this
  • World with the power also of another, nor only to replenish the Earth,
  • but the everlasting Mansions of Heaven. Where we were when the
  • foundations of the earth were lay'd, when the morning Stars sang
  • together,[369] and all the Sons of God shouted for Joy, He must answer
  • who asked it; who understands Entities of preordination, and beings yet
  • unbeing; who hath in his Intellect the Ideal Existences of things, and
  • Entities before their Extances. Though it looks but like an imaginary
  • kind of existency to be before we are; yet since we are under the decree
  • or prescience of a sure and Omnipotent Power, it may be somewhat more
  • than a non-entity to be in that mind, unto which all things are present.
  • [368] _Vitam nemo acciperet si daretur scientibus._--Seneca.
  • [369] Job 38.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 26]
  • If the end of the World shall have the same foregoing Signs, as the
  • period of Empires, States, and Dominions in it, that is, Corruption of
  • Manners, inhuman degenerations, and deluge of iniquities; it may be
  • doubted whether that final time be so far of, of whose day and hour
  • there can be no prescience. But while all men doubt, and none can
  • determine how long the World shall last, some may wonder that it hath
  • spun out so long and unto our days. For if the Almighty had not
  • determin'd a fixed duration unto it, according to his mighty and
  • merciful designments in it, if he had not said unto it, as he did unto a
  • part of it, hitherto shalt thou go and no farther; if we consider the
  • incessant and cutting provocations from the Earth, it is not without
  • amazement how his patience hath permitted so long a continuance unto
  • it, how he, who cursed the Earth in the first days of the first Man, and
  • drowned it in the tenth Generation after, should thus lastingly contend
  • with Flesh and yet defer the last flames. For since he is sharply
  • provoked every moment, yet punisheth to pardon, and forgives to forgive
  • again; what patience could be content to act over such vicissitudes, or
  • accept of repentances which must have after penitences, his goodness can
  • only tell us. And surely if the patience of Heaven were not
  • proportionable unto the provocations from Earth; there needed an
  • Intercessor not only for the sins, but the duration of this World, and
  • to lead it up unto the present computation. Without such a merciful
  • Longanimity, the Heavens would never be so aged as to grow old like a
  • Garment; it were in vain to infer from the Doctrine of the Sphere, that
  • the time might come when _Capella_, a noble Northern Star, would have
  • its motion in the _Æquator_, that the Northern _Zodiacal_ Signs would at
  • length be the Southern, the Southern the Northern, and _Capricorn_
  • become our _Cancer_. However therefore the Wisdom of the Creator hath
  • ordered the duration of the World, yet since the end thereof brings the
  • accomplishment of our happiness, since some would be content that it
  • should have no end, since Evil Men and Spirits do fear it may be too
  • short, since Good Men hope it may not be too long; the prayer of the
  • Saints under the Altar will be the supplication of the Righteous World.
  • That his mercy would abridge their languishing Expectation and hasten
  • the accomplishment of their happy state to come.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 27]
  • Though Good Men are often taken away from the Evil to come, though some
  • in evil days have been glad that they were old, nor long to behold the
  • iniquities of a wicked World, or Judgments threatened by them; yet is it
  • no small satisfaction unto honest minds to leave the World in virtuous
  • well temper'd times, under a prospect of good to come, and continuation
  • of worthy ways acceptable unto God and Man. Men who dye in deplorable
  • days, which they regretfully behold, have not their Eyes closed with the
  • like content; while they cannot avoid the thoughts of proceeding or
  • growing enormities, displeasing unto that Spirit unto whom they are then
  • going, whose honour they desire in all times and throughout all
  • generations. If _Lucifer_ could be freed from his dismal place, he would
  • little care though the rest were left behind. Too many there may be of
  • _Nero's_ mind, who, if their own turn were served, would not regard what
  • became of others, and, when they dye themselves, care not if all perish.
  • But good Mens wishes extend beyond their lives, for the happiness of
  • times to come, and never to be known unto them. And therefore while so
  • many question prayers for the dead, they charitably pray for those who
  • are not yet alive; they are not so enviously ambitious to go to Heaven
  • by themselves: they cannot but humbly wish, that the little Flock might
  • be greater, the narrow Gate wider, and that, as many are called, so not
  • a few might be chosen.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 28]
  • That a greater number of Angels remained in Heaven, than fell from it,
  • the School-men will tell us; that the number of blessed Souls will not
  • come short of that vast number of fallen Spirits, we have the favorable
  • calculation of others. What Age or Century hath sent most Souls unto
  • Heaven, he can tell who vouchsafeth that honour unto them. Though the
  • Number of the blessed must be compleat before the World can pass away,
  • yet since the World it self seems in the wane, and we have no such
  • comfortable prognosticks of Latter times, since a greater part of time
  • is spun than is to come, and the blessed Roll already much replenished;
  • happy are those pieties, which solicitously look about, and hasten to
  • make one of that already much filled and abbreviated List to come.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 29]
  • Think not thy time short in this World since the World it self is not
  • long. The created World is but a small _Parenthesis_ in Eternity; and a
  • short interposition for a time between such a state of duration, as was
  • before it and may be after it. And if we should allow of the old
  • Tradition that the world should last Six Thousand years, it could scarce
  • have the name of old, since the first Man lived near a sixth part
  • thereof, and seven _Methusela's_ would exceed its whole duration.
  • However, to palliate the shortness of our Lives, and somewhat to
  • compensate our brief term in this World, it's good to know as much as we
  • can of it; and also, so far as possibly in us lieth, to hold such a
  • _Theory_ of times past, as though we had seen the same. He who hath thus
  • considered the World, as also how therein things long past have been
  • answered by things present, how matters in one Age have been acted over
  • in another, and how there is nothing new under the Sun, may conceive
  • himself in some manner to have lived from the beginning, and to be as
  • old as the World; and if he should still live on 'twould be but the same
  • thing.
  • [Sidenote: SECT. 30]
  • Lastly, if length of Days be thy Portion, make it not thy Expectation.
  • Reckon not upon long Life: think every day the last, and live always
  • beyond thy account. He that so often surviveth his Expectation lives
  • many Lives, and will scarce complain of the shortness of his days. Time
  • past is gone like a Shadow; make time to come present. Approximate thy
  • latter times by present apprehensions of them: be like a neighbour unto
  • the Grave, and think there is but little to come. And since there is
  • something of us that will still live on, join both lives together, and
  • live in one but for the other. He who thus ordereth the purposes of this
  • Life will never be far from the next, and is in some manner already in
  • it, by a happy conformity, and close apprehension of it. And if, as we
  • have elsewhere declared, any have been so happy as personally to
  • understand Christian Annihilation, Extasy, Exolution, Transformation,
  • the Kiss of the Spouse, and Ingression into the Divine Shadow, according
  • to Mystical Theology, they have already had an handsome Anticipation of
  • Heaven; the World is in a manner over, and the Earth in Ashes unto them.
  • NOTES ON CERTAIN BIRDS
  • AND FISHES FOUND IN
  • NORFOLK
  • NOTES ON CERTAIN BIRDS FOUND IN NORFOLK.
  • I willingly obey your commands in setting down such birds fishes and
  • other animals which for many years I have observed in Norfolk.
  • Beside the ordinarie birds which keep constantly in the country many are
  • discouerable both in winter and summer which are of a migrant nature and
  • exchange their seats according to the season. Those which come in the
  • spring coming for the most part from the southward those which come in
  • the Autumn or winter from the northward. So that they are obserued to
  • come in great flocks with a north east wind and to depart with a south
  • west. Nor to come only in flocks of one kind butt teals woodcocks
  • felfars thrushes and small birds to come and light together, for the
  • most part some hawkes and birds of pray attending them.
  • The great and noble kind of Agle calld Aquila Gesneri I have not seen in
  • this country but one I met with in this country brought from Ireland
  • which I kept 2 yeares, feeding it with whelpes cattes ratts and the
  • like, in all that while not giving it any water which I afterwards
  • presented unto my worthy friend Dr Scarburgh.
  • Of other sorts of Agles there are severall kinds especially of the
  • Halyætus or fenne Agles some of 3 yards and a quarter from the
  • extremitie of the wings, whereof one being taken aliue grewe so tame
  • that it went about the yard feeding on fish redherrings flesh and any
  • offells without the least trouble.
  • There is also a lesser sort of Agle called an ospray which houers about
  • the fennes and broads and will dippe his claws and take up a fish
  • oftimes for which his foote is made of an extraordinarie roughnesse for
  • the better fastening and holding of it and the like they will do unto
  • cootes.
  • Aldrovandus takes particular notice of the great number of Kites about
  • London and about the Thames. Wee are not without them heare though not
  • in such numbers. There are also the gray and bald Buzzard of all which
  • the great number of broad waters and warrens makes no small number and
  • more than in woodland counties.
  • Cranes are often seen here in hard winters especially about the champian
  • and feildie part it seems they have been more plentifull for in a bill
  • of fare when the maior entertaind the duke of norfolk I meet with
  • Cranes in a dish.
  • In hard winters elkes a kind of wild swan are seen in no small numbers,
  • in whom and not in common swans is remarkable that strange recurvation
  • of the windpipe through the sternon, and the same is also obseruable in
  • cranes. Tis probable they come very farre for all the northern
  • discouerers have obserued them in the remotest parts and like diuers
  • other northern birds if the winter bee mild they commonly come no
  • further southward then Scotland; if very hard they go lower and seeke
  • more southern places. Which is the cause that sometimes wee see them not
  • before christmas or the hardest time of winter.
  • A white large and strong billd fowle called a Ganet which seemes to bee
  • the greater sort of Larus, whereof I met with one kild by a greyhound
  • neere Swaffam another in marshland while it fought and would not bee
  • forced to take wing, another intangled in an herring net which taken
  • aliue was fed with herrings for a while. It may be named Larus maior
  • Leucophæopterus as being white and the top of the wings browne.
  • In hard winters I have also met with that large and strong billd fowle
  • which Clusius describeth by the name of Skua Hoyeri sent him from the
  • Faro Island by Hoierus a physitian, one whereof was shot at Hickling
  • while 2 thereof were feeding upon a dead horse.
  • As also that large and strong billd fowle spotted like a starling which
  • Clusius nameth Mergus maior farrœnsis as frequently the Faro islands
  • seated above Shetland, one whereof I sent unto my worthy friend Dr
  • Scarburgh.
  • Here is also the pica marina or seapye, many sorts of Lari, seamewes and
  • cobs; the Larus maior in great abundance in herring time about Yarmouth.
  • Larus alba or puets in such plentie about Horsey that they sometimes
  • bring them in carts to Norwich and sell them at small rates, and the
  • country people make use of their egges in puddings and otherwise. Great
  • plentie thereof haue bred about Scoulton meere, and from thence sent to
  • London.
  • Larus cinereus greater and smaller, butt a coars meat; commonly called
  • sternes.
  • Hirundo marina or sea swallowe a neat white and forked tayle bird butt
  • longer then a swallowe.
  • The ciconia or stork I have seen in the fennes and some haue been shot
  • in the marshes between this and Yarmouth.
  • The platea or shouelard, which build upon the topps of high trees. They
  • haue formerly built in the Hernerie at Claxton and Reedham now at
  • Trimley in Suffolk. They come in March and are shot by fowlers not for
  • their meat butt the handsomenesse of the same, remarkable in their white
  • colour copped crowne and spoone or spatule like bill.
  • Corvus marinus, cormorants, building at Reedham upon trees from whence
  • King Charles the first was wont to bee supplyed. Beside the Rock
  • cormorant which breedeth in the rocks in northerne countries and cometh
  • to us in the winter, somewhat differing from the other in largenesse and
  • whitenesse under the wings.
  • A sea fowl called a shearwater, somewhat billed like a cormorant butt
  • much lesser a strong and feirce fowle houering about shipps when they
  • cleanse their fish. 2 were kept 6 weekes cramming them with fish which
  • they would not feed on of themselues. The seamen told mee they had kept
  • them 3 weekes without meat, and I giuing ouer to feed them found they
  • liued 16 dayes without taking any thing.
  • Barnacles Brants Branta are common sheldrakes sheledracus jonstoni.
  • Barganders a noble coloured fowle vulpanser which breed in cunny
  • burrowes about Norrold and other places.
  • Wild geese Anser ferus.
  • Scoch goose Anser scoticus.
  • Goshander. merganser.
  • Mergus acutirostris speciosus or Loone an handsome and specious fowle
  • cristated and with diuided finne feet placed very backward and after the
  • manner of all such which the Duch call Arsvoote. They haue a peculiar
  • formation in the leggebone which hath a long and sharpe processe
  • extending aboue the thigh bone. They come about April and breed in the
  • broad waters so making their nest on the water that their egges are
  • seldom drye while they are sett on.
  • Mergus acutarostris cinereus which seemeth to bee a difference of the
  • former.
  • Mergus minor the smaller diuers or dabchicks in riuers and broade
  • waters.
  • Mergus serratus the saw billd diuer bigger and longer than a duck
  • distinguished from other diuers by a notable sawe bill to retaine its
  • slipperie pray as liuing much upon eeles whereof we haue seldome fayled
  • to find some in their bellies.
  • Diuers other sorts of diuefowle more remarkable the mustela fusca and
  • mustela variegata the graye dunne and the variegated or partie coloured
  • wesell so called from the resemblance it beareth vnto a wesell in the
  • head.
  • Many sorts of wild ducks which passe under names well knowne unto the
  • fowlers though of no great signification as smee widgeon Arts ankers
  • noblets.
  • The most remarkable are Anas platyrinchos a remarkably broad bild duck.
  • And the sea phaysant holding some resemblance unto that bird in some
  • fethers in the tayle.
  • Teale Querquedula, wherein scarce any place more abounding, the
  • condition of the country and the very many decoys especially between
  • Norwich and the sea making this place very much to abound in wild fowle.
  • Fulicæ cottæ cootes in very great flocks upon the broad waters. Upon the
  • appearance of a Kite or buzzard I have seen them vnite from all parts of
  • the shoare in strange numbers when if the Kite stoopes neare them they
  • will fling up spred such a flash of water up with there wings that they
  • will endanger the Kite, and so keepe him of agayne and agayne in open
  • opposition, and an handsome prouision they make about their nest agaynst
  • the same bird of praye by bending and twining the rushes and reedes so
  • about them that they cannot stoope at their yong ones or the damme while
  • she setteth.
  • Gallinula aquatica more hens.
  • And a kind of Ralla aquatica or water Rayle.
  • An onocrotalus or pelican shott upon Horsey fenne 1663 May 22 which
  • stuffed and cleansed I yet retaine. It was 3 yards and half between the
  • extremities of the wings the chowle and beake answering the vsuall
  • description the extremities of the wings for a spanne deepe browne the
  • rest of the body white, a fowle which none could remember upon this
  • coast. About the same time I heard one of the kings pellicans was lost
  • at St James', perhaps this might bee the same.
  • Anas Arctica clusii which though hee placeth about the Faro Islands is
  • the same wee call a puffin common about Anglisea in Wales and sometimes
  • taken upon our seas not sufficiently described by the name of puffinus
  • the bill being so remarkably differing from other ducks and not
  • horizontally butt meridionally formed to feed in the clefts of the rocks
  • of insecks, shell-fish and others.
  • The great number of riuers riuulets and plashes of water makes hernes
  • and herneries to abound in these parts, yong hensies being esteemed a
  • festiuall dish and much desired by some palates.
  • The Ardea stellaris botaurus, or bitour is also common and esteemed the
  • better dish. In the belly of one I found a frog in an hard frost at
  • christmas. another I kept in a garden 2 yeares feeding it with fish mice
  • and frogges, in defect whereof making a scrape for sparrowes and small
  • birds, the bitour made shifft to maintaine herself upon them.
  • Bistardæ or Bustards are not vnfrequent in the champain and feildie part
  • of this country a large Bird accounted a dayntie dish, obseruable in the
  • strength of the brest bone and short heele layes an egge much larger
  • then a Turkey.
  • Morinellus or Dotterell about Thetford and the champain which comes vnto
  • us in September and March staying not long, and is an excellent dish.
  • There is also a sea dotterell somewhat lesse butt better coloured then
  • the former.
  • Godwyts taken chiefly in marshland, though other parts not without them
  • accounted the dayntiest dish in England and I think for the bignesse, of
  • the biggest price.
  • Gnats or Knots a small bird which taken with netts grow excessively
  • fatt. If being mewed and fed with corne a candle lighted in the roome
  • they feed day and night, and when they are at their hight of fattnesse
  • they beginne to grow lame and are then killed or as at their prime and
  • apt to decline.
  • Erythropus or Redshanck a bird common in the marshes and of common food
  • butt no dayntie dish.
  • A may chitt a small dark gray bird litle bigger then a stint of fatnesse
  • beyond any. It comes in May into marshland and other parts and abides
  • not aboue a moneth or 6 weekes.
  • Another small bird somewhat larger than a stint called a churre and is
  • commonly taken amongst them.
  • Stints in great numbers about the seashore and marshes about Stifkey
  • Burnham and other parts.
  • Pluuialis or plouer green and graye in great plentie about Thetford and
  • many other heaths. They breed not with us butt in some parts of
  • Scotland, and plentifully in Island [Iceland].
  • The lapwing or vannellus common ouer all the heaths.
  • Cuccowes of 2 sorts the one farre exceeding the other in bignesse. Some
  • have attempted to keepe them in warme roomes all the winter butt it hath
  • not succeeded. In their migration they range very farre northward for in
  • the summer they are to bee found as high as Island.
  • Avis pugnax. Ruffes a marsh bird of the greatest varietie of colours
  • euery one therein somewhat varying from other. The female is called a
  • Reeve without any ruffe about the neck, lesser then the other and hardly
  • to bee got. They are almost all cocks and putt together fight and
  • destroy each other, and prepare themselues to fight like cocks though
  • they seeme to haue no other offensive part butt the bill. They loose
  • theire Ruffes about the Autumne or beginning of winter as wee haue
  • obserued keeping them in a garden from may till the next spring. They
  • most abound in Marshland butt are also in good number in the marshes
  • between Norwich and Yarmouth.
  • Of picus martius or woodspeck many kinds. The green the Red the
  • Leucomelanus or neatly marked black and white and the cinereus or dunne
  • calld little [bird calld] a nuthack, remarkable in the larger are the
  • hardnesse of the bill and skull and the long nerues which tend vnto the
  • tongue whereby it strecheth out the tongue aboue an inch out of the
  • mouth and so licks up insecks. They make the holes in trees without any
  • consideration of the winds or quarters of heauen butt as the rottenesse
  • thereof best affordeth conuenience.
  • Black heron black on both sides the bottom of the neck white gray on the
  • outside spotted all along with black on the inside a black coppe of
  • small feathers some a spanne long, bill poynted and yallowe 3 inches
  • long.
  • Back heron coloured intermixed with long white fethers.
  • The flying fethers black.
  • The brest black and white most black.
  • The legges and feet not green but an ordinarie dark cork colour.
  • The number of riuulets becks and streames whose banks are beset with
  • willowes and Alders which giue occasion of easier fishing and slooping
  • to the water makes that handsome coulered bird abound which is calld
  • Alcedo Ispida or the King fisher. They bild in holes about grauell pitts
  • wherein is to bee found great quantitie of small fish bones. and lay
  • very handsome round and as it were polished egges.
  • An Hobby bird so calld becaus it comes in ether with or a litle before
  • the Hobbies in the spring, of the bignesse of a Thrush coloured and
  • paned like an hawke maruellously subiet to the vertigo and are
  • sometimes taken in those fitts.
  • Upupa or Hoopebird so named from its note a gallant marked bird which I
  • have often seen and tis not hard to shoote them.
  • Ringlestones a small white and black bird like a wagtayle and seemes to
  • bee some kind of motacilla marina common about Yarmouth sands. They lay
  • their egges in the sand and shingle about June and as the eryngo diggers
  • tell mee not sett them flat butt upright like egges in salt.
  • The Arcuata or curlewe frequent about the sea coast.
  • There is also an handsome tall bird Remarkably eyed and with a bill not
  • aboue 2 inches long commonly calld a stone curlewe butt the note thereof
  • more resembleth that of a green plouer and breeds about Thetford about
  • the stones and shingle of the Riuers.
  • Auoseta calld shoohinghorne a tall black and white bird with a bill
  • semicircularly reclining or bowed upward so that it is not easie to
  • conceiue how it can feed answerable vnto the Auoseta Italorum in
  • Aldrovandus a summer marsh bird and not unfrequent in Marshland.
  • A yarwhelp so thought to bee named from its note a gray bird
  • intermingled with some whitish fethers somewhat long legged and the bill
  • about an inch and half. Esteemed a dayntie dish.
  • Loxias or curuirostra a bird a litle bigger than a Thrush of fine
  • colours and prittie note differently from other birds, the upper and
  • lower bill crossing each other, of a very tame nature, comes about the
  • beginning of summer. I have known them kept in cages butt not to outliue
  • the winter.
  • A kind of coccothraustes calld a coble bird bigger than a Thrush,
  • finely coloured and shaped like a Bunting it is chiefly seen in sum̄er
  • about cherrie time.
  • A small bird of prey calld a birdcatcher about the bignesse of a Thrush
  • and linnet coloured with a longish white bill and sharpe of a very
  • feirce and wild nature though kept in a cage and fed with flesh. A kind
  • of Lanius.
  • A Dorhawke or kind of Accipiter muscarius conceiued to haue its name
  • from feeding upon flies and beetles, of a woodcock colour but paned like
  • an Hawke a very litle poynted bill, large throat, breedeth with us and
  • layes a maruellous handsome spotted egge. Though I haue opened many I
  • could neuer find anything considerable in their mawes. Caprimulgus.
  • Auis Trogloditica or Chock a small bird mixed of black and white and
  • breeding in cony borrouges whereof the warrens are full from April to
  • September, at which time they leaue the country. They are taken with an
  • Hobby and a net and are a very good dish.
  • Spermologus. Rookes which by reason of the great quantitie of corn
  • feilds and Rooke groues are in great plentie the yong ones are commonly
  • eaten sometimes sold in Norwich market and many are killd for their
  • Liuers in order to cure of the Rickets.
  • Crowes as euerywhere and also the coruus variegatus or pyed crowe with
  • dunne and black interchangeably, they come in the winter and depart in
  • the summer and seeme to bee the same which Clusius discribeth in the
  • Faro Islands from whence perhaps these come, and I have seen them very
  • common in Ireland, butt not known in many parts of England.
  • Coruus maior Rauens in good plentie about the citty which makes so few
  • Kites to bee seen hereabout, they build in woods very early and lay
  • egges in Februarie.
  • Among the many monedulas or Jackdawes I could neuer in these parts
  • obserue the pyrrhocorax or cornish chough with red leggs and bill to bee
  • commonly seen in Cornwall, and though there bee heere very great store
  • of partridges yet the french Red legged partridge is not to bee met
  • with. The Ralla or Rayle wee haue counted a dayntie dish, as also no
  • small number of Quayles. The Heathpoult common in the north is vnknown
  • heere as also the Grous, though I haue heard some haue been seen about
  • Lynne. The calandrier or great great crested lark Galerita I haue not
  • met with heere though with 3 other sorts of Larkes the ground lark
  • woodlark and titlark.
  • Stares or starlings in great numbers, most remarkable in their numerous
  • flocks which I haue obserued about the Autumne when they roost at night
  • in the marshes in safe places upon reeds and alders, which to obserue I
  • went to the marshes about sunne set, where standing by their vsuall
  • place of resort I obserued very many flocks flying from all quarters,
  • which in lesse than an howers space came all in and settled in
  • innumerable numbers in a small compasse.
  • Great varietie of finches and other small birds whereof one very small
  • calld a whinne bird marked with fine yellow spotts and lesser than a
  • wren. There is also a small bird called a chipper somewhat resembling
  • the former which comes in the spring and feeds upon the first buddings
  • of birches and other early trees.
  • A kind of Anthus Goldfinch or fooles coat commonly calld a drawe water,
  • finely marked with red and yellowe and a white bill, which they take
  • with trap cages in Norwich gardens and fastning a chaine about them
  • tyed to a box of water it makes a shift with bill and legge to draw up
  • the water unto it from the litle pot hanging by the chaine about a foote
  • belowe.
  • On the xiiii of May 1664 a very rare bird was sent mee kild about
  • Crostwick which seemed to bee some kind of Jay. The bill was black
  • strong and bigger then a Jayes somewhat yellowe clawes tippd black, 3
  • before and one clawe behind the whole bird not so bigge as a Jaye.
  • The head neck and throat of a violet colour the back upper parts of the
  • wing of a russet yellowe the fore and part of the wing azure succeeded
  • downward by a greenish blewe then on the flying feathers bright blewe
  • the lower parts of the wing outwardly of a browne inwardly of a merry
  • blewe the belly a light faynt blewe the back toward the tayle of a
  • purple blewe the tayle eleuen fethers of a greenish coulour the
  • extremities of the outward fethers thereof white wth an eye of greene.
  • Garrulus Argentoratensis.
  • NOTES ON CERTAIN FISHES AND MARINE ANIMALS FOUND IN NORFOLK.
  • It may well seeme no easie matter to giue any considerable account of
  • fishes and animals of the sea wherein tis sayd that there are things
  • creeping innumerable both small and great beasts because they liue in an
  • element wherein they are not so easely discouerable. Notwithstanding
  • probable it is that after this long nauigation search of the ocean bayes
  • creeks Estuaries and riuers there is scarce any fish butt hath been seen
  • by some man, for the large and breathing sort thereof do sometimes
  • discouer themselues aboue water and the other are in such numbers that
  • some at one time or other they are discouered and taken, euen the most
  • barbarous nations being much addicted to fishing: and in America and the
  • new discouered world the people were well acquantd with fishes of sea
  • and rivers, and the fishes thereof haue been since described by
  • industrious writers.
  • Pliny seemes to short in the estimate of their number in the ocean, who
  • recons up butt one hundred and seventie six species; butt the seas being
  • now farther known and searched Bellonius much enlargeth, and in his
  • booke of Birds thus deliuereth himself allthough I think it impossible
  • to reduce the same vnto a certain number yet I may freelie say that tis
  • beyond the power of man to find out more than fiue hundred sorts of
  • fishes, three hundred sorts of birds, more than three hundred sorts of
  • fourfoted animalls and fortie diversities of serpents.
  • Of fishes sometimes the larger sort are taken or come ashoar. A
  • spermaceti whale of 62 foote long neere Welles, another of the same kind
  • 20 yeares before at Hunstanton, and not farre of 8 or nine came ashoare
  • and 2 had yong ones after they were forsaken by ye water.
  • A grampus aboue 16 foot long taken at Yarmouth 4 yeares agoe.
  • The Tursio or porpose is common, the Dolphin more rare though sometimes
  • taken which many confound with the porpose, butt it hath a more waued
  • line along the skinne sharper toward ye tayle the head longer and nose
  • more extended which maketh good the figure of Rondeletius; the flesh
  • more red and well cooked of very good taste to most palates and
  • exceedeth that of porpose.
  • The vitulus marinus seacalf or seale which is often taken sleeping on
  • the shoare. 5 yeares agoe one was shot in the riuer of Norwich about
  • Surlingham ferry having continued in the riuer for diuers moneths before
  • being an Amphibious animal it may bee caryed about aliue and kept long
  • if it can bee brought to feed. Some haue been kept many moneths in
  • ponds. The pizzell the bladder the cartilago ensiformis the figure of
  • the Throttle the clusterd and racemous forme of the kidneys the flat and
  • compressed heart are remarkable in it. In stomaks of all that I have
  • opened I have found many wormes.
  • I haue also obserued a scolopendra cetacea of about ten foot long
  • answering to the figure in Rondeletius which the mariners told me was
  • taken in these seas.
  • A pristes or serra saw fish taken about Lynne commonly mistaken for a
  • sword fish and answers the figure in Rondeletius.
  • A sword fish or Xiphias or Gladius intangled in the Herring netts at
  • Yarmouth agreable unto the Icon in Johnstonus with a smooth sword not
  • vnlike the Gladius of Rondeletius about a yard and half long, no teeth,
  • eyes very remarkable enclosed in an hard cartilaginous couercle about ye
  • bignesse of a good apple. ye vitreous humor plentifull the crystalline
  • larger then a nutmegge remaining cleare sweet and vntainted when the
  • rest of the eye was vnder a deepe corruption wch wee kept clear and
  • limpid many moneths vntill an hard frost split it and manifested the
  • foliations thereof.
  • It is not vnusuall to take seuerall sorts of canis or doggefishes great
  • and small which pursue the shoale of herrings and other fish, butt this
  • yeare 1662 one was taken intangled in the Herring netts about 9 foot in
  • length, answering the last figure of Johnstonus lib 7 vnder the name of
  • _canis carcherias alter_ and was by the teeth and 5 gills one kind of
  • shark particularly remarkable in the vastnesse of the optick nerves and
  • 3 conicall hard pillars which supported the extraordinarie elevated nose
  • which wee haue reserued with the scull; the seamen called this kind a
  • scrape.
  • Sturio or Sturgeon so common on the other side of the sea about the
  • mouth of the Elbe come seldome into our creekes though some haue been
  • taken at Yarmouth and more in the great Owse by Lynne butt their heads
  • not so sharpe as represented in the Icons of Rondeletius and Johnstonus.
  • Sometimes wee meet with a mola or moonefish so called from some
  • resemblance it hath of a crescent in the extreme part of the body from
  • one finne unto another one being taken neere the shoare at Yarmouth
  • before breake of day seemed to shiuer and grunt like an hogge as Authors
  • deliuer of it, the flesh being hard and neruous it is not like to afford
  • a good dish butt from the Liuer which is large white and tender somewhat
  • may bee expected; the gills of these fishes wee found thick beset with a
  • kind of sea-lowse. In the yeare 1667 a mola was taken at Monsley which
  • weighed 2 hundred pound.
  • The Rana piscatrix or frogge fish is sometimes found in a very large
  • magnitude and wee haue taken the care to haue them clend and stuffed,
  • wherein wee obserued all the appendices whereby they cach fishes butt
  • much larger then are discribed in the Icons of Johnstonus tab xi fig 8.
  • The sea wolf or Lupus nostras of Schoneueldus remarkable for its spotted
  • skinne and notable teeth incisors Dogteeth and grinders the dogteeth
  • both in the jawes and palate scarce answerable by any fish of that bulk
  • for the like disposure strength and soliditie.
  • Mustela marina called by some a wesell ling which salted and dryed
  • becomes a good Lenten dish.
  • A Lump or Lumpus Anglorum so named by Aldrouandus by some esteemed a
  • festiuall dish though it affordeth butt a glutinous jellie and the
  • skinne is beset with stony knobs after no certaine order. Ours most
  • answereth the first figure in the xiii table of Johnstonus butt seemes
  • more round and arcuated then that figure makes it.
  • Before the herrings there commonly cometh a fish about a foot long by
  • the fishman called an horse resembling in all poynts the Trachurus of
  • Rondeletius of a mixed shape between a mackerell and an herring,
  • obseruable from its greene eyes rarely skye colored back after it is
  • kept a day, and an oblique bony line running on ye outside from the
  • gills vnto ye tayle. A drye and hard dish butt makes an handsome
  • picture.
  • The Rubelliones or Rochets butt thinly met with on this coast, the
  • gornart cuculus or Lyræ species more often which they seldome eat butt
  • bending the back and spredding the finnes into a liuely posture do hang
  • up in their howses.
  • Beside the common mullus or mullet there is another not vnfrequent which
  • some call a cunny fish butt rather a red muellett of a flosculous redde
  • and somewhat rough on the scales answering the discription of Icon of
  • Rondeletius vnder the name of mullus ruber asper butt not the tast of
  • the vsually knowne mullet as affording butt a drye and leane bitt.
  • Seuerall sorts of fishes there are which do or may beare the names of
  • seawoodcocks as the Acus maior scolopax and saurus. The saurus wee
  • sometimes meet with yonge. Rondeletius confesseth it a very rare fish
  • somewhat resembling the Acus or needlefish before and a makerell
  • behind. Wee have kept one dryed many yeares agoe.
  • The Acus maior calld by some a garfish and greenback answering the
  • figure of Rondeletius under the name of Acus prima species remarkable
  • for its quadrangular figure and verdigreece green back bone.
  • A lesser sort of Acus maior or primæ specæei wee meet with much shorter
  • then the common garfish and in taking out the spine wee found it not
  • green as in the greater and much answering the saurus of Rondeletius.
  • A scolopax or sea woodcock of Rondeletius was giuen mee by a seaman of
  • these seas, about 3 inches long and seemes to bee one kind of Acus or
  • needlefish answering the discription of Rondeletius.
  • The Acus of Aristotle lesser thinner corticated and sexangular by diuers
  • calld an addercock and somewhat resembling a snake ours more plainly
  • finned then Rondeletius discribeth it.
  • A little corticated fish about 3 or 4 inches long, ours answering that
  • which is named piscis octangularis by Wormius, cataphractus by
  • Schoneueldeus; octagonius versus caput, versus caudam hexagonius.
  • The faber marinus sometimes found very large answering the figure of
  • Rondeletius, which though hee mentioneth as a rare fish and to be found
  • in the Atlantick and Gaditane ocean yet wee often meet with it in these
  • seas commonly calld a peterfish hauing one black spot on ether side the
  • body conceued the perpetuall signature from the impression of St Peters
  • fingers or to resemble the 2 peeces of money which St Peter tooke out of
  • this fish remarkable also from its disproportionable mouth and many hard
  • prickles about other parts.
  • A kind of scorpius marinus a rough prickly and monstrous headed fish 6 8
  • or 12 inches long answerable vnto the figure of Schoneueldeus.
  • A sting fish wiuer or kind of ophidion or Araneus slender, narrowe
  • headed about 4 inches long with a sharpe small prickly finne along the
  • back which often venemouslv pricketh the hands of fishermen.
  • Aphia cobites marina or sea Loche.
  • Blennus a sea millars thumb.
  • Funduli marini sea gogions.
  • Alosæ or chads to bee met with about Lynne.
  • Spinachus or smelt in greatest plentie about Lynne butt where they haue
  • also a small fish calld a primme answering in tast and shape a smelt and
  • perhaps are butt the yonger sort thereof.
  • Aselli or cods of seuerall sorts. Asellus albus or whitings in great
  • plentie. Asellus niger carbonarius or coale fish. Asellus minor
  • Schoneueldei, callarias Pliny, or Haydocks with many more also a weed
  • fish somewhat like an haydock butt larger and dryer meat. A Basse also
  • much resembling a flatter kind of Cod.
  • Scombri are makerells in greate plentie a dish much desired butt if as
  • Rondeletius affirmeth they feed upon sea starres and squalders there may
  • bee some doubt whether their flesh bee without some ill qualitie.
  • Sometimes they are of a very large size and one was taken this yeare
  • 1668 which was by measure an ell long and of the length of a good
  • salmon, at Lestoffe.
  • Herrings departed sprats or sardæ not long after succeed in great
  • plentie which are taken with smaller nets and smoakd and dryed like
  • herrings become a sapid bitt and vendible abroad.
  • Among these are found Bleakes or bliccæ a thinne herring like fishe
  • which some will also think to bee young herrings. And though the sea
  • aboundeth not with pilchards, yet they are commonly taken among
  • herrings, butt few esteeme thereof or eat them.
  • Congers are not so common on these coasts as on many seas about England,
  • butt are often found upon the north coast of Norfolk, and in frostie
  • wether left in pulks and plashes upon the ebbe of the sea.
  • The sand eels Anglorum of Aldrouandus, or Tobianus of Schoneueldeus
  • commonly called smoulds taken out of the sea sands with forks and rakes
  • about Blakeney and Burnham a small round slender fish about 3 or 4
  • inches long as bigge as a small Tobacco pipe a very dayntie dish.
  • Pungitius marinus or sea bausticle hauing a prickle one each side the
  • smallest fish of the sea about an inch long sometimes drawne ashoare
  • with netts together with weeds and pargaments of the sea.
  • Many sorts of flat fishes. The pastinaca oxyrinchus with a long and
  • strong aculeus in the tayle conceued of speciall venome and virtues.
  • Severall sorts of Raia's skates and Thornebacks the Raia clauata
  • oxyrinchus, raia oculata, aspera, spinosa fullonica.
  • The great Rhombus or Turbot aculeatus and leuis.
  • The passer or place.
  • Butts of various kinds.
  • The passer squamosus Bret Bretcock and skulls comparable in taste and
  • delicacy vnto the soale.
  • The Buglossus solea or soale plana and oculata as also the Lingula or
  • small soale all in very great plentie.
  • Sometimes a fish aboue half a yard long like a butt or soale called
  • asprage which I haue known taken about Cromer.
  • Sepia or cuttle fish and great plentie of the bone or shellie substance
  • which sustaineth the whole bulk of that soft fishe found commonly on the
  • shoare.
  • The Loligo sleue or calamar found often upon the shoare from head to
  • tayle sometimes aboue an ell long, remarkable for its parretlike bill,
  • the gladiolus or calamus along the back and the notable crystallyne of
  • the eye which equalleth if not exceedeth the lustre of orientall pearle.
  • A polypus another kind of the mollia sometimes wee haue met with.
  • Lobsters in great number about Sheringham and Cromer from whence all the
  • country is supplyed.
  • Astacus marinus pediculi marini facie found also in that place, with the
  • aduantage of ye long foreclawes about 4 inches long.
  • Crabs large and well tasted found also in the same coast.
  • Another kind of crab taken for cancer fluuiatilis litle slender and of a
  • very quick motion found in the Riuer running through Yarmouth, and in
  • Bliburgh riuer.
  • Oysters exceeding large about Burnham and Hunstanton like those of Poole
  • St Mallowes or Ciuita Vechia whereof many are eaten rawe the shells
  • being broakin with cleuers the greater part pickled and sent weekly to
  • London and other parts.
  • Mituli or muscles in great quantitie as also chams or cochles about
  • Stiskay and the northwest coast.
  • Pectines pectunculi varij or scallops of the lesser sort.
  • Turbines or smaller wilks, leues, striati, as also Trochi, Trochili, or
  • scaloppes finely variegated and pearly. Lewise purpuræ minores,
  • nerites, cochleæ, Tellinæ.
  • Lepades, patellæ Limpets, of an vniualue shell wherein an animal like a
  • snayle cleauing fast unto the rocks.
  • Solenes cappe lunge venetorum commonly a razor fish the shell thereof
  • dentalia.
  • Dentalia by some called pinpaches because pinmeat thereof is taken out
  • with a pinne or needle.
  • Cancellus Turbinum et neritis Barnard the Hermite of Rondeletius a kind
  • of crab or astacus liuing in a forsaken wilk or nerites.
  • Echinus echinometrites sea hedghogge whose neat shells are common on the
  • shoare the fish aliue often taken by the dragges among the oysters.
  • Balani a smaller sort of vniualue growing commonly in clusters, the
  • smaller kinds thereof to bee found oftimes upon oysters wilks and
  • lobsters.
  • Concha anatifera or Ansifera or Barnicleshell whereof about 4 yeares
  • past were found upon the shoare no small number by Yarmouth hanging by
  • slender strings of a kind of Alga vnto seuerall splinters or cleauings
  • of firre boards vnto which they were seuerally fastned and hanged like
  • ropes of onyons: their shell flat and of a peculiar forme differing from
  • other shelles, this being of four diuisions, containing a small
  • imperfect animal at the lower part diuided into many shootes or streames
  • which prepossed spectators fancy to bee the rudiment of the tayle of
  • some goose or duck to bee produced from it; some whereof in ye shell and
  • some taken out and spred upon paper we shall keepe by us.
  • Stellæ marinæ or sea starres in great plentie especially about
  • Yarmouth. Whether they bee bred out of the vrticæ squalders or sea
  • gellies as many report wee cannot confirme butt the squalderes in the
  • middle seeme to haue some lines or first draughts not unlike. Our
  • starres exceed not 5 poynts though I haue heard that some with more haue
  • been found about Hunstanton and Burnham, where are also found stellæ
  • marinæ testacæ or handsome crusted and brittle sea starres much lesse.
  • The pediculus and culex marinus the sea lowse and flie are also no
  • strangeres.
  • Physsalus Rondeletij or eruca marina physsaloides according to the icon
  • of Rondeletius of very orient green and purple bristles.
  • Urtica marina of diuers kinds some whereof called squalderes, of a
  • burning and stinging qualitie if rubbed in the hand; the water thereof
  • may afford a good cosmetick.
  • Another elegant sort that is often found cast up by shoare in great
  • numbers about the bignesse of a button cleere and welted and may bee
  • called fibula marina crystallina.
  • Hirudines marini or sea Leaches.
  • Vermes marini very large wormes digged a yarde deepe out of the sands at
  • the ebbe for bayt. Tis known where they are to be found by a litle flat
  • ouer them on the surface of the sand; as also vermes in tubulis
  • testacei. Also Tethya or sea dugges some whereof resemble fritters the
  • vesicaria marina also and fanago sometimes very large conceaued to
  • proceed from some testaceous animals, and particularly from the purpura
  • butt ours more probably from other testaceous wee hauing not met with
  • any large purpura upon this coast.
  • Many riuer fishes also and animals. Salmon no common fish in our riuers
  • though many are taken in the Owse, in the Bure or north riuer, in ye
  • Waueney or south riuer, in ye Norwich river butt seldome and in the
  • winter butt 4 yeares ago 15 were taken at Trowes mill in Xtmas, whose
  • mouths were stuck with small wormes or horsleaches no bigger than fine
  • threads. Some of these I kept in water 3 moneths: if a few drops of
  • blood were putt to the water they would in a litle time looke red. They
  • sensibly grewe bigger then I first found them and were killed by an hard
  • froast freezing the water. Most of our Salmons haue a recurued peece of
  • flesh in the end of the lower iawe which when they shutt there mouths
  • deepely enters the upper, as Scaliger hath noted in some.
  • The Riuers lakes and broads abound in the Lucius or pikes of very large
  • size where also is found the Brama or Breme large and well tasted the
  • Tinca or Tench the Rubecula Roach as also Rowds and Dare or Dace perca
  • or pearch great and small: whereof such as are in Braden on this side
  • Yarmouth in the mixed water make a dish very dayntie and I think scarce
  • to bee bettered in England. Butt the Blea[k] the chubbe the barbell to
  • bee found in diuers other Riuers in England I haue not obserued in
  • these. As also fewer mennowes then in many other riuers.
  • The Trutta or trout the Gammarus or crawfish butt scarce in our riuers
  • butt frequently taken in the Bure or north riuer and in the seuerall
  • branches thereof, and very remarkable large crawfishes to bee found in
  • the riuer which runnes by Castleaker and Nerford.
  • The Aspredo perca minor and probably the cernua of Cardan commonly
  • called a Ruffe in great plentie in Norwich Riuers and euen in the
  • streame of the citty, which though Camden appropriates vnto this citty
  • yet they are also found in the riuers of Oxforde and Cambridge.
  • Lampetra Lampries great and small found plentifully in Norwich riuer and
  • euen in the Citty about May whereof some are very large and well cooked
  • are counted a dayntie bitt collard up butt especially in pyes.
  • Mustela fluuiatilis or eele poult to bee had in Norwich riuer and
  • between it and Yarmouth as also in the riuers of marshland resembling an
  • eele and a cod, a very good dish and the Liuer thereof well answers the
  • commendations of the Ancients.
  • Godgions or funduli fluuiatiles, many whereof may bee taken within the
  • Riuer in the citty.
  • Capitones fluuiatilis or millers thumbs, pungitius fluuiatilis or
  • stanticles. Aphia cobites fluuiatilis or Loches. In Norwich riuers in
  • the runnes about Heueningham heath in the north riuer and streames
  • thereof.
  • Of eeles the common eele and the glot which hath somewhat a different
  • shape in the bignesse of the head and is affirmed to have yong ones
  • often found within it, and wee haue found a vterus in the same somewhat
  • answering the icon thereof in Senesinus.
  • Carpiones carpes plentifull in ponds and sometimes large ones in broads:
  • 2 the largest I euer beheld were taken in Norwich Riuer.
  • Though the woods and dryelands abound with adders and vipers yet there
  • are few snakes about our riuers or meadowes, more to bee found in Marsh
  • land; butt ponds and plashes abound in Lizards or swifts.
  • The Gryllotalpa or fencricket common in fenny places butt wee haue met
  • with them also in dry places dung-hills and church yards of this citty.
  • Beside horseleaches and periwinkles in plashes and standing waters we
  • haue met with vermes setacei or hardwormes butt could neuer conuert
  • horsehayres into them by laying them in water: as also the great
  • Hydrocantharus or black shining water Beetle the forficula, sqilla,
  • corculum and notonecton that swimmeth on its back.
  • Camden reports that in former time there haue been Beuers in the Riuer
  • of Cardigan in Wales. This wee are to sure of that the Riuers great
  • Broads and carres afford great store of otters with us, a great
  • destroyer of fish as feeding butt from ye vent downewards, not free from
  • being a prey it self for their yong ones haue been found in Buzzards
  • nests. They are accounted no bad dish by many, are to bee made very tame
  • and in some howses haue serued for turnespitts.
  • ON THE OSTRICH.
  • The ostrich hath a compounded name in Greek and
  • Latin--_Struthio-Camelus_, borrowed from a bird and a beast, as being a
  • feathered and biped animal, yet in some ways like a camel; somewhat in
  • the long neck; somewhat in the foot; and, as some imagine, from a
  • camel-like position in the part of generation.
  • It is accounted the largest and tallest of any winged and feathered
  • fowl; taller than the gruen or cassowary. This ostrich, though a female,
  • was about seven feet high, and some of the males were higher, either
  • exceeding or answerable unto the stature of the great porter unto king
  • Charles the First. The weight was a[370] [ ] in grocer's scales.
  • [370] Undecipherable in the original.
  • Whosoever shall compare or consider together the ostrich and the
  • tomineio, or humbird, not weighing twelve grains, may easily discover
  • under what compass or latitude the creation of birds hath been ordained.
  • The head is not large, but little in proportion to the whole body. And,
  • therefore, Julius Scaliger, when he mentioned birds of large heads
  • (comparatively unto their bodies), named the sparrow, the owl, and the
  • woodpecker; and, reckoning up birds of small heads, instanceth in the
  • hen, the peacock, and the ostrich.
  • The head is looked upon by discerning spectators to resemble that of a
  • goose rather than any kind of στροῦθος, or _passer_: and so may be more
  • properly called _cheno-camelus_, or _ansero-camelus_.
  • There is a handsome figure of an ostrich in Mr. Willoughby's and Ray's
  • _Ornithologia_: another in Aldrovandus and Jonstonus, and Bellonius; but
  • the heads not exactly agreeing. 'Rostrum habet exiguum, sed acutum,'
  • saith Jonstoun; 'un long bec et poinctu,' saith Bellonius; men
  • describing such as they have an opportunity to see, and perhaps some the
  • ostriches of very different countries, wherein, as in some other birds,
  • there may be some variety.
  • In Africa, where some eat elephants, it is no wonder that some also feed
  • upon ostriches. They flay them with their feathers on, which they sell,
  • and eat the flesh. But Galen and physicians have condemned that flesh,
  • as hard and indigestible. The emperor Heliogabalus had a fancy for the
  • brains, when he brought six hundred ostriches' heads to one supper, only
  • for the brains' sake; yet Leo Africanus saith that he ate of young
  • ostriches among the Numidians with a good gust; and, perhaps, boiled,
  • and well cooked, after the art of Apicius, with peppermint, dates, and
  • other good things, they might go down with some stomachs.
  • I do not find that the strongest eagles, or best-spirited hawks, will
  • offer at these birds; yet, if there were such gyrfalcons as Julius
  • Scaliger saith the duke of Savoy and Henry, king of Navarre, had, it is
  • like they would strike at them, and, making at the head, would spoil
  • them, or so disable them, that they might be taken.
  • If these had been brought over in June, it is, perhaps, likely we might
  • have met with eggs in some of their bellies, whereof they lay very many:
  • but they are the worst of eggs for food, yet serviceable unto many other
  • uses in their country; for, being cut transversely, they serve for
  • drinking cups and skull-caps; and, as I have seen, there are large
  • circles of them, and some painted and gilded, which hang up in Turkish
  • mosques, and also in Greek churches. They are preserved with us for
  • rarities; and, as they come to be common, some use will be found of them
  • in physic, even as of other eggshells and other such substances.
  • When it first came into my garden, it soon ate up all the gilliflowers,
  • tulip-leaves, and fed greedily upon what was green, as lettuce, endive,
  • sorrell; it would feed on oats, barley, peas, beans; swallow onions; eat
  • sheep's lights and livers.--Then you mention what you know more.
  • When it took down a large onion, it stuck awhile in the gullet, and did
  • not descend directly, but wound backward behind the neck; whereby I
  • might perceive that the gullet turned much; but this is not peculiar
  • unto the ostrich; but the same hath been observed in the stork, when it
  • swallows down frogs and pretty big bits.
  • It made sometimes a strange noise; had a very odd note, especially in
  • the morning, and, perhaps, when hungry.
  • According to Aldrovandus, some hold that there is an antipathy between
  • it and a horse, which an ostrich will not endure to see or be near; but,
  • while I kept it, I could not confirm this opinion; which might, perhaps,
  • be raised because a common way of hunting and taking them is by swift
  • horses.
  • It is much that Cardanus should be mistaken with a great part of men,
  • that the coloured and dyed feathers of ostriches were natural; as red,
  • blue, yellow, and green; whereas, the natural colours in this bird were
  • white and greyish. Of the fashion of wearing feathers in battles or wars
  • by men, and women, see Scaliger, _Contra Cardan. Exercitat. 220_.
  • If wearing of feather-fans should come up again, it might much increase
  • the trade of plumage from Barbary. Bellonius saith he saw two hundred
  • skins with the feathers on in one shop of Alexandria.
  • BOULIMIA CENTENARIA.
  • There is a woman now living in Yarmouth, named Elizabeth Michell, an
  • hundred and two years old; a person of four feet and half high, very
  • lean, very poor, and living in a mean room with pitiful accommodation.
  • She had a son after she was past fifty. Though she answers well enough
  • unto ordinary questions, yet she apprehends her eldest daughter to be
  • her mother; but what is most remarkable concerning her is a kind of
  • _boulimia_ or dog-appetite; she greedily eating day and night what her
  • allowance, friends, and charitable persons afford her, drinking beer or
  • water, and making little distinction or refusal of any food, either of
  • broths, flesh, fish, apples, pears, and any coarse food, which she
  • eateth in no small quantity, insomuch that the overseers of the poor
  • have of late been fain to augment her weekly allowance. She sleeps
  • indifferently well, till hunger awakes her; then she must have no
  • ordinary supply whether in the day or night. She vomits not, nor is very
  • laxative. This is the oldest example of the _sal esurinum chymicorum_,
  • which I have taken notice of; though I am ready to afford my charity
  • unto her, yet I should be loth to spend a piece of ambergris I have upon
  • her, and to allow six grains to every dose till I found some effect in
  • moderating her appetite: though that be esteemed a great specific in her
  • condition.
  • UPON THE DARK THICK MIST HAPPENING ON THE 27TH OF NOVEMBER, 1674.
  • Though it be not strange to see frequent mists, clouds, and rains, in
  • England, as many ancient describers of this country have noted, yet I
  • could not but take notice of a very great mist which happened upon the
  • 27th of the last November, and from thence have taken this occasion to
  • propose something of mists, clouds, and rains, unto your candid
  • considerations.
  • Herein mists may well deserve the first place, as being, if not the
  • first in nature, yet the first meteor mentioned in Scripture, and soon
  • after the creation, for it is said, Gen. ii. that 'God had not yet
  • caused it to rain upon the earth, but a mist went up from the earth, and
  • watered the whole face of the ground,' for it might take a longer time
  • for the elevation of vapours sufficient to make a congregation of clouds
  • able to afford any store of showers and rain in so early days of the
  • world.
  • Thick vapours, not ascending high but hanging about the earth and
  • covering the surface of it, are commonly called mists; if they ascend
  • high they are called clouds. They remain upon the earth till they either
  • fall down or are attenuated, rarified, and scattered.
  • The great mist was not only observable about London, but in remote parts
  • of England, and as we hear, in Holland, so that it was of larger extent
  • than mists are commonly apprehended to be; most men conceiving that they
  • reach not much beyond the places where they behold them. Mists make an
  • obscure air, but they beget not darkness, for the atoms and particles
  • thereof admit the light, but if the matter thereof be very thick, close,
  • and condensed, the mist grows considerably obscure and like a cloud, so
  • the miraculous and palpable darkness of Egypt is conceived to have been
  • effected by an extraordinary dense and dark mist or a kind of cloud
  • spread over the land of Egypt, and also miraculously restrained from the
  • neighbour land of Goshen.
  • Mists and fogs, containing commonly vegetable spirits, when they
  • dissolve and return upon the earth, may fecundate and add some fertility
  • unto it, but they may be more unwholesome in great cities than in
  • country habitations: for they consist of vapours not only elevated from
  • simple watery and humid places, but also the exhalations of draughts,
  • common sewers, and fœtid places, and decoctions used by unwholesome
  • and sordid manufactures: and also hindering the sea-coal smoke from
  • ascending and passing away, it is conjoined with the mist and drawn in
  • by the breath, all which may produce bad effects, inquinate the blood,
  • and produce catarrhs and coughs. Sereins, well known in hot countries,
  • cause headache, toothache, and swelled faces; but they seem to have
  • their original from subtle, invisible, nitrous, and piercing
  • exhalations, caused by a strong heat of the sun, which falling after
  • sunset produce the effects mentioned.
  • There may be also subterraneous mists, when heat in the bowels of the
  • earth, working upon humid parts, makes an attenuation thereof and
  • consequently nebulous bodies in the cavities of it.
  • There is a kind of a continued mist in the bodies of animals,
  • especially in the cavous parts, as may be observed in bodies opened
  • presently after death, and some think that in sleep there is a kind of
  • mist in the brain; and upon exceeding motion some animals cast out a
  • mist about them.
  • When the cuttle fish, polypus, or loligo, make themselves invisible by
  • obscuring the water about them; they do it not by any vaporous emission,
  • but by a black humour ejected, which makes the water black and dark near
  • them: but upon excessive motion some animals are able to afford a mist
  • about them, when the air is cool and fit to condense it, as horses after
  • a race, so that they become scarce visible.
  • ACCOUNT OF A THUNDER STORM AT NORWICH, 1665.
  • _June 28, 1665._
  • After seven o'clock in the evening there was almost a continued thunder
  • until eight, wherein the _tonitru_ and _fulgur_, the noise and
  • lightning, were so terrible, that they put the whole city into an
  • amazement, and most unto their prayers. The clouds went low, and the
  • cracks seemed near over our heads during the most part of the thunder.
  • About eight o'clock, an _ignis fulmineus_, _pila ignea fulminans_,
  • _telum igneum fulmineum_, or fire-ball, hit against the little wooden
  • pinnacle of the high leucome window of my house, toward the
  • market-place, broke the flue boards, and carried pieces thereof a
  • stone's cast off; whereupon many of the tiles fell into the street, and
  • the windows in adjoining houses were broken. At the same time either a
  • part of that close-bound fire, or another of the same nature, fell into
  • the court-yard, and whereof no notice was taken till we began to examine
  • the house, and then we found a freestone on the outside of the wall of
  • the entry leading to the kitchen, half a foot from the ground, fallen
  • from the wall; a hole as big as a foot-ball bored through the wall,
  • which is about a foot thick, and a chest which stood against it, on the
  • inside, split and carried about a foot from the wall. The wall also,
  • behind the leaden cistern, at five yards distance from it, broken on the
  • inside and outside; the middle seeming entire. The lead on the edges of
  • the cistern turned a little up; and a great washing-bowl, that stood by
  • it, to recover the rain, turned upside down, and split quite through.
  • Some chimneys and tiles were struck down in other parts of the city. A
  • fire-ball also struck down the wall in the market-place. And all this,
  • God be thanked! without mischief unto any person. The greatest terror
  • was from the noise, answerable unto two or three cannon. The smell it
  • left was strong, like that after the discharge of a cannon. The balls
  • that flew were not like fire in the flame, but the coal; and the people
  • said it was like the sun. It was _discutiens, terebrans_, but not
  • _urens_. It burnt nothing, nor any thing it touched smelt of fire; nor
  • melted any lead of window or cistern, as I found it do in the great
  • storm, about nine years ago, at Melton-hall, four miles off, at that
  • time when the hail broke three thousand pounds worth of glass in
  • Norwich, in half-a-quarter of an hour. About four days after, the like
  • fulminous fire killed a man in Erpingham church, by Aylsham, upon whom
  • it broke, and beat down divers which were within the wind of it. One
  • also went off in Sir John Hobart's gallery, at Blickling. He was so near
  • that his arm and thigh were numbed about an hour after. Two or three
  • days after, a woman and horse were killed near Bungay; her hat so
  • shivered that no piece remained bigger than a groat, whereof I had some
  • pieces sent unto me. Granades, crackers, and squibs, do much resemble
  • the discharge, and _aurum fulminans_ the fury thereof. Of other
  • thunderbolts or _lapides fulminei_, I have little opinion. Some I have
  • by me under that name, but they are _è genere fossilium_.
  • THOMAS BROWNE.
  • _Norwich_, 1665.
  • ON DREAMS.
  • Half our days we pass in the shadow of the earth; and the brother of
  • death exacteth a third part of our lives. A good part of our sleep is
  • peered out with visions and fantastical objects, wherein we are
  • confessedly deceived. The day supplieth us with truths; the night with
  • fictions and falsehoods, which uncomfortably divide the natural account
  • of our beings. And, therefore, having passed the day in sober labours
  • and rational enquiries of truth, we are fain to betake ourselves unto
  • such a state of being, wherein the soberest heads have acted all the
  • monstrosities of melancholy, and which unto open eyes are no better than
  • folly and madness.
  • Happy are they that go to bed with grand music, like Pythagoras, or have
  • ways to compose the fantastical spirit, whose unruly wanderings take off
  • inward sleep, filling our heads with St. Anthony's visions, and the
  • dreams of Lipara in the sober chambers of rest.
  • Virtuous thoughts of the day lay up good treasures for the night;
  • whereby the impressions of imaginary forms arise into sober similitudes,
  • acceptable unto our slumbering selves and preparatory unto divine
  • impressions. Hereby Solomon's sleep was happy. Thus prepared, Jacob
  • might well dream of angels upon a pillow of stone. And the best sleep of
  • Adam might be the best of any after.
  • That there should be divine dreams seems unreasonably doubted by
  • Aristotle. That there are demoniacal dreams we have little reason to
  • doubt. Why may there not be angelical? If there be guardian spirits,
  • they may not be inactively about us in sleep; but may sometimes order
  • our dreams: and many strange hints, instigations, or discourses, which
  • are so amazing unto us, may arise from such foundations.
  • But the phantasms of sleep do commonly walk in the great road of natural
  • and animal dreams, wherein the thoughts or actions of the day are acted
  • over and echoed in the night. Who can therefore wonder that Chrysostom
  • should dream of St. Paul, who daily read his epistles; or that Cardan,
  • whose head was so taken up about the stars, should dream that his soul
  • was in the moon! Pious persons, whose thoughts are daily busied about
  • heaven, and the blessed state thereof, can hardly escape the nightly
  • phantasms of it, which though sometimes taken for illuminations, or
  • divine dreams, yet rightly perpended may prove but animal visions, and
  • natural night-scenes of their awaking contemplations.
  • Many dreams are made out by sagacious exposition, and from the signature
  • of their subjects; carrying their interpretation in their fundamental
  • sense and mystery of similitude, whereby, he that understands upon what
  • natural fundamental every notion dependeth, may, by symbolical
  • adaptation, hold a ready way to read the characters of Morpheus. In
  • dreams of such a nature, Artemidorus, Achmet, and Astrampsichus, from
  • Greek, Egyptian, and Arabian oneirocriticism, may hint some
  • interpretation: who, while we read of a ladder in Jacob's dream, will
  • tell us that ladders and scalary ascents signify preferment; and while
  • we consider the dream of Pharaoh, do teach us that rivers overflowing
  • speak plenty, lean oxen, famine and scarcity; and therefore it was but
  • reasonable in Pharaoh to demand the interpretation from his magicians,
  • who, being Egyptians, should have been well versed in symbols and the
  • hieroglyphical notions of things. The greatest tyrant in such
  • divinations was Nabuchodonosor, while, besides the interpretation, he
  • demanded the dream itself; which being probably determined by divine
  • immission, might escape the common road of phantasms, that might have
  • been traced by Satan.
  • When Alexander, going to besiege Tyre, dreamt of a Satyr, it was no hard
  • exposition for a Grecian to say, 'Tyre will be thine.' He that dreamed
  • that he saw his father washed by Jupiter and anointed by the sun, had
  • cause to fear that he might be crucified, whereby his body would be
  • washed by the rain, and drop by the heat of the sun. The dream of
  • Vespasian was of harder exposition; as also that of the emperor
  • Mauritius, concerning his successor Phocas. And a man might have been
  • hard put to it, to interpret the language of Æsculapius, when to a
  • consumptive person he held forth his fingers; implying thereby that his
  • cure lay in dates, from the homonomy of the Greek, which signifies
  • dates and fingers.
  • We owe unto dreams that Galen was a physician, Dion an historian, and
  • that the world hath seen some notable pieces of Cardan; yet, he that
  • should order his affairs by dreams, or make the night a rule unto the
  • day, might be ridiculously deluded; wherein Cicero is much to be pitied,
  • who having excellently discoursed of the vanity of dreams, was yet
  • undone by the flattery of his own, which urged him to apply himself unto
  • Augustus.
  • However dreams may be fallacious concerning outward events, yet may they
  • be truly significant at home; and whereby we may more sensibly
  • understand ourselves. Men act in sleep with some conformity unto their
  • awaked senses; and consolations or discouragements may be drawn from
  • dreams which intimately tell us ourselves. Luther was not like to fear a
  • spirit in the night, when such an apparition would not terrify him in
  • the day. Alexander would hardly have run away in the sharpest combats of
  • sleep, nor Demosthenes have stood stoutly to it, who was scarce able to
  • do it in his prepared senses. Persons of radical integrity will not
  • easily be perverted in their dreams, nor noble minds do pitiful things
  • in sleep. Crassus would have hardly been bountiful in a dream, whose
  • fist was so close awake. But a man might have lived all his life upon
  • the sleeping hand of Antonius.
  • There is an art to make dreams, as well as their interpretation; and
  • physicians will tell us that some food makes turbulent, some gives
  • quiet, dreams. Cato, who doated upon cabbage, might find the crude
  • effects thereof in his sleep; wherein the Egyptians might find some
  • advantage by their superstitious abstinence from onions. Pythagoras
  • might have calmer sleeps, if he totally abstained from beans. Even
  • Daniel, the great interpreter of dreams, in his leguminous diet, seems
  • to have chosen no advantageous food for quiet sleeps, according to
  • Grecian physic.
  • To add unto the delusion of dreams, the fantastical objects seem greater
  • than they are; and being beheld in the vaporous state of sleep, enlarge
  • their diameters unto us; whereby it may prove more easy to dream of
  • giants than pigmies. Democritus might seldom dream of atoms, who so
  • often thought of them. He almost might dream himself a bubble extending
  • unto the eighth sphere. A little water makes a sea; a small puff of wind
  • a tempest. A grain of sulphur kindled in the blood may make a flame like
  • Ætna; and a small spark in the bowels of Olympias a lightning over all
  • the chamber.
  • But, beside these innocent delusions, there is a sinful state of dreams.
  • Death alone, not sleep, is able to put an end unto sin; and there may be
  • a night-book of our iniquities; for beside the transgressions of the
  • day, casuists will tell us of mortal sins in dreams, arising from evil
  • precogitations; meanwhile human law regards not noctambulos; and if a
  • night-walker should break his neck, or kill a man, takes no notice of
  • it.
  • Dionysius was absurdly tyrannical to kill a man for dreaming that he had
  • killed him; and really to take away his life, who had but fantastically
  • taken away his. Lamia was ridiculously unjust to sue a young man for a
  • reward, who had confessed that pleasure from her in a dream which she
  • had denied unto his awaking senses: conceiving that she had merited
  • somewhat from his fantastical fruition and shadow of herself. If there
  • be such debts, we owe deeply unto sympathies; but the common spirit of
  • the world must be ready in such arrearages.
  • If some have swooned, they may also have died in dreams, since death is
  • but a confirmed swooning. Whether Plato died in a dream, as some
  • deliver, he must rise again to inform us. That some have never dreamed,
  • is as improbable as that some have never laughed. That children dream
  • not the first half-year; that men dream not in some countries, with many
  • more, are unto me sick men's dreams; dreams out of the ivory gate, and
  • visions before midnight.
  • OBSERVATIONS ON GRAFTING.
  • In the doctrine of all insitions, those are esteemed most successful
  • which are practised under these rules:--
  • That there be some consent or similitude of parts and nature between the
  • plants conjoined.
  • That insition be made between trees not of very different barks; nor
  • very differing fruits or forms of fructification; nor of widely
  • different ages.
  • That the scions or buds be taken from the south or east part of the
  • tree.
  • That a rectitude and due position be observed; not to insert the south
  • part of the scions unto the northern side of the stock, but according to
  • the position of the scions upon his first matrix.
  • Now, though these rules be considerable in the usual and practised
  • course of insitions, yet were it but reasonable for searching spirits to
  • urge the operations of nature by conjoining plants of very different
  • natures in parts, barks, lateness, and precocities, nor to rest in the
  • experiments of hortensial plants in whom we chiefly intend the
  • exaltation or variety of their fruit and flowers, but in all sorts of
  • shrubs and trees applicable unto physic and mechanical uses, whereby we
  • might alter their tempers, moderate or promote their virtues, exchange
  • their softness, hardness, and colour, and so render them considerable
  • beyond their known and trite employments.
  • To which intent curiosity may take some rule or hint from these or the
  • like following, according to the various ways of propagation:--
  • Colutea upon anagris--arbor judæ upon anagris--cassia poetica upon
  • cytisus--cytisus upon periclymenum rectum--woodbine upon jasmine--cystus
  • upon rosemary--rosemary upon ivy--sage or rosemary upon cystus--myrtle
  • upon gall or rhus myrtifolia--whortleberry upon gall, heath, or
  • myrtle--coccygeia upon alaternus--mezereon upon an almond--gooseberry
  • and currants upon mezereon, barberry, or blackthorn--barberry upon a
  • currant tree--bramble upon gooseberry or raspberry--yellow rose upon
  • sweetbrier--phyllerea upon broom--broom upon furze--anonis lutea upon
  • furze--holly upon box--bay upon holly--holly upon pyracantha--a fig
  • upon chestnut--a fig upon mulberry--peach upon mulberry--mulberry upon
  • buckthorn--walnut upon chesnut--savin upon juniper--vine upon oleaster,
  • rosemary, ivy--an arbutus upon a fig--a peach upon a fig--white poplar
  • upon black poplar--asp upon white poplar--wych elm upon common
  • elm--hazel upon elm--sycamore upon wych elm--cinnamon rose upon
  • hipberry--a whitethorn upon a blackthorn--hipberry upon a sloe, or
  • skeye, or bullace--apricot upon a mulberry--arbutus upon a
  • mulberry--cherry upon a peach--oak upon a chesnut--katherine peach upon
  • a quince--a warden upon a quince--a chesnut upon a beech--a beech upon a
  • chesnut--an hornbeam upon a beech--a maple upon an hornbeam--a sycamore
  • upon a maple--a medlar upon a service tree--a sumack upon a quince or
  • medlar--an hawthorn upon a service tree--a quicken tree upon an ash--an
  • ash upon an asp--an oak upon an ilex--a poplar upon an elm--a black
  • cherry tree upon a tilea or lime tree--tilea upon beech--alder upon
  • birch or poplar--a filbert upon an almond--an almond upon a willow--a
  • nux vesicaria upon an almond or pistachio--a cerasus avium upon a nux
  • vesicaria--a cornelian upon a cherry tree--a cherry tree upon a
  • cornelian--an hazel upon a willow or sallow--a lilac upon a sage tree--a
  • syringa upon lilac or tree-mallow--a rose elder upon syringa--a water
  • elder upon rose elder--buckthorn upon elder--frangula upon
  • buckthorn--hirga sanguinea upon privet--phyllerea upon vitex--vitex upon
  • evonymus--evonymus upon viburnum--ruscus upon pyracantha--paleurus upon
  • hawthorn--tamarisk upon birch--erica upon tamarisk--polemonium upon
  • genista hispanica--genista hispanica upon colutea.
  • Nor are we to rest in the frustrated success of some single experiments,
  • but to proceed in attempts in the most unlikely unto iterated and
  • certain conclusions, and to pursue the way of ablactation or inarching.
  • Whereby we might determine whether, according to the ancients, no fir,
  • pine, or picea, would admit of any incision upon them; whether yew will
  • hold society with none; whether walnut, mulberry, and cornel cannot be
  • propagated by insition, or the fig and quince admit almost of any, with
  • many others of doubtful truths in the propagations.
  • And while we seek for varieties in stocks and scions, we are not to
  • admit the ready practice of the scion upon its own tree. Whereby, having
  • a sufficient number of good plants, we may improve their fruits without
  • translative conjunction, that is, by insition of the scion upon his own
  • mother, whereby an handsome variety or melioration seldom faileth--we
  • might be still advanced by iterated insitions in proper boughs and
  • positions. Insition is also made not only with scions and buds, but
  • seeds, by inserting them in cabbage stalks, turnips, onions, etc., and
  • also in ligneous plants.
  • Within a mile of this city of Norwich, an oak groweth upon the head of a
  • pollard willow, taller than the stock, and about half a foot in
  • diameter, probably by some acorn falling or fastening upon it. I could
  • show you a branch of the same willow which shoots forth near the stock
  • which beareth both willow and oak twigs and leaves upon it. In a meadow
  • I use in Norwich, beset with willows and sallows, I have observed these
  • plants to grow upon their heads; bylders, currants, gooseberries,
  • _cynocrambe_, or dog's mercury, barberries, bittersweet, elder,
  • hawthorn.
  • CORRIGENDA
  • Vol. I. Page 4, line 24. _For_ than _read_ that.
  • 97, " 10. _For_ fell in love _read_ carnal'd.
  • 227, " 4. _For_ Capio _read_ Capo.
  • 300, " 8. _For_ Apicus _read_ a Picus.
  • 301, " 30. _For_ Caterpillaries _read_ capillaries.
  • II. 111, " 14. _Prega, Dio_ omit comma.
  • 206, " 1. _For_ Tarus and Fulius _read_ Varus and Julius.
  • INDEX
  • Aaron, i. 282, 284; ii. 123.
  • Aaron's breastplate, i. 138.
  • ---- mitre, iii. 264.
  • ---- (rod), ii. 279;
  • iii. 238.
  • Abdachim, iii, 253.
  • Abdella, iii. 253.
  • Abderites, iii. 74.
  • Abecedary, i. 250.
  • Abel, i. 61, 92, 124, 131;
  • ii. 13, 77, 323;
  • iii. 9.
  • Aben-Ezra, ii. 168, 232;
  • iii. 232.
  • Abergevenny (Lord), iii. 419.
  • Abortion, i. 171, 235, 282;
  • ii. 260.
  • Abraham, i. 19, 27, 70, 187;
  • ii. 277, 332, 382-3;
  • iii. 205.
  • Absalom, iii. 2, 37.
  • Absyrtus, i. 315, 323.
  • Abydenus, iii. 153.
  • Academics, i. 99.
  • Acapulco, iii. 345.
  • Achilles, i. 93, 230;
  • ii. 270;
  • iii. 132, 137, 239.
  • Achilles's horse, i. 313.
  • Achilles Tatius, i. 246.
  • Achitophel, iii. 38.
  • Achmet, iii. 551.
  • Aconite, i. 281, 290;
  • iii. 69.
  • Acorns, i. 116;
  • iii. 170-1, 260-1.
  • Acosta, ii. 354.
  • Acteon, i. 158.
  • Actium, ii. 362.
  • Actius, i. xlix, 89.
  • _Acus_, ii. 30.
  • Adam, i. 34, 35, 55-7, 61, 68, 76, 81, 86, 92, 102, 107, 122-5, 127-8,
  • 135, 182, 290;
  • ii. 10, 13, 37, 75, 130, 137, 210-12, 285;
  • iii. 5.
  • Adamant, i. 236.
  • Adder, i. 337;
  • ii. 256.
  • Addercock, iii. 531.
  • Admah, iii. 326.
  • Ado of Vienna, ii. 321.
  • Adrian, Emperor, i. 165;
  • iii. 106, 144.
  • Adricomius, iii. 3, 268, 275.
  • Adultery, i. 325.
  • Æacides, iii. 327.
  • Ægineta. _See_ Paulus.
  • Ælfric, iii. 310.
  • Ælian, i. 34, 155, 172, 174-5, 189, 291, 313, 321, 328, 332, 344;
  • ii. 1, 19, 22, 26, 51, 63, 66-8, 71, 89, 159, 202, 234, 254, 259,
  • 277;
  • iii. 76.
  • Æmilianus, iii. 436.
  • Æneas, i. 344;
  • ii. 333;
  • iii. 132.
  • Æneas Sylvius, ii. 396.
  • Æolian magnets, i. 254.
  • Æolus, i. 252;
  • ii. 272.
  • Æquicola (M.), iii. 320.
  • Æschines, iii. 45.
  • Æschylus, iii. 76.
  • Æsculapius, i. 188, 347;
  • ii. 106;
  • iii. 552.
  • Æson, i. xliii, 61.
  • Æsop, i. 134, 138, 321-2.
  • Æthiopia, ii. 7.
  • Æthiopis, i. 297.
  • Ætites, i. 235, 282.
  • Ætius, i. 156, 171, 245-6, 325, 332;
  • ii. 99, 197-8, 208.
  • Affection, i. 94.
  • Africa, i. 25, 78, 227, 230, 235, 344;
  • ii. 145, 280, 334, 352-3.
  • Africans, i. 305.
  • Agades, ii. 372.
  • Agamemnon, ii. 243;
  • iii. 132, 139.
  • Agaric, iii. 296.
  • Agars, iii. 48.
  • Agary, iii. 296.
  • Agate, i. 208, 256, 284.
  • Agathius, iii. 65.
  • Age (old), i. 116, 342.
  • Agesilaus, ii. 320.
  • _Agnus Castus_, i. 171.
  • Agostino (A.), iii. 163.
  • Agricola, Emperor, iii. 108.
  • ---- (Georg), i. 203, 211-12;
  • ii. 278.
  • Agriculture, ii. 307-8.
  • Agrippina, i. xlvii.
  • Ague, i. 166-7;
  • ii. 282;
  • iii. 378.
  • Agullas, ii. 349.
  • Ahasuerus, iii. 149.
  • Ahaz, iii. 3.
  • Ainsworth, ii. 262;
  • iii. 265.
  • Ajax, i. 318;
  • iii. 132.
  • Alabaster, i. 256.
  • Alanes, ii. 280.
  • Alaric, iii. 143.
  • Albertus Magnus, i. xxvii, 167, 175, 202, 231, 235, 249, 262-3, 284,
  • 288, 326, 351;
  • ii. 1, 42, 63, 67-8, 82, 99, 156;
  • iii. 7, 294-5.
  • Albricus, ii, 257.
  • Albuquerque, ii. 365.
  • Alcala de Henares, ii. 28.
  • Alcanna, iii. 80.
  • Alcharma, iii. 224.
  • Alciati, i. xii, 166;
  • iii. 65.
  • Alcinous, iii. 3, 153, 269.
  • Alcmena, ii. 39, 268.
  • Alcmena's nights, iii. 136.
  • Alcoran, i. xxxii, 37, 146, 148.
  • Alder, i. 271, 274.
  • Aldrovandus, i. 210, 223, 289, 322, 326, 329, 333, 345;
  • ii. 1, 6, 15-16, 24-5, 42, 63, 74-5, 85, 89-92, 156, 205,
  • 207, 254;
  • iii. 251-2, 529, 541.
  • Aleazar, i. 284.
  • Alemannus (Nic), iii. 66.
  • Alexander, i. xxxvi, xlvi, 40, 77, 78, 188, 231, 243, 305, 343;
  • ii. 148, 237, 264, 357, 366;
  • iii. 68, 77-8, 125.
  • ---- his boy, ii. 58.
  • ---- (Pope), ii. 21.
  • ---- (Bp.), iii. 410.
  • Alexandria, i. 243;
  • ii. 360;
  • iii. 327, 543.
  • ---- Library, i. 38.
  • Alexandro (Alexander ab), i. xviii, xli;
  • ii. 117, 120.
  • Alexia, i. xxxvii.
  • Alexis Pedimontanus, i. 176.
  • Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, i. 274-5.
  • Algiers, ii. 280.
  • Alhazen, i. 335;
  • iii. 62.
  • Alkermes, iii. 260.
  • Allatius (Leo), iii. 71.
  • Allegories, i. 143.
  • Almanzor, i. 148.
  • Almond, ii. 335.
  • ---- trees, i. 293;
  • iii. 239.
  • ---- bitter, i. 298.
  • Alnwick (Will.), Bp., iii. 411.
  • Aloe, i. 256;
  • ii. 197;
  • iii. 295-6.
  • Alphonso, ii. 349.
  • Alpinus (Prosper), ii. 360.
  • Alps, ii. 355;
  • iii. 74.
  • Alum, i. 204, 255, 256;
  • ii. 391, 394.
  • _Alumen plumosum_, ii. 21.
  • Alured, iii. 310.
  • Alva (Duke of), iii. 311.
  • Alvarez (Fr.), i. 230;
  • ii. 356.
  • Amandus Zierexensis, iii. 111.
  • Amaranth, iii. 128.
  • Amasis, ii. 5.
  • Amatus Lusitanus, i. 324;
  • ii. 19, 28;
  • iii. 24.
  • Amazons, ii. 123;
  • iii. 79.
  • Amber, i. 255, 257, 259, 260;
  • ii. 268;
  • iii. 54.
  • Ambergris, i. 165;
  • ii. 88.
  • Ambidexters, ii. 125, 130.
  • Ambition, iii. 138, 452.
  • Ambracia, iii. 248.
  • Ambrose, i. 175, 254, 308;
  • ii. 259.
  • ---- Hexameron, ii. 4.
  • Ambuscado, i. 190.
  • America, i. 36, 227-8, 231, 235, 240, 294, 322;
  • ii. 25, 61, 81, 83, 137, 274, 339, 341, 354, 357, 367, 371, 378;
  • iii. 307, 312, 347.
  • Americus, i. 229.
  • Amethyst, i. 210, 255, 284-5.
  • Ammianus Marcellinus, i. xxxiii;
  • ii. 153.
  • Ammon, i. 188.
  • Ammonia, ii. 394.
  • Ammoniac, i. 204-5.
  • Ammonites, ii. 280.
  • Amomum, i. 296.
  • Amorites, ii. 381.
  • Amos, iii. 4.
  • Amphibium, i. 51.
  • Amphibologie, i. 141.
  • Amphilochus, iii. 39.
  • Amphion, iii. 77.
  • Amphisbæna, ii. 22.
  • Amphitryon, ii. 39.
  • Amulets, i. 195, 198, 269.
  • Anabaptists, i. xvii.
  • Anacreon, ii. 143.
  • Anania, i. 328.
  • Ananias, iii. 71.
  • Anastasius Sinaita, i. xxx;
  • iii. 157.
  • Anatiferous trees, ii. 11.
  • Anatomy, i. xlii, 54.
  • Anaxagoras, i. xlvi, 73, 163, 199, 217.
  • Anaxarchus, i. xlvi.
  • Anaximander, i. 163.
  • Anaximenes, ii. 252.
  • Anchiale, iii. 77.
  • Anchor, ii. 206.
  • Anchovy, i. 320.
  • Ancona, iii. 47.
  • Anconians, iii. 106.
  • Andes, ii. 355.
  • Andirons, i. 221.
  • Andreas, i. 118.
  • Andromeda, ii. 193, 250, 375.
  • Angelo, ii. 212.
  • Angels, i. xli, xlii, 37, 123, 189, 190, 192;
  • ii. 378;
  • iii. 508.
  • ---- Good, i. 47, 48.
  • _Angelus doce mihi jus_, i. 240.
  • Anglerius (P. M.), i. 322.
  • Angles (people), iii. 112.
  • Anglesea, iii. 113, 432, 518.
  • Anglia Cymbrica, iii. 112.
  • Anguillara, iii. 231.
  • Animadversions, i. 1.
  • Animals, i. 308;
  • ii. 11.
  • Anime. _See_ Gum Anime.
  • Annihilation, i. 72.
  • Anomæi, i. xxiii.
  • Annius of Viterbo, ii. 333, 380.
  • Answers of the Oracle, iii. 332.
  • Antæus, iii. 79.
  • Antemon, i. xlix.
  • Anthem Book, iii. 302.
  • Anthology (Greek), ii. 145.
  • Anthony, i. 194, 245, 350;
  • ii. 275, 358;
  • iii. 119.
  • Anthropophagi, i. 55.
  • Anthropophagy, i. 158;
  • ii. 378.
  • Anticera, i. 149.
  • Antichrist, i. 12, 46, 66.
  • Anticks, i. 60.
  • Antidotes, iii. 69.
  • Antigonus, i. 170;
  • iii. 328.
  • Antimony, i. 209, 255-6, 261, 269, 277;
  • ii. 141.
  • Antiochus, i. xxxi, xlix;
  • ii. 255;
  • iii. 43.
  • Antipater, iii. 374.
  • Antipathies, i. 62, 83.
  • Antipodes, i. xxxviii, 41, 161, 164, 199;
  • ii. 301, 339.
  • Antiquity, i. 152.
  • Antlers, i. 343.
  • Antœci, i. 252;
  • ii. 301.
  • Antonini, iii. 433.
  • Antoninus, i. 174, 196;
  • ii. 273;
  • iii. 106.
  • Antonius, i. xxvii, 171;
  • ii. 216.
  • Ants, i. 24.
  • Anvils, i. 263.
  • Antwerp, i. 226;
  • ii. 38, 68.
  • Anubis, ii. 185.
  • Ape, i. 312;
  • ii. 41, 156.
  • Apelles, i. xxix.
  • Aper, i. 196.
  • Apicius, iii. 233, 541.
  • _Apicus_. _See_ Picus.
  • Apis, ii. 376.
  • Apollinaris, i. 192.
  • Apollo, ii. 4, 89, 118, 272, 362;
  • iii. 40-1.
  • Apollodorus, i. 241;
  • iii. 43.
  • Apollonius Thyaneus, i. xlviii, 160, 170;
  • ii. 28.
  • Aponensis, ii. 93.
  • Apostles, i. 78.
  • ---- names, i. 303.
  • Appion, iii. 341.
  • Apple, i. 293;
  • ii. 392.
  • ---- of Paradise, iii. 2.
  • April, ii. 180.
  • Apuleius, i. xv, xxvii, xxxiii, xli, 155;
  • ii. 144, 268.
  • Apulia, iii. 226.
  • _Aqua fortis_, i. 204, 206, 215, 221, 237, 257, 261, 279, 277;
  • ii. 64.
  • Aquapendente, ii. 103.
  • _Aqua Regis_, i. 277-8.
  • _Aqua vitæ_, i. 207, 261.
  • Aqueducts, ii. 268-9.
  • Aquila, ii. 157, 293.
  • Aquitaine, iii. 314.
  • Arabia, i. 32, 243;
  • ii. 6, 7, 81, 332, 346, 378, 380-2.
  • Arabians, i. 14, 148.
  • Arabic writers, i. 176.
  • Ararat, i. 36;
  • ii. 348.
  • Aratus, i. 156, 344;
  • ii. 164, 305.
  • Arcadians, ii. 180, 288.
  • Archangelus, ii. 115.
  • Archelaus, ii. 33.
  • Archemorus, iii. 99.
  • Archidoxes, i. 32.
  • Archigenes, ii. 167.
  • Archilochus, ii. 320.
  • Archimedes, i. 179, 307;
  • ii. 253;
  • iii. 75, 77, 79, 136.
  • Archimime, iii. 130.
  • Arcotas, ii. 253.
  • Arcturus, ii. 303, 400.
  • Arden, i. 138.
  • Ardoynus, i. 174, 332.
  • Aremboldus, i. xvi.
  • Arethusa, i. xix, 13.
  • Aretius, ii. 333.
  • Arginusa, ii, 377.
  • Argol, ii. 394.
  • Argonauts, ii. 332.
  • Argos, ii. 332.
  • Argulus, iii. 434.
  • Argus, i. 307;
  • ii. 46, 49, 279.
  • Arians, i. 15.
  • Aries, ii. 191, 303.
  • Arimanius, i. 198.
  • Arimaspi, ii. 3.
  • Ariminum, i. 223.
  • Ariolation, i. 137.
  • Arion, ii. 205.
  • Ariosto, ii. 59;
  • iii. 382.
  • Aristeas, ii. 293.
  • Aristeus, ii. 3.
  • Aristobulus, ii. 369, 375.
  • Ariston, i. 156.
  • Aristophanes, iii. 301.
  • Aristotle, _passim_.
  • ---- his death, iii. 42.
  • Aristoxenus, i. 142;
  • ii. 81.
  • Arithmetic, i. 162.
  • Ark, i. 34-5;
  • ii. 9, 79, 131, 330, 348, 378;
  • iii. 79.
  • Arkites, ii. 383.
  • Armado, i. 28.
  • Armenia, ii. 332;
  • iii. 148, 260.
  • Armenian bishop, iii. 71.
  • Arnoldus, iii. 72.
  • Arphaxad, ii. 294.
  • Arrianus, ii. 237, 353;
  • iii. 379.
  • Arrius, i. 191.
  • Arrow, i. 276.
  • ---- divining, ii. 280.
  • _Ars longa_, i. 167.
  • Arsenic, i. 255-6, 261, 277, 281, 290.
  • Arsinoe, i. 243.
  • Artaxerxes, i. 169;
  • ii. 6, 261;
  • iii. 68.
  • ---- Longimanus, ii. 195;
  • iii. 149.
  • ---- Mnemon, iii. 149.
  • Artemidorus, ii. 133;
  • iii. 221, 551.
  • Artemisia, iii. 123.
  • Artephius, i. 340.
  • Artergates, ii. 254.
  • Arthur (King), iii. 91.
  • Artichoke, ii. 392;
  • iii. 166.
  • Artificial Hills, Of, iii. 322.
  • Artillery, i. xxxiii.
  • Arvadites, ii. 383.
  • Arvirage, iii. 311.
  • Asa, ii. 382.
  • Asafœtida, iii. 225.
  • Asclepiades, i. xx;
  • ii. 78.
  • Asbeston, ii. 21.
  • Ascendent, ii. 343.
  • Ash, i. 293.
  • Ash-tree, i. 306.
  • Ashbury, iii. 113.
  • Ashes, i. 270.
  • Asia, i. 78, 227-8.
  • Asmodeus, i. 189.
  • Asp, i. 337-8;
  • ii. 236.
  • Asparagus, iii. 259.
  • Asphaltites (Lake), iii. 52.
  • Asphaltus, i. 257.
  • Asphodels, iii. 132.
  • Asprage, iii. 533.
  • Ass, Asses, i. 154, 166, 346;
  • ii. 81, 386-7.
  • ---- (Indian), ii. 67, 68, 71.
  • Assur, ii. 149, 331.
  • Assyria, ii. 332, 335.
  • Asteria, i. 210;
  • ii. 15.
  • Asteropæus, ii. 130.
  • Astipalæa, ii. 324.
  • Astley (Herbert), iii. 421.
  • _Astomi_, ii. 59.
  • Astræa, iii. 465.
  • Astrampsychus, iii. 381, 551.
  • Astrology, i. 59, 138;
  • ii. 182, 199, 200, 281, 343;
  • iii. 486.
  • Astronomers, i. 162;
  • iii. 219.
  • Astronomy, i. 98, 212.
  • Athanasius, i. xli, 353;
  • ii. 358.
  • Atheism, i. 32, 184.
  • Atheists, i. 67, 108.
  • Athenæus, i. 118, 155, 173;
  • ii. 89, 118, 156, 158-9, 215, 221, 267, 277, 324;
  • iii. 43, 51, 76-7, 119.
  • Athenians, i. 143, 147, 339;
  • ii. 285.
  • Athens, i. 142, 162;
  • ii. 332.
  • Athos, iii. 75.
  • Atlantic, iii. 531.
  • Atomist, i. 79.
  • Atoms, i. 258.
  • Atropos, i. 92.
  • Attalus, iii. 150, 335, 488.
  • Attila, ii. 228.
  • Augspurg, i. 247.
  • Auguries, i. 194.
  • Augurs, ii. 132.
  • Augustine, St., _passim_.
  • Augustus, i. xxvii, xl, 159, 194, 298, 336;
  • ii. 171, 252;
  • iii. 40, 185.
  • Aurelius Victor, i. xxxiii.
  • Aurichalcum, i. 255.
  • _Aurum fulminans_, i. 277.
  • Ausgurius, iii. 112.
  • Ausonius, i. 344;
  • ii. 261;
  • iii. 217, 304.
  • Authority, i. 161.
  • Authors, i. 168.
  • Autochthons, ii. 285.
  • Autumn, i. xxix, 35;
  • ii. 300-303.
  • Auvergne (Bp. of), iii. 468.
  • Avarice, i, 77, 108;
  • iii. 389, 446.
  • Ave-Mary Bell, i. 9.
  • Aventinus, i. xxxix;
  • ii. 395-6.
  • Averroes, ii. 273;
  • iii. 56.
  • Avicenna, i. 148, 165, 332;
  • ii. 140, 146, 177, 273-4, 310.
  • Avignon, iii. 411.
  • Ayermin (Will.), Bp., iii. 411.
  • Aylsham, iii. 412, 549.
  • Azores, i. 226-7;
  • ii. 349, 398.
  • Azotus, i. 49.
  • Baal Seder, ii. 289.
  • Baaras, i. 189, 291.
  • Babel, i. 37, 98;
  • ii. 178, 378;
  • iii. 17.
  • Babylon, i. 321;
  • ii. 104, 287, 331, 383;
  • iii. 18, 79, 148-9, 153, 162.
  • Bacchinus, ii. 38.
  • Bacchus, ii. 229.
  • Back-worm, iii. 296.
  • Bacon (Sir Edmund), iii. 96, 428.
  • ---- (Francis), i. xv, 294;
  • ii. 56, 141.
  • ---- (Nicholas), iii. 93.
  • ---- (Roger), iii. 47, 72.
  • Baconsthorpe, iii. 419.
  • Bactriana, iii. 62.
  • Bactrians, ii. 325, 332, 336, 378.
  • Badger, i. 326.
  • Bainbrigge ( ), ii. 188-9.
  • Bairros (Johannes de), ii. 365.
  • Bajazet, iii. 476.
  • Balaam's Ass, iii. 78.
  • _Balaustium_, ii. 391.
  • Baldness, iii. 76.
  • Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, i. 44.
  • Balearians, iii. 101.
  • Balm, iii. 252.
  • Balsam, iii. 252-4.
  • Balsam Oil, iii. 227.
  • Balsomes, i. 103.
  • Baltic, ii. 396;
  • iii. 345-6.
  • Banda, i. 293.
  • Banyans, ii. 78;
  • iii. 377.
  • Baptism, ii. 364;
  • iii. 12, 14.
  • _Barbara_, i. 134, 166.
  • ---- name, i. 304.
  • Barbarie, i. 279.
  • Barbel, iii. 537.
  • Barbosa (Odoard), i. 280.
  • Barcephas, ii. 210.
  • Barham Down, iii. 325.
  • Barklow, iii. 325.
  • Barley, i. 265, 288;
  • ii. 35, 102;
  • iii. 245, 254.
  • Barnabas, i. 136.
  • Barnacles, ii. 11, 107;
  • iii. 516, 535.
  • Baronius, i. xv, xxxii;
  • ii. 247, 250;
  • iii. 25, 28, 39, 66, 406.
  • Barthius, iii. 305.
  • Bartholanus, ii. 335.
  • Bartholinus (T.), ii. 70.
  • Bartholomeus Anglicus, i. 176.
  • Bartlow Hills, Essex, iii. 325.
  • Basaltes, i. 210.
  • Basel (Council of), iii. 409.
  • Basil, i. 166, 175, 202, 259, 260, 305;
  • ii. 26, 259, 379.
  • Basilicus, ii. 189.
  • Basilides, i. 192.
  • Basilisco, i. 90.
  • Basilisk, i. 178, 331.
  • Basque, iii. 311-12.
  • Bass (fish), iii. 532.
  • Bat, ii. 2, 52.
  • Batavia, i. 280;
  • iii. 346.
  • Bateman (William), Bp., iii. 411.
  • Βατραχομυομαχία, i. 89.
  • Bauhinus, ii. 115;
  • iii. 93.
  • Bavaria, ii. 96.
  • Bayfius, iii. 301.
  • Bay-trees, i. 298;
  • iii. 116, 128, 264.
  • Bdellium, i. 206.
  • Beach, ii. 373.
  • Beans, i. 141.
  • Bear, i. 26, 38, 179, 328;
  • ii. 376.
  • ---- (fish), ii. 75.
  • Beauty, ii. 381, 384-5.
  • Beaver, i. 179, 321;
  • ii. 40;
  • iii. 179, 538.
  • Becanus (Goropius), iii. 1.
  • Beck (Anthony de), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Beckher (Daniel), i. 247, 249.
  • Beda, i. xxxi, xxxix, 241, 243, 317;
  • ii. 5, 210, 290, 386;
  • iii. 310.
  • Beds, i. 239;
  • iii. 157, 164.
  • Bee, i. 24, 289;
  • ii. 97-8, 107.
  • Beef, ii. 282, 324.
  • Beer, i. 298.
  • Beetle, i. 137, 327;
  • ii. 22, 45, 67.
  • Befler, iii, 93.
  • Beggars, i. 110.
  • Beguinus (Joh.), i. 278.
  • Behemoth, iii. 74.
  • Belemnites, i. 210, 283.
  • Belisarius, iii. 65, 300, 476.
  • Bell (Passing), i. 95.
  • Bells, i. 9.
  • Bellabonus, i. 262.
  • Bellarmine, i. xx, xlviii.
  • Bellermontanus, i. xxxv.
  • Bellerophon's horse, i. 243.
  • Bellinus, iii. 111.
  • Bellonius, i. 295-6, 307, 322, 324;
  • ii. 51, 89, 92, 206, 351, 365, 390, 396;
  • iii. 179, 222, 252, 261, 526.
  • Belomancy, ii. 280.
  • Belus, i. 145;
  • ii. 331;
  • iii. 18.
  • Bembine tables, i. 338.
  • Bembus, iii. 152.
  • Benedict, Pope, i. xx.
  • Benedict III., Pope, iii. 71.
  • Benjamin, i. 255-6.
  • Benjamites, ii. 124.
  • Benzira, iii. 58.
  • Bergamo, i. 211.
  • Berg cum Apton, iii. 419.
  • Bergomas (Philippus), ii. 396.
  • Beringuccio, i. 274-5;
  • iii. 117.
  • Bernard (St.), i. xxxi;
  • ii. 175.
  • Beroaldus, ii. 165;
  • iii. 258.
  • Berosus, ii. 320, 331, 334, 380;
  • iii. 16, 18, 79.
  • Beryls, i. 206, 212, 255, 284-5.
  • Bethany, iii. 79.
  • Betony, i. 304;
  • iii. 296.
  • Bevis, i. 34.
  • Beza (Th.), i. xvi.;
  • iii. 277.
  • _Bezo las Manos_, i. 27.
  • Bezoar, i. 165, 256, 284;
  • ii. 71, 73.
  • Biarmia, i. 241.
  • BIBLE, _passim_.
  • Bible (Translations), iii. 265.
  • Bibliotheca Abscondita, iii. 350.
  • Biddulph, iii. 53, 262, 269.
  • Bigot family, iii. 405.
  • Bilboa, iii. 312.
  • Bilney (Thomas), iii. 425.
  • Bindweed, iii. 279.
  • Bird of Paradise, ii. 6, 61.
  • Birdcatcher, iii. 522.
  • Birdlime, i. 261, 295.
  • Birds, i. 146, 230, 303;
  • ii. 111-12;
  • iii. 3, 290-2.
  • Birds and Fishes in Norfolk, iii. 511.
  • Bisciola (Laelius), i. 240.
  • Bishop, Universal, iii. 62.
  • Bisnaguer, iii. 285.
  • Bistorte, ii. 391.
  • Bittern, iii. 292.
  • Bittor, ii. 92, 113;
  • iii. 518.
  • Bitumen, i. 32, 189, 257.
  • Blackberry, ii. 393.
  • Blackbird (white), ii. 384.
  • Blackness, ii. 367-9, 395.
  • Bladder, i. 263-4;
  • ii. 141.
  • Blakeney, iii. 532.
  • Blancanus, iii. 157.
  • Blatta Byzantina, iii. 225.
  • Bleaks, iii. 532.
  • Blickling, iii. 408, 549.
  • Blindness, ii. 42-5.
  • Blochwitius, i. 306.
  • Blood-stones, i. 284.
  • Blount (Sir H.), i. xx, xli.
  • Blue, ii. 395.
  • Blunt (Sir H.), ii. 152.
  • Blyburgh river, iii. 534.
  • Boadicea, iii. 106.
  • Boar, i. 344, 346.
  • Bocatius, ii. 175.
  • _Bocca di porco_, iii. 60, 61.
  • Boccatius, ii. 254.
  • Boccace, i. 111.
  • Bochartus, ii. 335, 364;
  • iii. 17.
  • Bodine, ii. 174-5, 179, 275, 288.
  • Bodinus Subicus, ii. 239.
  • Bœotia, ii. 375.
  • Bœthius (A. M. T. S.), i. xxii, xxiv, xlv;
  • iii. 288.
  • Bœtius. _See_ Boot.
  • Bohemia, ii. 396.
  • Boio, i. xxxix.
  • Boissardus, ii. 234.
  • Bolary earth, iii. 431.
  • Boleyn (Sir W.), iii. 407.
  • Bologna, i. 315, 329.
  • Bolsech, iii. 72.
  • Bonatus (G.), ii. 177.
  • Bonaventura, iii. 5.
  • Boniface, Pope, iii. 62.
  • Bononian stone, i. 282;
  • ii. 100.
  • Bontius (Jacobus), ii. 107.
  • Bonus (Petrus), iii. 72.
  • Books (rarities), iii. 352.
  • Boot (Bœtius, de), i. 203, 208, 212, 241, 261, 278, 282;
  • ii. 15, 16, 69, 75, 341.
  • Bootes, ii. 303.
  • Boramez, ii. 106.
  • Borax, i. 274.
  • Borchardus, iii. 79.
  • Bordeaux, iii. 217.
  • Boreas, ii. 272.
  • Borith, iii. 167.
  • Borneo, iii. 224.
  • Bosio, iii. 114, 119.
  • _Bos in lingua_, i. 339.
  • _Bos marinus_, ii. 75.
  • Bosphorus, ii. 186.
  • Bosvile family, iii. 404.
  • Botanists, iii. 221.
  • Botero, ii. 328, 356;
  • iii. 45.
  • Boulian, iii. 303.
  • _Boulimia Centenaria_, iii. 544.
  • Bovillus (C.), iii. 201.
  • Box, i. 257;
  • iii. 116.
  • Bracelets, ii. 385.
  • Brachmans, iii. 100.
  • Braden, iii. 537.
  • Brahe (Tycho), ii. 298.
  • Brain, ii. 115;
  • iii. 60.
  • Brake Fern, i. 171, 221, 238, 302.
  • Brampton, iii. 108, 430.
  • Brancaster, iii. 105, 107.
  • Brannodunum, iii. 105.
  • Brass (Corinthian), i. 255.
  • Brassavolus, i. 202, 212, 262, 267, 274-5, 293, 295;
  • ii. 15, 20.
  • Brazil, i. 227-8;
  • ii. 371-3;
  • iii. 463.
  • Bream, iii. 537.
  • Brennus, iii. 111.
  • Briar, wild, i. 301.
  • Briareus, i. 158.
  • Bricks, i. 221, 279;
  • iii. 114.
  • Briggs (W.), i. 226.
  • Brimstone, i. 189, 271-2.
  • Briony, i. 286, 288, 289, 296.
  • Bristol-stone, i. 255.
  • Britain, i. 240;
  • ii. 335, 397.
  • Brixia, ii. 6.
  • Brocardus, iii. 332.
  • Brock, i. 326.
  • Brome (Richard), iii. 404.
  • Broom Rape, iii. 259.
  • Broth (black), ii. 80.
  • Browne (Thomas), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Brunham (W. de), iii. 408.
  • Brutus, i. 143, 191, 194.
  • Bucephalus, i. 305;
  • iii. 227.
  • Buchan (David, Earl of), iii. 451.
  • Buchanan (G.), i. xviii;
  • ii. 24.
  • Buckingham Castle, iii. 108.
  • Budeus, iii. 74.
  • Bulgaria, ii. 396.
  • Bullets, i. 276.
  • Bull-rush, i. 304.
  • Bure, iii. 536-7.
  • Burgh Castle, iii. 107, 432.
  • Burgundy, order of, ii. 251.
  • Burnham, iii. 195, 533-5.
  • Burstcow, ii. 99.
  • Burton (John), iii. 420.
  • Busbequius, i. xxxv, xlviii.
  • Bustamantinus (Franciscus), ii. 28.
  • Bustard, iii. 519.
  • Butt (fish), iii. 533.
  • Butter, i. 264, 274.
  • Butterflies, ii. 11, 22, 45.
  • Buxhornius, iii. 313.
  • Buxton, iii. 106, 115, 430-1.
  • Buxtorf, ii. 145;
  • iii. 277.
  • Buzzard, ii. 22, 105;
  • iii. 517, 539.
  • Byzacian field, iii. 246-7.
  • Cabala, i. 138, 211, 230, 231, 233, 235, 255, 257;
  • ii. 398.
  • Cabbage, ii. 10;
  • iii. 95.
  • Cabeus, i. 257;
  • ii. 430;
  • iii. 47, 93.
  • Cabot (Sebast.), i. 228.
  • Cacus, iii. 385.
  • Cadamustus, i. 313;
  • iii. 29.
  • Cades, i. 296.
  • Cadesh, ii. 382.
  • Cadmus, i. xxxiv, 289;
  • iii. 152.
  • Cæciliæ, ii. 45.
  • Cæsalpinus, iii. 264.
  • Cæsar, i. 111.
  • Cæsaria, ii. 335.
  • Cæsarian conquest, iii. 493.
  • ---- cut, iii. 382.
  • Cæsius (Bernardus), i. 203, 240.
  • ---- (Fred.), i. 302.
  • Cain, i. 81, 92, 124, 129, 133-1;
  • ii. 13, 77.
  • Cainan, ii. 204.
  • Cairo, ii. 355, 360, 362, 396;
  • iii. 253.
  • Caistor, iii. 106, 115.
  • Caius the blind, i. 196.
  • Cajetan, i. xvi;
  • iii. 6, 9.
  • Calabria, i. 32;
  • ii. 136.
  • Calbanum, i. 256.
  • Calceolarianum, iii. 350.
  • Caldron, i. 142.
  • Calendar, ii. 311.
  • Calf (Golden), i. 71, 137.
  • California, iii. 308.
  • Caligula, i. 1;
  • ii. 217.
  • Calisthenes, ii. 287, 359.
  • _Callipygae_, ii. 137.
  • Callyonimus, i. 320.
  • Calthorpe (Eliz.), iii. 401.
  • Calvary, ii. 333.
  • Calvin, i. 11.
  • Calvisius, ii. 302.
  • Cambogia, ii. 371.
  • Cambridge, i. liv;
  • iii. 409, 411-12, 537.
  • Cambyses, iii. 141.
  • Camden (W.), iii. 45, 113, 325, 538.
  • Camel, i. 24, 312, 341, 346;
  • ii. 65, 74, 324, 370, 378.
  • Cameleon, ii. 361.
  • Camerarius, i. 169;
  • ii. 26.
  • Camoys nose, ii. 377.
  • Campanel, i. lii.
  • Campegius, ii. 154.
  • Camphire, i. 205, 257, 272, 276, 303;
  • ii. 87, 389;
  • iii. 224.
  • Cana, i. 42.
  • Canaan, ii. 332, 381, 383.
  • Canaries, ii. 334, 357, 398.
  • Canary Isles, ii. 349, 355, 398-9.
  • Cancer, ii. 372-3.
  • Candace, ii. 382.
  • Candia, iii. 274.
  • Candie, ii. 29.
  • Candish, i. 231.
  • Candy, ii. 373.
  • Candle, candles, ii. 278;
  • iii. 81.
  • Candlemas, ii. 311.
  • Candlestick, Golden, ii. 282.
  • _Canis levis_, ii. 61.
  • Cannibals, i. 55;
  • ii. 378.
  • Canutus, iii. 107.
  • Cap Verde Isles, ii. 399.
  • Cape of Good Hope, ii. 67, 373.
  • Capel, i. xix.
  • Capella (Martianus), ii. 234;
  • iii. 507.
  • Capillaries, i. 294, 301.
  • Capo de las Agullas, i. 227, 229;
  • ii. 349.
  • ---- Frio, i. 227, 235.
  • ---- Negro, ii. 372.
  • Cappadocia, ii. 248, 260.
  • Cappadox (Johannes), iii. 66.
  • Capriceps, i. 319.
  • Capricorn, ii. 372-3.
  • Caracalla, i. 188;
  • ii. 239;
  • iii. 108.
  • Caramania, i. 211;
  • ii. 366;
  • iii. 225.
  • Caranna, i. 255.
  • Carbuncles, i. 255, 281.
  • Cardanus (Hier.), i. 176, 203, 250, 262, 273-4;
  • ii. 36, 38, 82, 91, 99, 148, 156, 253, 276, 342, 354;
  • iii. 132, 373, 379, 381, 468, 537, 551.
  • Cardigan, iii. 538.
  • Carians, ii. 180.
  • Caricatura, iii. 376, 494.
  • Cariola, iii. 125.
  • Carion, ii. 321.
  • Carlton, iii. 409.
  • Carobe, iii. 226.
  • Carolostadius, i. xix.
  • Carp, ii. 14;
  • iii. 538.
  • Carpenter (Nat.), i. xxiv, xxv.
  • Carpocras, i. 192.
  • Carrots, i. 286.
  • Cartaphilus, iii. 71.
  • Carthage, i. 297;
  • ii. 334.
  • Casalius, ii. 222, 224;
  • iii. 114.
  • Casaubon, i. 173;
  • ii. 159, 222, 267;
  • iii. 119, 310, 432.
  • Casements, i. 222.
  • Cassia, ii. 197.
  • Cassiodorus, i. 308;
  • iii. 120.
  • Cassius (L.), i. xxxvii, 191, 194.
  • ---- Severus, i. xlix.
  • Castellanus, ii. 82.
  • Castellionæus (A.), ii. 248.
  • Castellus, i. 325.
  • Castile, iii. 311.
  • ---- arms of, ii. 255.
  • Castilia del Oro, ii. 372.
  • Castle-soap, iii. 124.
  • Castor, i. 159, 336;
  • ii. 40;
  • iii. 107.
  • Castoreum, i. 323, 325;
  • iii. 225.
  • Castro (Leo de), i. xxxii.
  • ---- (Rodericus a), iii. 24.
  • Cat, i. 137, 314, 341;
  • ii. 107, 135.
  • Cataneo, i. 276.
  • Catapucia, i. 305.
  • Catarrh, i. 306.
  • Caterpillars, i. 301.
  • Cathay, iii. 348.
  • Cathedrals, i. 109.
  • Catkins, iii. 165.
  • Cato, i. 62;
  • ii. 80, 274, 305, 320, 380;
  • iii. 95, 133-4, 388.
  • Catoblepas, i. 332.
  • Catullus, iii. 438.
  • Caucasus, i. 310.
  • Causanus (Nicolaus), ii. 175.
  • Cebes, iii. 388, 433.
  • Cecrops, ii. 332.
  • Cedar, i. xxvi, 257;
  • iii. 224, 262.
  • Cedrenus, ii. 279;
  • iii. 65.
  • Cefala, ii. 372.
  • Cellers, i. 271.
  • Ceneus, i. 298.
  • Cenotaphs, iii. 120.
  • Censorius (M. Messala), i. xlix, 1;
  • ii. 171, 174, 179, 288;
  • iii. 43.
  • Centaurs, i. 141, 174.
  • Centipedes, ii. 22.
  • _Cerastes_, ii. 31.
  • Cerautus, i. 211.
  • Cerberus, i. 158;
  • ii. 386.
  • Ceres, ii. 254.
  • CERTAIN MISCELLANY TRACTS, iii. 213.
  • Cestius, iii. 156.
  • Cevalerius, ii. 249.
  • Chad, iii. 531.
  • Chairs, iii. 158.
  • Chalcis, iii. 43, 46.
  • Chaldea, Chaldeans, ii. 287, 320-1, 350, 396;
  • iii. 100.
  • Chali, i. 206, 238.
  • Chalk pits, i. 283.
  • Chalybeates, i. 245.
  • _Chalybs præparatus_, i. 231.
  • Cham, ii. 333, 368, 380-1, 383;
  • iii. 148, 534.
  • Chamberpot, i. 143.
  • Chameleon, ii. 20, 50.
  • Changelings, i. 45.
  • Chaos, i. 27.
  • Characters, i. 195.
  • Charcoal, ii. 388.
  • Chariot, ii. 238.
  • Charity, i. 83, 90, 93, 110.
  • Charlatans, i. 138.
  • Charles the Great, iii. 157.
  • Charles V., ii. 253, 367;
  • iii. 138, 374.
  • Charles the Bald, King of France, iii. 305.
  • Charles I., King, iii. 516.
  • ---- his porter, iii. 540.
  • Charms, i. 195, 198.
  • Charon, i. 158;
  • iii. 132.
  • Charta Magna, co. Kent, iii. 401.
  • Cheapside, i. 99.
  • Cheek burn, ii. 266.
  • Cheese, ii. 348;
  • iii. 73.
  • Chelbena, iii. 225.
  • Chemistry, i. 208.
  • Chemists, i. 167.
  • Cheops, i. 239;
  • iii. 164
  • Cheremon, i. 180.
  • Cherinthus, i. 192.
  • Cherry, ii. 393-4.
  • Cherry-stone, ii. 65.
  • Cherubim, ii. 256, 333.
  • Cheshire, iii. 113.
  • Chess, i. 32;
  • iii. 160.
  • Chestnut, i. 293.
  • Chiamsi, i. 280.
  • Chiapa, iii. 308.
  • Chicken, i. 195;
  • ii. 103, 138.
  • Chifflet, iii. 110, 157.
  • Child, children, i. 111;
  • ii. 276-7;
  • iii. 487.
  • ---- dead, ii. 282.
  • Childeric I., iii. 110, 117.
  • Chili, i. 228;
  • ii. 372.
  • Chimæra, ii. 1.
  • China, Chinese, i. xxxiii, 280;
  • ii. 339, 355, 362, 377;
  • iii. 102, 224, 347.
  • ---- Emperor of, i. 281.
  • ---- dishes, i. 255, 279-81;
  • iii. 69.
  • Chindonactes, iii. 434.
  • Chioccus (Andr.), i. 282.
  • Chipper, iii. 524.
  • Chiromancy, i. 87;
  • ii. 276.
  • Chiron, i. 78.
  • Chit, iii. 519.
  • Chock, iii. 523.
  • Choler, i. 316.
  • Chomer, ii. 398.
  • Chough, ii. 377;
  • iii. 523.
  • Choughs, i. 340, 344.
  • CHRISTIAN MORALS, iii. 439.
  • Christmas Eve, i. 295.
  • Christopher (St.), ii. 247.
  • Chrysippus, ii. 175;
  • iii. 73.
  • Chrysolites, i. 69.
  • Chrysoprase, i. 284.
  • Chrysostom, i. xxxi, xli;
  • ii. 221, 289.
  • Chub, iii. 537.
  • Church-Music, i. 101.
  • Church of God, i. 78.
  • Chus, ii. 381;
  • iii. 148.
  • Ciaconius, ii. 216.
  • Cicada, ii. 207;
  • iii. 289, 293.
  • Cicero, i. xviii, xix, xxvii, xl, xliii, xliv, 38, 61, 101, 159, 160,
  • 168;
  • ii. 57, 175, 181;
  • iii. 150, 552.
  • _Cicilia_, ii. 31.
  • Cinders, i. 239.
  • Cinaber, ii. 394.
  • Cinnamomus, ii. 6.
  • Cinnamon, i. 292;
  • ii. 6;
  • iii. 21, 226.
  • Cinnamulgus, ii. 6.
  • Circæa, i. 291.
  • Circe, i. 290;
  • ii. 165, 279.
  • Ciris, iii. 289, 292.
  • Citron, i. 148.
  • ---- Tree, iii. 274.
  • Civet Cat, i. 325;
  • ii. 148.
  • ---- (Western), i. 239.
  • Civita Vecchia, iii. 534.
  • Claudian, i. 202, 247;
  • ii. 7.
  • Claudius, Emperor, i. xxxiii, xlvi, xlix, 299;
  • ii. 6;
  • iii. 105-6.
  • Claudius Pulcher, i. 195.
  • Clave (De), ii. 141.
  • Claxton, iii. 516.
  • Clemens Alexandrinus, i. 156;
  • ii. 290, 298;
  • iii. 301.
  • Clement VIII., ii. 245.
  • Cleobulus, i. 159.
  • Cleopas, ii. 2.
  • Cleopatra, i. 245;
  • ii. 216, 235, 359, 362;
  • iii. 253, 268.
  • Clepsammia, ii. 251.
  • Clepsydra, ii. 251.
  • Cleve (William, Duke of), iii. 298.
  • Climacter, i. 44.
  • Climacterical year, ii. 160.
  • Climate, i. 84.
  • Climax, Mt., iii. 77.
  • Clocks, i. xxxv;
  • ii. 251-2.
  • Clouds, i. 273.
  • Clove, i. 292.
  • Cloven hoof, ii. 275.
  • Cluniac monks, Thetford, iii. 405.
  • Clusius, ii. 71, 85-6.
  • Cneoron, i. 246.
  • Coal-fish, iii. 532.
  • Coble bird, iii. 522.
  • _Coccus Baphicus_, iii. 296.
  • Cochlæus, iii. 72.
  • Cock, i. 303, 320, 341;
  • ii. 96.
  • ---- (white), i. 196.
  • Cocks-comb, ii. 81.
  • Cock's egg, i. 335.
  • Cockatrice, i. 331-3, 337.
  • Cockle (weed), iii. 279.
  • ---- (shell), iii. 534.
  • Cocles, iii. 79.
  • Cod, ii. 14, 84;
  • iii. 532.
  • Cods (vegetable), iii. 226.
  • Codignus, ii. 145, 356, 382.
  • Codronchus (B.), ii. 171.
  • Codrus, i. 62.
  • Coffins, iii. 115.
  • Coins, ii. 205;
  • iii. 106-7.
  • Coition, i. 100, 148;
  • ii. 260.
  • Colcagninus (Cœlius), i. 230.
  • Colcothar, ii. 392.
  • Colein, Queen of, i. 263.
  • Colepepper (John), iii. 401.
  • Colls (Abel), iii. 421.
  • Collyrium, i. 167, 196.
  • Colocynthis, i. 197;
  • ii. 197;
  • iii. 231.
  • Cologne, Three Kings of, iii. 25.
  • Colossus, i. 24.
  • Colour, ii. 367, 384.
  • Columbaries, i. 318.
  • Columbus, i. 228-9;
  • ii. 372;
  • iii. 6.
  • ---- of Sicily, ii. 239.
  • Columella, i. 155, 288;
  • ii. 305, 344;
  • iii. 258.
  • Columna (F.), iii. 184.
  • Comestor, i. xxii;
  • iii. 5.
  • Comets, ii. 400.
  • Commodus, ii. 290;
  • iii. 106, 468.
  • Company, iii. 489.
  • Compass, i. 226, 231.
  • Comphosis, iii. 185-6.
  • Conception, i. 171;
  • ii. 127, 273.
  • Conchis (Gul. de), i. 176.
  • Confucius, iii. 309.
  • Conger, iii. 532.
  • Congor, i. 213.
  • Coniah, ii. 117.
  • Conies, i. 341;
  • ii. 324.
  • ---- (place), ii. 335.
  • Conimbricenses, i. xxiii.
  • Conscience, i. 96.
  • Consortion, iii. 488.
  • Constance, Council, i. xxxvii, 41;
  • iii. 402.
  • Constans, iii. 106.
  • Constantine, Emperor, i. xxxix, 43, 315;
  • ii. 256;
  • iii. 40, 123, 151.
  • ---- writer, ii. 305.
  • Constantinople, i. 80;
  • ii. 149, 328.
  • Constantius, iii. 294.
  • Consumption, iii. 296, 378.
  • Continency, i. 142.
  • Controversies, i. 89.
  • Conversation, i. 103;
  • iii. 488.
  • Cony, ii. 80.
  • Coote, iii. 517.
  • Copernicus, i. 111;
  • ii. 318;
  • iii. 47, 76.
  • Copher, iii. 223.
  • Copper, i. 232.
  • Coperose, i. 232;
  • ii. 390-1.
  • ---- of Mars, i. 232.
  • Copulation, i. 148, 284.
  • Coquæus, i. xx, xxviii.
  • _Cor scorpii_, ii. 400.
  • Coral, i. 208, 278-9, 284;
  • ii. 278, 365.
  • Corbet (Richard), Bp., iii. 407.
  • Corcyra, iii. 47.
  • Cordova (Fernandius de), ii. 365-6, 396;
  • iii. 66.
  • Cordus, iii. 231, 257.
  • Corinth, ii. 362;
  • iii. 282.
  • Corinthian brass, i. 255.
  • Cork, i. 224.
  • Cormorant, iii. 252, 516.
  • Corn, ii. 102,
  • Corn-cockle, ii. 35.
  • Cornelians, i. 206, 256, 284.
  • Cornelius, ii. 157.
  • Cornerius, ii. 59.
  • Cornu Ammonis, i. 210.
  • Cornwall, iii. 523.
  • Coronary Plants, iii. 281.
  • Corsalius (Andreas), ii. 363, 365.
  • Corvinus, ii. 233.
  • Cosin (John), Bp., iii. 407.
  • Cosmography, ii. 283.
  • Costa (Christoph. à), i. 313.
  • Cough, i. 154;
  • iii. 378-9.
  • Courtney (Richard), Pp., iii. 418.
  • Covarrubias (S. de), iii. 490.
  • Cow, i. 154, 295;
  • ii. 40.
  • Crab, ii. 16, 25, 75, 129;
  • iii. 534.
  • Crab's eye, i. 264.
  • Crab-apples, i. 293.
  • 'Cracuna' inscr., iii. 432.
  • Cranes, ii. 155;
  • iii. 514.
  • Crantsius, ii. 396.
  • Crassus, i. xxvii;
  • ii. 264;
  • iii. 58, 553.
  • Crateras, i. 171.
  • Crawfish, iii. 537.
  • Credulity, i. 140, 147.
  • Creek, iii. 401.
  • Creta, Cretans, i. 2, 90;
  • ii. 81, 357;
  • iii. 163, 274.
  • Creusa, ii. 58.
  • Crevise, ii. 41.
  • Crinitus (Petrus), iii. 65.
  • Crocodile, i. 312, 350;
  • ii. 20, 80, 357;
  • iii. 56.
  • _Crocus Martis_, i. 231-2.
  • ---- _Metallorum_, i. 256, 277.
  • Crœsus, i. 188;
  • ii. 118;
  • iii. 41-2, 333.
  • Crofts (John), Dean, iii. 401, 421.
  • Crollins, i. 277, 286.
  • Cromer, iii. 533-4.
  • Cross, the, ii. 256.
  • ---- True, i. 43.
  • ---- Sign, i. 190.
  • ---- Andrean, iii. 151.
  • ---- Burgundian, iii. 151.
  • Cross-legged, ii. 267.
  • Crostwick, iii. 89, 524.
  • Crow, i. xliii, 59, 317, 323, 340, 344-5;
  • ii. 14, 377;
  • iii. 523.
  • ---- White, ii. 370, 384.
  • Crown, iii. 157.
  • ---- of Thorns, iii. 3.
  • Crucius, ii. 198.
  • ---- Alsarius, ii. 154.
  • Crusius, Martinus, ii. 291.
  • Cryptography, i. 253.
  • Crysolite, i. 285.
  • Crystal, i. 202, 255.
  • Ctesias, i. 169, 170, 173, 174;
  • ii. 159;
  • iii. 68.
  • Cuba, i. 228.
  • Cubs, i. 174.
  • Cuckoo, iii. 520.
  • ---- spittle, ii. 208.
  • Cucumber, i. 305;
  • iii. 227.
  • Cummin, iii. 232-3.
  • Cunæus, i. xxxv.
  • Cuneus, iii. 161.
  • Cunnyfish, iii. 530.
  • Cupid, i. 100.
  • Curiosity, concerning too nice, iii. 437.
  • Curlew, iii. 521.
  • Curry cart, iii. 225.
  • Curtius (L.), iii. 150, 153.
  • ---- (Q.), i. 62, 311;
  • ii. 237, 363, 366;
  • iii. 79.
  • Cusanus, i. 234.
  • Cuthred, iii. 107, 123.
  • Cuttlefish, ii. 41, 393;
  • iii. 296, 533, 547.
  • _Cyceon_ ii. 82.
  • Cyclades, ii. 324.
  • Cymbals, iii. 301.
  • Cynospastus, i. 189, 291.
  • Cypress, iii. 195, 223.
  • ---- wood, iii. 116.
  • Cyprian, i. xix, 262, 317.
  • Cyprius (A.), iii. 113, 323.
  • Cyprus, i. 211;
  • ii. 21.
  • Cypselus, iii. 336.
  • Cyril, ii. 4, 212;
  • iii. 17.
  • CYRUS, GARDEN OF, iii. 145.
  • Cyrus, i. 321;
  • iii. 42, 125, 149.
  • Cyrus the Younger, ii. 144.
  • Dace, iii. 537.
  • Dædalus, i. 158.
  • Dagon, ii. 254.
  • Dalechamp, ii. 6, 51, 173, 266;
  • iii. 261.
  • Damascus, i. 197.
  • Damiata, ii. 360.
  • Damon, i. 93.
  • Dan, i. 46, 282.
  • Danæus, i. xxiii.
  • Danes, iii. 107, 112.
  • Daniel, i. 44, 265;
  • iii. 228.
  • ---- (S.), i. xxxiii.
  • Dante, iii. 30, 125, 133-4, 375, 382.
  • Dantzig, i. 262.
  • Dares Phrygius, ii. 321.
  • Darius, ii. 361.
  • ---- Histaspes, ii. 297.
  • Darnel, ii. 35;
  • iii. 277-8.
  • Dart-stone, i. 283.
  • Date (fruit), ii. 8;
  • iii. 552.
  • David, iii. 36.
  • Daws, i. xliii, 59.
  • Day, ii. 167-8, 309.
  • Dead Sea, iii. 330.
  • Dead-watch, i. 299.
  • Death, i. 41, 62-3, 107, 299;
  • iii. 479.
  • Dedan, ii. 381.
  • Dee (John), ii. 253.
  • Deer, i. 312, 340;
  • ii. 40, 72, 377.
  • _Defenda me Dios de me_, i. 103.
  • Deformity, ii. 260.
  • Deiphobus, iii. 132.
  • Delos, ii. 313.
  • Delphi, i. xl. 21, 65, 143, 199;
  • ii. 324;
  • iii. 40-1, 333.
  • Delrio, i. xxii, 3, 5.
  • Delusion, i. 46.
  • Demetrius, silversmith, i. 136.
  • ---- Phalereus, i. xxxii;
  • iii. 39, 294-5, 298.
  • Democritus, i. xliii, 89, 91, 136, 188, 190, 217;
  • iii. 79, 553.
  • Demons, ii. 96.
  • Demosthenes, i. 188;
  • iii. 64.
  • Denarius, ii. 223;
  • iii. 433.
  • Denmark, iii. 113.
  • Denny (Sir W.), iii. 403.
  • Derceto, ii. 242, 254.
  • Des Accords, iii. 305.
  • Des Cartes (R.), i. 218, 233, 259.
  • Detraction, iii. 467.
  • Deucalion, i. xxix, 35;
  • ii. 7, 319.
  • _Deuteroproton_, ii. 307.
  • Deuteroscopy, i. 134.
  • Devil, i. xli, 32, 73, 182;
  • ii. 275.
  • ---- (White), ii. 384.
  • Diabolism, iii. 392, 450.
  • Dials, i. 260;
  • ii. 251.
  • Diamond, i. 203, 208, 212-13, 236, 240, 255, 262-3, 266, 268, 282, 284-5.
  • Diana, i. 136;
  • ii. 272.
  • ---- Temple of, iii. 130.
  • ---- Saguntina, iii. 258.
  • Diapalma, ii. 122.
  • Diaphœnicon, ii. 8, 198.
  • Diatesseron, ii. 280.
  • Dickinson (Ed.), ii. 364.
  • Dictys Cretensis, ii. 321.
  • Dido, ii. 78.
  • Didymus, iii. 153.
  • Diet, ii. 76.
  • Digby (Sir K.), i. xi, xiv, xxxix, xlvi, 218, 258-9.
  • Digges (T), iii. 325.
  • Dijon (Burgundy), iii. 434.
  • Dill, iii. 22.
  • Dinocrates, i. 243.
  • Dio. i. 266.
  • Dion Cassius, ii. 280, 363.
  • Diocles, ii. 177.
  • Diocletian, i. 191.
  • Diodati, iii. 21, 265, 277.
  • Diodorus Siculus, i. 155, 158, 169, 203, 308, 336;
  • ii. 123, 180, 233, 238, 286, 320-1, 325, 331-3,
  • 336, 356-7;
  • iii. 148.
  • Diogenes, i. 13, 59, 77;
  • ii. 174;
  • iii. 129, 486.
  • ---- Babylonius, i. xlv.
  • ---- Cynicus, ii. 174, 256.
  • ---- Laertius, i. xxviii, li, 159, 231;
  • ii. 174, 193;
  • iii. 43.
  • Diomedes, i. 158;
  • iii. 153.
  • Dionysius Afer, ii. 366, 397.
  • ---- Halicarnasseus, i. 168;
  • ii. 333, 380.
  • ---- Heracleoticus, ii. 174.
  • ---- Perregetes, ii. 185.
  • Dioscorides, i. 155, 157, 165, 171, 174, 203, 211, 245, 249, 278, 291,
  • 296, 320, 322, 325, 328, 332;
  • ii. 19, 21, 28, 99, 107, 391;
  • iii. 22-3.
  • Dives, i. 70.
  • Dock, i. 304;
  • ii. 368.
  • Dodder, iii. 159, 189.
  • Dodona, ii. 211.
  • Dog, i. 155, 158, 264, 303, 306, 312, 314, 339;
  • ii. 65, 83, 185, 378.
  • Dog-briar, iii. 223.
  • Dog-days, ii. 183.
  • Dog-fish, ii. 74-5;
  • iii. 528.
  • Dog's-grass, iii. 115.
  • Dog-star, ii. 183, 357-8, 373;
  • iii. 141.
  • Dog-stones, i. 326.
  • Dolphin, i. 346;
  • ii. 205;
  • iii. 527.
  • Dominicans, i. xvi.
  • Domitian, i. xxxiii, 158;
  • iii. 118.
  • Domitius, ii. 74.
  • Doomsday, ii. 301.
  • Doradoes, i. 84.
  • Dorhawk, iii. 522.
  • Doria (Andreas), iii. 460.
  • Dorpius, i. xv.
  • Dorrs, ii. 22.
  • Dorset, Marquis of, iii. 125.
  • Dort Synod, i. 11.
  • Dotterell, iii. 519.
  • Dove, i. 317, 320.
  • ---- houses, i. 271, 318.
  • ---- (Syrian), iii. 273.
  • Dragon, i. 215, 265.
  • Drake, i. 231.
  • Drawater, iii. 524.
  • Dreams, i. 105-6, 187;
  • iii. 221, 380-1;
  • (Tract), iii. 550.
  • Drink, ii. 142.
  • Droggotoshen, i. xxxi.
  • Dromedaries, i. 24.
  • Dropsies, i. 245.
  • Drowning, ii. 135.
  • Druids, i. 295;
  • iii. 111, 434.
  • Drums, i. 174.
  • Drunkenness, ii. 273.
  • Drusius, i. 288;
  • iii. 20, 22.
  • Dryinus, i. 332.
  • Du Bartas, i. xxv, xxvi.
  • Ducks, i. 336-7;
  • iii. 517.
  • Dugdale (Sir W.), iii. 91, 322.
  • Duina, ii. 356.
  • Du Loyr, iii. 46, 303, 378.
  • Dunning (Chancellor), iii. 409.
  • Durante, iii. 3.
  • Duretus, i. 267.
  • Durazzo, iii. 47.
  • Dust, i. 186.
  • Dutch, i. 83.
  • ---- Ambassadors, i. 280.
  • Dyers, ii. 394.
  • Dysentery, i. 281.
  • Eagle, i. 283, 298;
  • ii. 3, 45, 313;
  • iii. 513.
  • Eaglestone, i. 235, 282.
  • Ear tingling, ii. 266.
  • Earth, i. 133, 162-4, 186, 259.
  • Earthquakes, i. 148, 273.
  • Earwig, ii. 96.
  • East, ii. 338.
  • East Indies, i. 293;
  • ii. 107, 362.
  • Easter Day, ii. 272.
  • Ebion, i. 191-2.
  • Ebony, i. 257.
  • Ebusus, ii. 357.
  • Echbatana, iii. 103.
  • Echinites, i. 210, 283.
  • Echinometrites, i. 210, 283.
  • Echo, i. 314;
  • iii. 201.
  • Eckius, i. xvi.
  • Eclipses, i. 193.
  • Ecliptic, ii. 314.
  • Edom, ii. 364;
  • iii. 122.
  • Eel, ii. 10, 135;
  • iii. 532, 538.
  • ---- poult, iii. 537.
  • Egg, i. 159, 204;
  • ii. 104, 214.
  • ---- white of, i. 261;
  • ii. 19.
  • ---- shells, i. 279;
  • ii. 265;
  • iii. 117.
  • Egypt, i. 137, 159, 350;
  • ii. 6, 7, 81, 89, 92, 158, 286, 332, 350-62, 376, 395-6;
  • iii. 80 _et passim_.
  • E'i (Delphi), iii. 339.
  • Ejaculation, i. 324.
  • Elaterium, ii. 197.
  • Elba, i. 242.
  • Elder, i. 171.
  • Elderberry, i. 306.
  • Eleazer, i. xxxii.
  • Elect, i. 79.
  • Electrical bodies, i. 254.
  • Electrum, i. 255.
  • Electuary, ii. 8.
  • Elephant, i. 24, 26, 170, 308, 326, 341;
  • ii. 65, 255, 325, 370;
  • iii. 237.
  • ---- teeth, i. 256.
  • Elephantina, ii. 81.
  • Elf-locks, ii. 268.
  • Elias, i. xxviii, xlv, 32, 65;
  • ii. 62, 378;
  • iii. 2, 138.
  • Elias, Rabbi, ii, 291.
  • ---- Venetus, iii. 304.
  • Elisha, i. 197;
  • ii. 280;
  • iii. 54.
  • Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, iii. 401.
  • Elk, ii. 72, 90.
  • ---- hoofs, i. 256.
  • Elm, i. 293.
  • Elmham, iii. 117.
  • ---- St. Mary, iii. 405.
  • Elves' spurs, i. 283.
  • Ely Priory, iii. 411.
  • Emanuel, King of Portugal, i. 311-12.
  • Emblematists, i. 180.
  • Emeralds, i. 69, 256, 284-5.
  • Emery, i. 214, 239, 262.
  • Emission, i. 341.
  • Emmanuel, iii. 61.
  • Empedocles, i. xxvi, 142, 163, 198, 287, 335;
  • ii. 34.
  • Emperors, i. 59.
  • Emplastra, i. 247.
  • Empyreal, i. 70.
  • Enerin, iii. 310.
  • Engaddi, i. 296;
  • iii. 240.
  • England, i. 81, 84, 228-9;
  • ii. 149.
  • ---- Church of, i. 11.
  • ---- (Midlands), ii. 285.
  • English language, i. 117.
  • Englishmen, i. 90.
  • Ennius, i. 230.
  • Enoch, i. xxxiii, 3, 8, 119.
  • Enoch's Pillars, i. 38.
  • Enos, ii. 320.
  • Ent (Sir George), ii. 16.
  • Entelechia, i. xx, xxi.
  • Enthymemes, i. 178.
  • Envy, iii. 449.
  • Ephod, i. 284.
  • Ephesus, Ephesians, i. 136;
  • iii. 77, 139.
  • Ephraim, i. 320;
  • ii. 122.
  • Epicureans, i. xxvi, 186.
  • Epicurus, i. xxiii, xxv, xxviii, xlii, xliii, xlvi, 33, 190, 234;
  • ii. 284;
  • iii. 73, 133; _et passim_.
  • Epidaurus, ii. 106.
  • Epilepsy, ii. 72.
  • Epimenides, i. 2.
  • Epiphanius, i. xx, 144, 175;
  • ii. 4, 8;
  • iii. 17.
  • Epithymum, iii. 189.
  • Epius, i. 180.
  • Equator, i. 217-18;
  • ii. 314-15.
  • Equivocation, i. 141.
  • Erasmus, i. xv, xxx, xlix, 159;
  • ii. 175, 362;
  • iii. 128, 241.
  • Erastus, i. 267.
  • Erathius, ii. 320.
  • Eratosthenes, i. 155;
  • ii. 142, 350.
  • Eremites, Friars, i. xvi.
  • Erica, iii. 223.
  • Eringium, i. 290.
  • Erithra, ii. 364.
  • Erpingham, iii. 403, 549.
  • ---- (Sir T.), iii. 402.
  • Error, i. 121.
  • Erythrus, ii. 363, 366.
  • Esau, iii, 9.
  • _Esculus_, iii. 261.
  • Escutcheons, ii. 229.
  • Esdras, i. xxxix, 43.
  • Esther, i. 44.
  • Estius, ii. 228, 280;
  • iii. 35.
  • Eternity, i. 19, 338.
  • Ethiopia, i. 350;
  • ii. 332, 356, 358, 369, 370-1, 379, 382.
  • Etna, ii. 357.
  • Etymology, i. 286-7.
  • Eucharist, i. 145;
  • iii. 12, 14.
  • Eucherius, ii. 203.
  • Euclid, i. 160, 185, 335;
  • ii. 253.
  • Eudorus, i. 156.
  • Eudoxus, ii. 164.
  • Eugubinus. _See_ Steuchus.
  • Eumolus, iii. 43.
  • Eunuchs, i. 342.
  • Euphorbium, ii. 197.
  • Euphorbus, iii. 470.
  • Euphrantides, ii. 147.
  • Euphrates, ii. 270, 350, 365.
  • Eupolis, ii. 142.
  • Euripides, i. 67;
  • ii. 142, 221;
  • iii. 120.
  • ---- _Hecuba_, iii. 114.
  • Euripus, i. li, 99;
  • iii. 42, 44-6.
  • Europa, i. 339;
  • iii. 282.
  • Europe, i. 78, 194, 227-8.
  • Eusebius, i. xx, xxxvii;
  • ii. 290, 321;
  • iii. 40, 80.
  • Eustachius, iii. 153, 160.
  • Eustathius, ii. 142, 147, 156.
  • Euthymius, i. xxxi.
  • Euxine, ii. 366;
  • iii. 490.
  • Evander, ii. 333.
  • Evangelists, ii. 232.
  • Evax, i. 171, 284.
  • Eve, i. 15, 34, 81, 122-5, 129, 140, 143-4, 314;
  • ii. 13, 137, 209, 212, 285;
  • iii. 5-6, 10.
  • Evisa, ii. 357.
  • Exantlation, i. 150.
  • Eye, i. 167;
  • ii. 42-7;
  • iii. 200.
  • Eye-lid, ii. 111-12.
  • Ezechias. _See_ Hezekiah.
  • Ezekiel, i. 69.
  • Ezion-Geber, i. 231;
  • iii. 220.
  • Faber (Joh.), i. 302;
  • ii. 24-5.
  • Fabermarinus, iii. 288.
  • Fabii, iii. 75.
  • Fabius Pictor, ii. 320.
  • Fables, i. 157.
  • Fabritius Paduantus, ii. 281.
  • Fagius (Paulus), ii. 227, 231.
  • Fairy stones, i. 283.
  • Faith, i. 81, 96.
  • Falconry, iii. 294.
  • Fallacy, i. 140, 141, 144.
  • Falling sickness, i. 188.
  • Fallopius, ii. 125.
  • Familist, i. 79.
  • Famine, i. 300.
  • Farnese (Cardinal), iii. 110.
  • Faroe Island, iii. 515, 518, 523.
  • Farriers, i. 314.
  • Farselloni, iii. 79.
  • Fascination, i. 334.
  • Fat, i. 265.
  • Faustina, iii. 433.
  • Favago, iii. 178.
  • Faventia, i. 281.
  • Fawn, i. 188.
  • Fayus, iii. 72.
  • Fazelli (Thomas), ii. 333.
  • Fecundity, ii. 259.
  • Feet, ii. 269, 270.
  • Felicity, iii. 475.
  • Fen-cricket, iii. 538.
  • Ferdinandus (Ant.), ii. 356.
  • Fern, i. 171, 206, 221, 264, 301.
  • Fernelius, ii. 54, 63.
  • Ferrara, i. 293;
  • iii. 193.
  • ---- (Alphonso, Duke of), i. 274-5.
  • Ferrarius (Omnibonus), iii. 375.
  • _Ferrum equinum_, i. 297.
  • Ferryman (Elysian), iii. 130.
  • Fertility, iii. 271.
  • Festus, ii. 235.
  • Fiaroumti, i. 279.
  • Fienus (Thomas), ii. 375.
  • Fieschi (Aloysio), iii. 461.
  • Figs, i. 197.
  • Fig tree, i. 298.
  • ---- ---- (Parable), iii. 266.
  • Filander, iii. 296.
  • Finch, iii. 524.
  • Fingal, iii. 311.
  • Finger, Fingers, iii. 552.
  • ---- pectinated, ii. 267.
  • ---- (ring), ii. 117.
  • Finsbury, iii. 421.
  • Fioravanti (L.), i. 166.
  • Fir tree, iii. 251.
  • Fire, i. 47, 71;
  • ii. 56-7.
  • ---- shovel, i. 221.
  • Firmicus (Julius), iii. 294.
  • Fish, ii. 74, 112, 151;
  • iii. 527.
  • Fishes eaten by Our Saviour, iii. 286.
  • Fishes and Birds in Norfolk, iii. 511.
  • Fitches, iii. 232, 278.
  • Five, iii. 203-4.
  • Flags (plant), i. 290.
  • Flamen, i. 316.
  • Flanders, iii. 117.
  • Flax, i. 274;
  • iii. 254-5.
  • Fleece, Golden, Order, ii. 251.
  • Flesh, cutting of, ii. 77-8.
  • Fleur-de-lis, ii. 256.
  • Flints, i. 206, 208, 256, 272;
  • ii. 56.
  • Floating, ii. 134.
  • Flood, i, 132;
  • ii. 78, 319.
  • Flood (Robert), iii. 305.
  • Florianus, iii. 433.
  • Florilegus, iii. 66.
  • Florus, i. xxvii.
  • Flos Africanus, i. 306.
  • Flowers, iii. 117.
  • Fluellen, i. 304,
  • Flux, ii. 282.
  • ---- of the sea, i. 24.
  • Fly, i. 24, 262, 300-1.
  • Folkestone Abbey, iii. 411.
  • Forbidden fruit, iii. 1, 227.
  • Forceps, iii. 161.
  • Forerius, ii. 157.
  • Forestus, ii. 119.
  • Fortunate Islands, ii. 398.
  • Fortune, i. 30.
  • Fortune-tellers, i. 139.
  • Fougade, i. 28.
  • Fox, i. 155;
  • ii. 82, 264, 370, 377.
  • Fox (fish), ii. 74.
  • Fox-stones, i. 326.
  • Fox (John), iii. 406, 409, 410.
  • Fracastorius, i. 241.
  • France, i. 33, 226, 228;
  • ii. 92, 149.
  • Francherius, iii. 300.
  • Francis I., iii. 374.
  • Franciscan opponent, i. 37.
  • Frankincense, i. 205;
  • iii. 21.
  • Franks, iii. 161.
  • Freake (Edmund), B., iii. 409, 411.
  • Freculphus, iii. 30.
  • Frederick II., i. xxviii;
  • iii. 300.
  • French, i. 83, 90.
  • Friends, i. 94-5, 105.
  • Friendship, i. 93;
  • ii. 265.
  • Frobisher, ii. 70.
  • Frogs, i. xlix, 83, 312, 327;
  • ii. 11, 13, 19, 20, 113, 134, 379.
  • Frog-fish, ii. 74;
  • iii. 529.
  • Frotho, iii. 112.
  • Fuchsius, iii. 168.
  • Fuenca, i. 281.
  • _Fuga Dæmonis_, i. 189.
  • Fulgentius, ii. 257.
  • Fuller (Tho.), ii. 157.
  • Fundi, iii. 226.
  • _Fungus sambucinus_, i. 304.
  • Fury, iii. 492.
  • Furze, i. 297;
  • iii. 129.
  • Gabriel Sionita, i. 243.
  • Gaditane ocean, iii. 531.
  • Gaffarel, iii. 165.
  • Gaguinus, iii. 112, 247.
  • Galaxia, iii. 12.
  • Galba, i. 310.
  • Galbanum, iii. 225.
  • GALEN, _passim_.
  • Galileo, ii. 164;
  • iii. 47.
  • Gall, i. 194, 197, 210, 314-15, 317, 345-6.
  • Gallicia, iii. 165.
  • Gallienus, iii. 107, 433.
  • Gallows, i. 289.
  • Galuanus Martianus, iii. 121.
  • Gama (Stephanus de), ii. 365.
  • Gammadims, iii. 106.
  • Ganet, iii. 515.
  • Ganges, ii. 158, 353, 357.
  • Ganivetus, ii. 177.
  • Gans, i. 279.
  • Garagantua, i. 34.
  • Garamantes, ii. 372.
  • Garcias. _See_ Horto.
  • GARDEN OF CYRUS, iii. 145.
  • Gardeners, ii. 93;
  • iii. 148.
  • Gardens, i. 307;
  • iii. 148.
  • Gardiner (George), iii. 398-9, 410.
  • Garfish, iii. 530.
  • Garlands, iii. 281.
  • Garlick, i. 235-6;
  • ii. 331, 368.
  • Garrulus Argentoratensis, iii. 525.
  • Garum, iii. 290.
  • Gascons, i. 90.
  • Gaspar, iii. 26.
  • Gassendus, i. xxiii;
  • iii. 73.
  • Gasserus, i. 231.
  • Gaudentinus, ii. 99.
  • Gaudentius Brixiensis, i. xxx.
  • Gauricus (L.), ii. 168, 198.
  • Gaywood Hall, iii. 408.
  • Gaza, ii. 31, 43.
  • Gazela, ii. 148.
  • Geber, i. 148;
  • iii. 63.
  • Gellius (A.), i. xi, li, 142;
  • ii. 81, 117, 234.
  • Gemini, ii. 191.
  • Geminus, ii. 164, 184, 187, 189.
  • Gems, i. 208, 241.
  • ---- (artificial), i. 206.
  • Genebrard, i. xx, xxviii;
  • ii. 396.
  • Generation, ii. 10, 127;
  • iii. 57.
  • Geneva, i. 11.
  • Genoese, i. 44.
  • Gentianella, ii. 395.
  • Gentleman (English), iii. 465.
  • Geodes, i. 283.
  • Geoffrey of Monmouth, ii. 335.
  • Geomancers, i. 139.
  • Geometry, i. 162.
  • George (David), i. 138.
  • George (St.), ii. 249.
  • Georgius Alexandrinus, iii. 258.
  • ---- Venetus, iii. 230.
  • Gerar, ii. 382.
  • Gergazites, ii. 381.
  • Gerion, i. 158;
  • ii. 334.
  • Germanicus, i. xlvi, 311;
  • ii. 21, 240;
  • iii. 323.
  • Germany, i. 38, 90, 228;
  • ii. 16, 69, 208, 280, 396;
  • iii. 101.
  • ---- Maid of, i. 46.
  • Gersom, ii. 288.
  • Geryon, ii. 23.
  • Gesner (C.), i. 279, 322, 324;
  • ii. 15, 74, 85, 205-6.
  • Geta, iii. 108.
  • Ghosts, i. 187.
  • Gianat, Oriental, i. 285.
  • Gibbartas, ii. 86.
  • Gibeonites, ii. 262.
  • Giges, ii. 50.
  • Gihon, ii. 350.
  • Gilbert, ii. 349.
  • ---- (W.), ii. 220, 223-4, 227, 229, 233, 240, 247, 255, 259, 292.
  • Gillingham, iii. 93.
  • Gillius, iii. 46.
  • Ginger, i. 292.
  • Gipsies, ii. 395-7.
  • Giraldus, ii. 335, 386.
  • Girdle, ii. 269.
  • Gith, iii. 232.
  • Glanvile (B.). _See_ Bartholomeus.
  • Glass, i. 206, 214, 238, 255-6, 259, 266.
  • ---- poison, i. 264.
  • ---- (Venice), i. 209;
  • iii. 69.
  • Glasswort, i. 238, 264.
  • Glastonbury, i. 297.
  • Glister, i. 299, 316.
  • Glory, ii. 228.
  • Glow-worms, i. 349;
  • ii. 99.
  • Gnat, i. 301.
  • Gnat-net, 158.
  • Gnat-worms, iii. 187.
  • Goa, ii. 325;
  • iii. 194.
  • ---- (tree of), iii. 484.
  • Goaga, ii. 372.
  • Goat, i. 263, 289, 341, 346;
  • ii. 259, 275.
  • ---- blood of, i. 262-3.
  • ---- beetle, iii. 174.
  • ---- stones, i. 326.
  • Goat's head, i. 188.
  • God, i. 19, 72, 74, 110, 126-7, 183;
  • ii. 270;
  • iii. 206, 483.
  • Godfrey, iii. 61.
  • Godwin (F.), i. 253.
  • Godwits, iii. 519.
  • Goes (Damianus a), ii. 382.
  • Gold, i. 50, 71, 230, 239, 240, 250, 255, 266-7, 284;
  • ii. 118;
  • iii. 54, 389, 447.
  • ---- (potable), ii. 12, 64.
  • ---- powder of, i. 277.
  • ---- sulphur of, i. 278.
  • Goldfinch, iii. 524.
  • Goldwell (James), Bp., iii. 401.
  • Goliah, ii. 158.
  • Goltzius, ii. 205;
  • iii. 328.
  • Gomorrah, i. 32;
  • iii. 326.
  • Goodier, iii. 93.
  • Goose, ii. 82;
  • iii. 516.
  • Goose-tree, ii. 107.
  • Gordianus, Emperor, ii. 279;
  • iii. 142.
  • Gordon-Huntly, i. xxvii.
  • Gornart, iii. 530.
  • Goropius Becanus, ii. 68-9;
  • iii. 1, 3, 117.
  • Gorræus, i. 174.
  • Gothlanders, iii. 112.
  • Gourd, i. 197;
  • iii. 21, 222.
  • Gout, i. 188, 246;
  • ii. 117, 121, 133;
  • iii. 379, 381, 461.
  • Gracchus, i. 195.
  • Gracculus, iii. 291.
  • Gradual Verses, iii. 304.
  • GRAFTING, iii. 555.
  • Grammarians, i. 89, 98, 311.
  • Grampus, iii. 527.
  • Granada, iii. 311.
  • Granate, i. 214.
  • Grand signiours, i. 59;
  • ii. 371, 397.
  • Grandgousier, iii. 76.
  • Grapes, iii. 224.
  • Grass, ii. 368.
  • Grasshoppers, i. 83, 327;
  • ii. 207;
  • iii. 28, 293.
  • Gravel, to, i. 33.
  • Gray (John de), Bp., iii. 408.
  • Greaves (John), i. 238;
  • ii. 360;
  • iii. 245.
  • Greece, i. 155, 159.
  • Greek language, iii. 406.
  • Greeks, ii. 9, 332, 339, 398.
  • Green, ii. 368.
  • Greenback, iii. 530.
  • Greenland, i. 217;
  • ii. 70, 86-7, 158, 190;
  • iii. 89.
  • Greffarel, ii. 398.
  • Gregory the Great, i. 203;
  • iii. 62.
  • Gregorius I., ii. 144.
  • ---- VII., iii. 72.
  • ---- Turonensis, ii. 250, 279.
  • Grevinus, i. 174, 266, 332.
  • Grey hair, i. 155.
  • Griffins, i. 181;
  • ii. 1, 258.
  • Grotius, i. xlii, xlvi, 164;
  • ii. 77;
  • iii. 277.
  • Grouse, iii. 523.
  • Grummel, i. 304.
  • Grumwell, ii. 71.
  • Gruter, iii. 139, 434, 436.
  • Gryps, ii. 2.
  • Gualata, ii. 372.
  • Guascus (Laurent), i. 250.
  • Guatemala, iii. 308.
  • Gudgeon, iii. 538.
  • Guellius, iii. 162.
  • Guevara (A.), i. 160.
  • Guienne, iii. 314.
  • Guinea, i. 226;
  • ii. 377, 383.
  • Gulielmus de Conchis, i. 176.
  • Gulielmus Parisiensis, i. 254,
  • ---- Tyrius, ii. 351.
  • Gum, i. 205.
  • ---- Anime, i. 255-7.
  • ---- Arabick, i. 205.
  • ---- Elemi, i. 255.
  • ---- Guiaci, i. 255.
  • Gunpowder, i. xxxiii, 271.
  • Guns, i. 230-1.
  • Gyges, iii. 78.
  • Gypsum, i. 255, 279;
  • iii. 165.
  • Gyrinus, ii. 17.
  • Habbakuk, i. 49.
  • Haddock, iii. 532.
  • Hadrian, Emperor, ii. 149, 263.
  • Hæmatites, i. 235, 245.
  • Hail, i. 205, 210.
  • Hair, i. 157, 265.
  • ---- (grey), i. 155.
  • Haircutting, ii. 268.
  • Halcyon, i. 350;
  • iii. 289, 291.
  • Halec, iii. 289.
  • Hales, iii. 400.
  • ---- (Sir C.), iii. 325.
  • Halicarnasseus. _See_ Dionysus.
  • Halo, ii. 228.
  • Hall (Joseph), Bp., iii. 412.
  • Haly, ii. 177.
  • Ham, iii. 15.
  • Haman, ii. 260.
  • Hamathites, ii. 383.
  • Hammers, i. 263.
  • Hammond, iii. 266.
  • Hamon, iii. 17.
  • Hands, i. 86;
  • ii. 122.
  • Hanging, ii. 260-1;
  • iii. 119.
  • Hannibal, ii. 133;
  • iii. 74, 80.
  • Hanno, i. 230.
  • Happiness, i. 63, 111.
  • Harbord (Philip), iii. 421.
  • Hardworm, iii. 538.
  • Hare, i. 341;
  • ii. 29, 33, 49, 80, 264, 370.
  • ---- (Indian), ii. 378.
  • ---- (Sir Ralph), iii. 108.
  • Harmony, i. 100, 101.
  • Harold, iii. 112.
  • Harp (Jew's), iii. 113.
  • Harpies, i. 181;
  • ii. 1.
  • Harpocrates, ii. 267.
  • Harpocration, i. 176.
  • Harrington (Sir John), iii. 409.
  • Harsnet (Samuel), Bp., iii. 412.
  • Hart (Walter), Bp., iii. 400.
  • Harts-horn, i. 256;
  • ii. 69, 70.
  • Harts-tongue, i. 301-2.
  • Harvey (Wm.), Dr., ii. 65, 104;
  • iii. 93.
  • Hassal (John), iii. 401.
  • Hastati, iii. 161.
  • Havilah, ii. 381.
  • Hawk, i. 289, 320, 339, 344;
  • ii. 4, 82, 376;
  • iii. 292.
  • ---- talons, i. 256.
  • Hawks and Falconry ancient and modern, iii. 294.
  • Hazel, i. 272, 274, 293.
  • 'He' letter, iii. 205.
  • Headache, i. 246;
  • ii. 12.
  • Heart, ii. 113;
  • iii. 60.
  • Heath (plant), iii. 223.
  • Heathpoult, iii. 523.
  • Heaven, i. 69, 70, 73.
  • Hebrew language, i. xlii;
  • ii. 277.
  • Hecatombs, ii. 2.
  • Hecatonchiria, i. 158.
  • Hector, ii. 238.
  • Hecuba, iii. 82.
  • Hedgehog, i. 167, 326, 348;
  • ii. 41, 74, 133. (sea), i. 283,
  • Heel, ii. 270.
  • Hefronita. _See_ Hesronita.
  • Heigham, iii. 412.
  • Heinsius, ii. 44;
  • iii. 266.
  • Helen, i. 159, 336.
  • Helena (St.), i. 43;
  • iii. 27.
  • Helenus, i. 250.
  • Heliodorus, ii. 375.
  • Heliogabalus, ii. 12, 81;
  • iii. 109, 433.
  • Heliopolis, ii. 5.
  • Heliotropes, i. 208, 256, 284.
  • Helix, i. 29.
  • Hell, i. 69, 71, 73, 74;
  • ii. 272.
  • Hellanicus, i. 170;
  • ii. 320.
  • Helmont, i. 234, 238, 261, 264, 300;
  • iii. 471.
  • Helvicus, ii. 290, 302.
  • Hemlock, iii. 70, 222.
  • Hen, i. 289, 303, 335.
  • ---- (gold), i. 268.
  • Henares (Alcala de), ii. 28.
  • Henbane, iii. 265.
  • Henry the Emperor, iii. 83.
  • ---- King of Navarre, iii. 541.
  • ---- II., of England, iii. 91.
  • ---- III., i. 312;
  • iii. 408.
  • ---- VIII., i. xviii, 11.
  • Hepatica, i. 304.
  • Hephæstus, ii. 133.
  • Heraclitus, i. 91, 199;
  • iii. 59, 79.
  • Heraclius, ii. 279.
  • Heraiscus, i. 180.
  • Heraldry, i. 85, 333;
  • ii. 3, 203, 206;
  • iii. 414-17.
  • ---- (England), ii. 254.
  • Heralds, i. 180.
  • _Herba Trinitatis_, i. 304.
  • Herbalists, i. 287, 303.
  • Herbals, i. 326.
  • Herbert (William), Bp., iii. 405.
  • Hercules, i. 158;
  • ii. 39, 159, 257, 334;
  • iii. 132.
  • ---- (statue), iii. 114.
  • ---- pillars, i. 251, 309.
  • Heresbach, iii. 298.
  • Heresies, i. 15, 143.
  • Hermaphroditus, i. 35;
  • ii. 10, 34. 38.
  • Hermes, i. 17, 20.
  • Hermias, iii. 43.
  • Hermippus, ii. 174.
  • Hermit (crab), iii. 534.
  • Hermolaus, ii. 66;
  • iii. 340.
  • Hernandez, ii. 25.
  • Hernias, i. 245, 247.
  • Hero, ii. 118.
  • Herod, i. 138;
  • ii. 243.
  • Herodias, iii. 139.
  • Herodotus, i. 44, 155, 165, 168, 170, 174;
  • ii. 1, 3, 5, 6, 26, 28, 38, 80, 83, 155, 172, 179, 286-7,
  • 321, 331, 336, 350-1, 357, 379;
  • iii. 18, 41, 49, 340.
  • Heron, i. 320;
  • iii. 518.
  • Herostratus, iii. 139.
  • Herring, iii. 289.
  • Herthus, iii. 101.
  • Hesiod, i. xx, 156, 170, 174, 344-5;
  • ii. 305-6, 320-1.
  • Hesperides, ii. 399;
  • iii. 3.
  • Hesronita (Joannes), i. 243.
  • Hester. _See_ Esther.
  • Hesychius, ii. 42, 294;
  • iii. 301.
  • Heurnius, ii. 259.
  • Hevelius, ii. 398-9.
  • Heveningham Heath, iii. 538.
  • Hexameter, i. 101.
  • Heydon family, iii. 419.
  • ---- (Sir H.), iii. 419.
  • ---- (John), iii. 419.
  • Heylyn (Dr.), ii. 249.
  • Hezekiah, i. 197, 337.
  • Hiarchas, i. 160.
  • Hicket, ii. 146.
  • Hickling, iii. 515.
  • Hiero, iii. 77.
  • Hieroglyphs, i. 51, 180, 317-19, 321-2, 325, 328, 333, 338, 344;
  • ii. 1, 3, 7, 18, 26, 32, 89, 121, 185, 202-3, 258, 270-1.
  • Hildebrand, iii. 72.
  • Hills, ii. 355.
  • Hinges, i. 222.
  • Hip-briar, iii. 223.
  • Hipparchus, i. 335;
  • ii. 298.
  • Hippocrates, i. xxi, li. 153, 156, 165, 167, 234, 246;
  • ii. 39, 55, 61, 70, 74, 82-3, 130, 143, 146, 163-4, 166,
  • 172, 177, 194-5, 198, 303-4, 375-6, 310;
  • iii. 94.
  • _Hippolapathum_, i. 304.
  • Hippolytus, i. 347;
  • iii. 151.
  • Hippomanes, i. 323.
  • Hipponactes, iii. 438.
  • Hippophæ, i. 246.
  • _Hippuris corulloides_, i. 279.
  • Hirpini, ii. 20.
  • Hispaniola, ii. 341, 372.
  • _Historia tripartita_, ii. 321.
  • History, i. 163.
  • Hitterdal, i. 283.
  • Hivites, ii. 381.
  • Hoang, i. 281.
  • Hobart (Sir James), iii. 399.
  • ---- (Sir John), iii. 549.
  • Hobbes, i. xxi, xxvii.
  • Hobby, iii. 292, 523.
  • ---- bird, iii. 521
  • Hofmann, ii. 85.
  • Hogs, i. 289, 346;
  • ii. 379.
  • Hoierus, iii. 515.
  • Holinshed, iii. 113, 408, 432.
  • Holland, i. 28.
  • ---- Countess of, iii. 7.
  • Hollanders, ii. 312.
  • Hollerius, i. 305.
  • Holly, i. 293.
  • Holt, iii. 400.
  • Holy Ghost, i. 102, 317.
  • Homer, i. li, 30, 99, 156, 167, 170, 174, 236, 291, 301, 313;
  • ii. 130, 146-7, 155, 164-5, 321, 333, 335, 350, 386;
  • iii. 49.
  • ---- _Odyssey_, ii. 82.
  • ---- _Batracomyomachia_, ii. 60.
  • Hondius, ii. 352.
  • ---- (Pet.), iii. 95.
  • Honduras, iii. 308.
  • Honey, i. 196, 245;
  • iii. 27.
  • Honey-comb stone, iii. 165.
  • Hoopoe, iii. 290, 521.
  • Hopton (John), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Horace, i. xiv, l, 98, 154;
  • ii. 30, 165, 253.
  • Horizon, ii. 399.
  • Horn (substance), ii. 69.
  • Hornets, i. 289;
  • ii. 29.
  • Horns, i. 214, 342-3.
  • Horse, i. 36, 45, 100, 154-5, 158, 289, 312, 314, 340, 346;
  • ii. 40, 65, 138.
  • ---- (fish), iii. 529.
  • ---- dung, i. 204.
  • ---- flesh, ii. 83.
  • ---- leech, iii. 538.
  • ---- mint, i. 304.
  • ---- radish, i. 304.
  • ---- shoe, i. 298.
  • Horses' eyes, i. 283.
  • Horsey, iii. 515, 518.
  • Horto (Garcias ab), i. 246, 292-3, 313;
  • ii. 67, 325;
  • iii. 25.
  • _Hortus Sanitatis_, i. 176.
  • Hospitals, i. 109.
  • Hoties, i. 176.
  • Hours, ii. 281.
  • Hucherius, ii. 154.
  • Hudibras (upon reading), iii 438.
  • Hues (Robert), ii. 399.
  • Hugbaldus, iii. 305.
  • Hugo, i. 313.
  • Hulsius (L.), ii. 205.
  • Humber, iii. 48.
  • Humbert (St.), iii. 116.
  • Humbird, ii. 355;
  • iii. 540.
  • Humility, iii. 449.
  • Humming, ii. 97.
  • Hungary, ii. 396.
  • Hunstanton, ii. 85;
  • iii. 527, 534-5.
  • Huntsmen, iii. 210.
  • Hus (John), i. xxxvii, 41.
  • Husks, iii. 226.
  • Hyacinth, ii. 72.
  • Hyades, iii. 165.
  • HYDRIOTAPHIA, iii. 87.
  • Hydrophobia, ii. 200.
  • Hyena, i. 174, 325, 339;
  • ii. 40, 74.
  • Hyeres, iii. 242.
  • Hyginus, ii. 254.
  • Hylas, iii. 82.
  • Hymn (Turkish), iii. 302.
  • Hyoscyamus, iii. 265.
  • Hypericon, i. 189.
  • Hypostasis, i. 49.
  • Hyrcania, ii. 332.
  • Hyssop, i. 307;
  • iii. 21, 222.
  • Iago(S.), of Gallicia, iii. 165.
  • Iberians, ii. 180.
  • Ibis, i. 336.
  • Icarus, i. 158.
  • Ice, i. 202, 204-6, 211-12.
  • Iceland, i. 283;
  • ii. 69, 70, 357;
  • iii. 265, 427, 520.
  • Iceni, iii. 106.
  • Ichthyophagi, iii. 101.
  • Ida (Mt.), iii. 274.
  • Idolatry, i. 134, 145, 148.
  • Idumean Sea, ii. 364.
  • Ignatius, i. xxxi.
  • Ignorance, i. 88, 99, 100.
  • Ilex, iii. 261-2.
  • Illyria, ii. 379.
  • Ilva, i. 242.
  • Immaturity, i. 61.
  • Immortality, i. 63;
  • iii. 142.
  • _Imperator_, iii. 62.
  • Imperatus (Ferdinandus), ii. 28.
  • Impostors, Three, i. xxviii, 33.
  • Impurity, ii. 81.
  • Incontinency, i. 167, 249, 284.
  • Incredulity, i. 148.
  • India, i. 169, 242, 292. 294;
  • ii. 7, 61, 81, 149, 332, 338, 341;
  • iii. 256.
  • Indian cocks, i. 333.
  • ---- stone, i. 282.
  • ---- wheat, iii. 246.
  • Indies, i. 42, 228, 231, 239, 241.
  • Indico, i. 281.
  • Inebriation, i. 284, 299.
  • Ingrassias, ii. 239.
  • Ingratitude, iii. 454, 497.
  • Injury, i. 96.
  • Ink, ii. 390.
  • Insects, i. 299, 301;
  • ii. 11.
  • Invocation of Saints, i. 50.
  • Ios, iii. 49.
  • Iphicles, ii. 39.
  • Iphigenia, ii. 243.
  • Ipswich, Trinity Church, iii. 405.
  • Ireland, i. 226;
  • ii. 29, 154, 335, 357, 386;
  • iii. 36, 311, 378.
  • Irenæus, ii. 298.
  • Iris, i. 212, 255.
  • Iron, i. 219, 220, 223, 276;
  • ii. 21, 63, 140.
  • Isaac, ii. 226.
  • Isabel, _Queen of England_, iii. 314.
  • Isaiah, iii. 143.
  • Ishmael, iii. 9.
  • Isidore, i. 175, 202, 262-3, 270, 317;
  • ii. 26, 31, 53, 208, 259;
  • iii. 28.
  • Isle of Man, iii. 325.
  • Israelites, i. 45;
  • ii. 178, 229.
  • Isthmus, ii. 362-3.
  • Istria, iii. 378.
  • Italy, i. 33, 83, 90, 95, 281, 294, 338;
  • ii. 333, 339, 381, 397.
  • Ivory, i. 347;
  • ii. 70.
  • Ivy, i. 297, 350;
  • iii. 193, 222.
  • ---- berries, i. 303.
  • ---- cup, i. 306.
  • Ixion, i. 310.
  • Jackdaw, iii. 523.
  • Jacob, i. 39;
  • ii. 45, 145, 375;
  • iii. 2.
  • Jacob's Rods, iii. 230.
  • Jacobites, i. xxiii.
  • Jacynth, i. 285.
  • Jaffarel, ii. 281.
  • Jamaica, i. 228;
  • iii. 344.
  • James (name), i. 303.
  • Janellus, ii. 253.
  • Janissaries, ii. 6.
  • Jann (Tho.) Bp., iii. 411.
  • Jansenius, i. 317;
  • ii. 32, 225.
  • Janus, i. 99;
  • ii. 333;
  • iii. 155, 489, 490.
  • Japan, ii. 158.
  • Japhet, ii. 335;
  • iii. 15.
  • Jarchi (Solomon), ii. 347.
  • Jargon, i. 98.
  • Jason, i. xliii.
  • Jasper, i. 256, 284, 285.
  • Jaundice, i. 316;
  • ii. 376.
  • ---- (Black), iii. 486.
  • Java, ii. 107, 371.
  • Javan, ii. 398.
  • Jay, iii. 291.
  • Jebusites, ii. 381.
  • Jeffery, (John), iii. 439, 442.
  • Jegon (John), Bp., iii. 412.
  • ---- (Rob.), iii. 106.
  • Jehovah, i. 190.
  • Jephthah, ii. 241.
  • Jericho, i. 197;
  • iii. 25.
  • ---- Rose of, i. 295.
  • Jerome, i. xx, xxxii, xlvi, 203;
  • ii. 26, 45, 53, 158, 203, 251, 289, 293;
  • iii. 119.
  • Jeronimus Egyptius, ii. 320.
  • Jerusalem, ii. 265, 280.
  • ---- Temple, iii. 77.
  • Jesuits, i. 42.
  • Jesus Christ, i. 75, 81, 125, 130, 141, 192.
  • ---- Blood, i. 262.
  • ---- Sepulchre, i. 17.
  • Jet, i. 255, 257, 259.
  • Jethro, ii. 382.
  • Jew, Jews, i. 40, 239;
  • ii. 79, 147, 345.
  • ---- (Wandering), iii. 71.
  • ---- (odorous), ii. 386.
  • Jew's-ear, i. 304.
  • Jew's harp, iii. 113.
  • Joan (Pope), iii. 71.
  • Joash, ii. 280.
  • Job, i. 62, 93, 130, 136;
  • iii. 10.
  • Johannes, i. 313.
  • ---- Abp. of Upsala, i. 241.
  • ---- Hesronita, i. 243.
  • John the Baptist, i. 443;
  • ii. 243, 245;
  • iii. 27.
  • John (St.), evangelist, i. 69, 141, 343;
  • ii. 29.
  • ---- XX. (Pope), iii. 23.
  • ---- XXII., i. xx.
  • ---- of Oxford, Bp., iii. 405.
  • ---- of Salisbury, i. 1.
  • ---- (name), i. 303.
  • Johnson (Thomas), i. 279.
  • Johnstonus (I.), ii. 86;
  • iii. 528, 529, 541.
  • Jonah, Jonas, i. 230;
  • ii. 86, 114, 235;
  • iii. 21, 119.
  • Jonah's Gourd, iii. 222.
  • Jonas (Theod.), i. 283.
  • Jonathan, i. 123.
  • Jordan, i. 197;
  • ii. 356;
  • iii. 331.
  • Jorden (Dr.), ii. 56, 57, 390.
  • Jorvalensis, Abbas, iii. 108.
  • Joseph, iii. 14.
  • ---- (Patriarch), i. 27.
  • ---- (St.), i. 192.
  • ---- (name), i. 303.
  • ---- (Rabbi Ben), iii. 43.
  • Josephus, i. xxxiii, 32, 38, 291, 318;
  • ii. 217, 288, 293, 320, 333, 382;
  • iii. 17, 53, 77.
  • Joshua, i. xxxix, 44.
  • Joubertus (Laurentius), i. 118.
  • Jovinianus, i. 192.
  • Jovius (Paul), i. 171;
  • ii. 71, 158, 175.
  • Jubilee, ii. 169.
  • Judæa, i. 257.
  • Judas, i. xxx, 36, 131, 191, 304;
  • iii. 2, 37.
  • ---- Maccabeus, ii. 237.
  • Jugglers, i. 139.
  • Juli, ii. 22.
  • Julia, i. xlvi;
  • ii. 39;
  • iii. 118.
  • ---- Pia, ii. 268.
  • Julian, i. 67, 135, 191, 196, 305;
  • ii. 212;
  • iii. 40, 269.
  • Juliel (Aben), i. 304.
  • Julius Africanus, ii. 290, 321.
  • ---- Alexandrinus, i. 318.
  • ---- Cæsar, i. xviii, xxvii, xxxiii, 41, 63, 240;
  • ii. 81, 237, 285;
  • iii. 132.
  • ---- Rusticus, ii. 397.
  • ---- Pope, i. lii.
  • ---- III., ii. 71.
  • Juments, i. 154.
  • Junctinus, ii. 178, 398.
  • Jungermannus, i. 155.
  • Juniper, iii. 2.
  • ---- tree, iii. 258.
  • ---- oil of, i. 261.
  • Junius, i. 215;
  • iii. 277.
  • Juno, ii. 268.
  • Jupiter, i. 89, 136, 185, 289, 298, 336;
  • ii. 39, 81, 313, 357.
  • ---- statue, iii. 240.
  • ---- (planet), i. 30.
  • ---- Ammon, ii. 229.
  • ---- Soter, ii. 145.
  • Justinian, i. 165.
  • Justinus, ii. 331, 336;
  • iii. 253.
  • ---- martyr, i. xxxiii, xxxvii, xli, 44, 155;
  • iii. 42.
  • Jutes, iii. 112.
  • Jutland, iii. 112.
  • Juvenal, i. 154, 321, 345;
  • ii. 121, 156, 201, 217-8, 256, 331;
  • iii. 290.
  • Juvencus, i. xxxi.
  • Kent, ii, 154;
  • iii. 325.
  • Kermesberry, iii. 260.
  • Kestril, ii. 105;
  • iii. 299.
  • Kett's rebellion, iii. 409.
  • Kimberley, iii. 409.
  • King (Dan), iii. 325.
  • Kidney, i. 261, 264.
  • Kings of Europe, i. 59.
  • King's Evil, iii. 378.
  • King-fisher, i. 348;
  • iii. 291, 521.
  • Kiranides, i. 167, 176;
  • ii. 133.
  • Kircherus (A.), i. 181, 229, 234, 237, 254, 288, 351;
  • ii. 4, 106, 398;
  • iii. 75.
  • Kirchmannus, iii. 123.
  • Kites, i. 320;
  • ii. 14, 105, 376;
  • iii. 514, 517.
  • Kitten, ii. 138.
  • Knee, i. 311.
  • Knollys, iii. 62.
  • Knot, lover's, ii. 266.
  • Knots (bird), iii. 519.
  • Knowledge, i. 115.
  • L. N. M. E. N., i. xi.
  • _Labarum_, iii. 151.
  • Labyrinth, iii. 163.
  • Lacca, i. 256.
  • Lacedæmonians, i. 159;
  • ii. 118.
  • Lacrymatories, iii. 108, 115.
  • Lactantius, i. xix, xxviii, xxxvii, xxxix, xliv-xlvi, 164;
  • ii. 7.
  • Lacuna, ii. 28.
  • Laertas, iii. 150.
  • Lago (Rodoriges de), ii. 349.
  • Lais, i. 167;
  • ii. 228.
  • Laish, i. 282.
  • Lakes, i. 204.
  • Lamb (vegetable), ii. 106.
  • Lambeth, iii. 411.
  • Lambskin, i. 174.
  • Lamech, i. 131.
  • Lameness, iii. 377-8.
  • Lamia, ii. 86;
  • iii. 287.
  • Lamprey, ii. 46;
  • iii. 537.
  • Lampridius, ii. 12.
  • Lamps, iii. 115.
  • Lancelotti, iii. 79.
  • Landius (Joh.), ii. 51.
  • Langius (J.), i. 235;
  • ii. 62, 65, 208.
  • Language, Languages, ii. 277;
  • iii. 307-21.
  • Language (English), i. 117.
  • ---- (Latin), i. 117.
  • Languedoc, iii. 260, 320, 376.
  • Languedony, iii. 320.
  • Lanner, iii. 299.
  • Laodice, i. xlix.
  • Lapidaries, i. 263;
  • ii. 15;
  • iii. 159.
  • Lapis Anguinus, i. 210.
  • ---- Ceratites, ii. 69.
  • ---- _Judaicus_, i. 210, 284.
  • ---- Lazuli, i. 284.
  • ---- _stellaria_, i. 210;
  • ii. 15.
  • Lapwing, iii. 520.
  • Larissæa, ii. 39.
  • Lark, iii. 292, 523.
  • Larus, iii. 515.
  • Latin language, i. 117;
  • iii. 469.
  • Latins, i. 155.
  • Lattice-work, iii. 158.
  • Laud (W.), i. xvii.
  • Laudanum, i. 108.
  • Laughter, iii. 58.
  • Laurel, iii. 265.
  • Laurenberg, iii. 95, 279.
  • Laurentius, i. xxii, 173;
  • ii. 239.
  • Laureola, ii. 197.
  • Laurus (Jacobus), ii. 237, 252.
  • Lausdun, iii. 7.
  • Lavender, ii. 208.
  • Law, i. 163, 164.
  • Lawyer, i. 125.
  • Lazarus, i. 34, 70, 88;
  • iii. 119, 143, 384.
  • Lazius (W.), iii. 116, 310.
  • Lazy (the), iii. 463.
  • Lead, i. 155, 211.
  • Leah, iii. 19.
  • Leandro, ii. 380;
  • iii. 45.
  • Leather (Russia), iii. 180.
  • Lebadia, iii. 39.
  • Lecher, i. 97.
  • Leda, i. 336.
  • Leech, i. 265, 309;
  • ii. 25.
  • ---- (horse), ii. 60.
  • Left-handed, ii. 130.
  • Legion, i. 73.
  • Le Gros (T.), iii. 89.
  • Legs, crossed, ii. 267.
  • Leland, iii. 323.
  • Lemnius (Levin.), i. 230, 259;
  • ii. 117, 121, 171, 267;
  • iii. 21, 24.
  • Lemnos, iii. 261.
  • Lemon, ii. 392, 394.
  • Lenity, i. 319.
  • Lennam, iii. 406.
  • Lentulus, ii. 224.
  • Leo (constellation), ii. 4, 189.
  • Leo Africanus, ii. 63, 80, 99, 374;
  • iii. 78.
  • Leo III., iii. 157.
  • ---- IV., i. 332;
  • iii. 71.
  • ---- X., i. xvi, xxviii, 311-12.
  • ---- (Marcus), ii. 37, 291, 384.
  • Leonine verses, iii. 305.
  • Lepanto, i. 96.
  • Lepidus, i. xxvii.
  • Leprosy, ii. 81;
  • iii. 381, 429.
  • Lerius, ii. 83.
  • Letter to a Friend (1690), iii. 367.
  • Letters, i. 87;
  • ii. 133.
  • Lettuce, ii. 391.
  • Lewis, King of Hungary, iii. 376.
  • Leyden, i. 138, 247.
  • Libanotis, iii. 222.
  • Libavius, i. 247.
  • Liberality, i. 88.
  • Lice, i. 186, 289;
  • ii. 11.
  • Licetus (F.), i. 234, 282;
  • ii. 51, 61, 208;
  • iii. 43, 433-4.
  • Liege, i. 170.
  • Life, i. 61.
  • Ligatures, i. 195.
  • Light, iii. 199.
  • Lightning, i. 298.
  • Lignum vitæ, i. 257.
  • Ligustrum, iii. 224.
  • Lily, Lilies, iii. 231, 273.
  • ---- of the Valley, iii. 231.
  • Lilies of the Field, iii. 230.
  • Lima, iii. 388, 443.
  • Lime, ii. 72.
  • ---- tree, i. 293.
  • Limpet, iii. 534.
  • Linacre (T.), ii. 175.
  • Linen, i. 257, 276.
  • Linschoten, i. 280;
  • iii. 194, 272.
  • _Linum vivum_, ii. 21.
  • Linus, ii. 321.
  • Lion, ii. 4, 29. 49, 96, 370, 377.
  • ---- fish, ii. 74.
  • Lipara, iii. 456.
  • Lipellous, ii. 247-8, 250.
  • Lipsius, i. xxviii, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvii;
  • ii. 216, 239, 263;
  • iii. 3, 151.
  • Liquorish, i. 290.
  • Lithomancy, i. 250.
  • Lithophyton, i. 278.
  • Lithospermum, i, 304;
  • ii. 71.
  • Littleton (Elizabeth), iii. 441, 442.
  • Liver, i. 318-19.
  • ---- wort, i. 304.
  • Livia, i. 336.
  • Livonia, ii. 356.
  • Livius, i. xlix;
  • ii. 234, 333, 397;
  • iii. 45.
  • Lixivium, ii. 392.
  • Lizard, i. 83, 137, 312;
  • ii. 20, 24, 29, 60-1;
  • iii. 538.
  • ---- (water), ii. 19.
  • Loadstone, i. 189, 216, 233, 305;
  • ii. 392;
  • iii. 380.
  • Lobelius, i. 292;
  • iii. 231.
  • Lobster, i. 327;
  • ii. 25, 41, 45, 74, 129, 379;
  • iii. 534.
  • ---- shells, i. 279.
  • _Lobus Echinatus_, ii. 71.
  • Loche, iii. 538.
  • Locust, i. 83, 327;
  • ii. 45, 80, 207;
  • iii. 27.
  • ---- tree, iii. 226.
  • Loddon Church, iii. 399.
  • Logic, i. 134.
  • Logicians, i. 144.
  • _Loligo_, ii. 88;
  • iii. 204.
  • _Lolium_, iii. 277-8.
  • Lombard, ii. 212.
  • London, i. 226, 228-9;
  • ii. 305;
  • iii. 163, 534.
  • ---- St. Paul's Churchyard, iii. 420-1.
  • ---- Spitalfields, iii. 108.
  • Longinus (C.), i. 176.
  • Longomontanus, ii. 298.
  • Lopez (Ed.), i. 313;
  • ii. 325, 371.
  • Loretto, Casa Abellitta, iii. 350.
  • Lot, ii. 274.
  • Lot's wife, i. 55;
  • iii. 37, 79.
  • Louis VIII. or IX., 311.
  • Louis XI., iii. 469.
  • Love, ii. 384.
  • Lover's knot, ii. 266.
  • Lowestoft, iii. 532.
  • Loxias, iii. 522.
  • Lubym, ii. 382.
  • Lucanus, i. xxvii, xxxvi, xlv, liv, 59, 62, 64, 107;
  • ii. 51;
  • iii. 144, 385.
  • Lucerium, ii. 333.
  • Lucian, i. xli, li. 33, 67, 89, 155, 170;
  • iii. 59, 132.
  • ---- Martyr, ii. 294.
  • Lucifer, i. 15, 73.
  • Lucilius, iii. 58.
  • Lucius, i. 195.
  • Lucius Pratensis, i. 155.
  • Lucretius, i. xxv, xxviii, xxix, xliii, 252;
  • iii. 127.
  • Ludovicus, ii. 159.
  • Ludovicus Pius, iii. 112.
  • Lullius, iii. 72.
  • Lump (fish), iii. 529.
  • Lunar rainbow, iii. 12.
  • Lunaria, i. 297, 301;
  • iii. 237.
  • Lupa, i. 339.
  • _Lupus Marinus_, ii. 16.
  • Lusitania, ii. 335.
  • Lussy (M.), iii. 262.
  • Lustrations, i. 198.
  • Lute, iii. 80.
  • Luther, i. xv, xvi, 11;
  • ii. 175.
  • Lybia, ii. 374.
  • Lycosthenes, i. 159;
  • ii. 208.
  • Lycurgus, ii. 118;
  • iii. 117.
  • Lycus, i. 339.
  • Lye, ii. 392.
  • Lyghard. _See_ Hart.
  • Lynn, iii. 523, 531.
  • ---- Gaywood Hall, iii. 408.
  • ---- St. Margaret, iii. 405.
  • Lyra (N. de), i. xlviii, 216;
  • ii. 157.
  • Lystrians, i. 136.
  • M., iii. 125.
  • Mace, i. 292-3.
  • Machiavelli, i. lii, 33;
  • iii. 133, 468.
  • Mackerel, ii. 84, 532.
  • Macrobius, i. 156, 159, 335;
  • ii. 117, 120, 142, 165, 229, 254, 380;
  • iii. 109, 466.
  • Macrocephali, ii. 376.
  • Madagascar, ii. 371-2.
  • Madness, i. 303.
  • Madrid, iii. 345.
  • Mæotis, ii. 350.
  • Maffeus, ii. 354.
  • Magdalene, i. 73.
  • Magdaleon, i. 248.
  • Magellan, i. 227-8, 235.
  • ---- Straits, ii. 111.
  • Magellanica, i. 217.
  • Maggot, i. 188, 300-1;
  • ii. 11.
  • Magic, i. 46, 140, 189.
  • Maginus, ii. 351-2. 354, 379;
  • iii. 45.
  • Magnus Carneus, i. 235.
  • Magnet, i. 216.
  • Magnus (Olaus), i. 171, 241, 322;
  • ii. 67-8, 158, 370;
  • iii. 112.
  • Magny, iii. 303.
  • Mahomet, i. xxviii, 40, 73, 135, 138, 146, 241, 243;
  • iii. 43.
  • ---- his camel, iii. 78.
  • ---- ships, iii. 345.
  • Mahometans, ii. 345-6, 363.
  • Maids (fish), i. 333.
  • Maimonides, i. 319;
  • ii. 154, 220, 262, 264, 292;
  • iii. 274.
  • Maiolus, i. 284;
  • ii. 21.
  • Majorca, ii. 357.
  • Malaca, i. 231.
  • Malaspina, i. 111.
  • Malavar, i. 313.
  • Malchus, iii. 3.
  • Mallard, ii. 394.
  • Mallow, ii. 391;
  • iii. 259.
  • Malmsbury (William of), iii. 405.
  • Malt, ii. 102.
  • Man, i. 100;
  • ii. 109.
  • Manasses, ii. 122, 268.
  • Mandelslo, iii. 471.
  • Mandeville (Sir J.), i. 170;
  • iii. 53.
  • Mandinga, ii. 383.
  • Mandrakes, i. 285;
  • iii. 19.
  • Manes, i. 191-2, 198.
  • Manetho, ii. 287, 320.
  • Manganes, i. 238.
  • Manichees, i. xxiii, xxvi.
  • Manilius, ii. 189, 305.
  • Manilla, iii. 388, 443.
  • Manna, i. 32;
  • ii. 197;
  • iii. 22.
  • Mansfield (Duke John Ern.), iii. 375.
  • _Mantis_, ii. 111.
  • Mantuan, ii. 7.
  • Mantuanus, ii. 156.
  • ---- (Adam), ii. 235.
  • Manucodiata, ii. 6, 61.
  • Maple, i. 293.
  • Mar Vermeio, ii. 367.
  • Marble, i. 208, 256.
  • Marbodeus, i. 249, 284.
  • Marcellus, i. 171;
  • iii. 75, 120.
  • ---- Empiricus, i. 156, 246.
  • Marcion, i. 191.
  • Mare, Mares, ii. 38, 138.
  • ---- (Spanish), i. 321;
  • ii. 59.
  • Margiana, iii. 62, 225.
  • Marianus Scotus, ii. 321.
  • Marjoram, iii. 237.
  • Markham (G.), i. 316.
  • Marlpits, i. 283.
  • Maronites, i. 243.
  • Marriage, i. 100.
  • Martegres, ii. 259.
  • Martial, i. xlix, l, 262;
  • ii. 80, 153, 216;
  • iii. 283.
  • Martialis (S.), i. xxxi;
  • iii. 102.
  • Martyr (Peter). _See_ Anglerius.
  • Martyrs, i. 41, 78, 303.
  • Mary, _B. V._, i. 192, 198, 296;
  • ii. 396.
  • ---- name, i. 304.
  • Mascardus, iii. 431.
  • Maseus of Damascus, ii. 320.
  • Masham (W.), iii. 436.
  • Masius, ii. 261.
  • Massagetes, iii. 62.
  • Massingham, iii. 113.
  • Massonius, iii. 61.
  • Masters (Will.), iii. 400.
  • Mastic, i. 205, 255.
  • ---- tree, iii. 262.
  • Matærea, Maturæa, ii. 396;
  • iii. 244, 253.
  • Maternus, iii. 26.
  • Mathematics, i. 162.
  • Matthew of Westminster, iii. 66.
  • Matthiolus, i. 203, 212, 235, 288, 297, 322, 324, 328;
  • ii. 13, 19, 74, 87, 207;
  • iii. 1.
  • Mauritania, ii. 334, 382;
  • iii. 248.
  • Mauritius (Emperor), iii. 552.
  • Maurolycus, ii. 349.
  • Mausolus, iii. 114, 123.
  • Maximilian, ii. 79.
  • Maximinus, i. 191.
  • Maximus, ii. 291.
  • May, ii. 180.
  • Measles, ii. 152.
  • Meat, ii. 142.
  • Mecca, ii. 67, 346;
  • iii. 253.
  • Mecenas, ii. 81.
  • Mechoachan, iii. 296.
  • Medals, ii. 123;
  • iii. 361.
  • Medal, Titus, iii. 273.
  • Mede, i. xli.
  • Medea, i. xliii, 157, 318, 323.
  • Medina Talnabi, i. 243;
  • ii. 346.
  • Mediterranean, i. 230.
  • Medlar, ii. 394.
  • Medusa (Constell.), ii. 398.
  • Meekness, i. 317, 319.
  • Megara, iii. 164.
  • Megasthenes, i. 44.
  • Mela, ii. 1. 155;
  • iii. 45.
  • Melancholy, i. 46, 318.
  • Melanchthon, ii. 175.
  • Melanthium, iii. 232.
  • Melchisedec, i. 192.
  • Meleguette, ii. 383.
  • Melisegenes, iii. 49.
  • Melissus, i. 163.
  • Melita, ii. 26.
  • Mellichius, i. 262.
  • Melpomene, ii. 254.
  • Melton Hall, iii. 549.
  • Memnon, i. xli.
  • Memphis, i. 159.
  • Menan, ii. 356.
  • Menander, a Samaritan, iii. 35.
  • Mendacity, i. 157.
  • Mendoza (J. G. de), i. xxxiii, 280.
  • Menecles, ii. 158.
  • Meneceus, iii. 98.
  • Menelaus, ii. 82, 335.
  • Menippus, i. 250.
  • Menogenes, i. xlix.
  • Mercator, ii. 70.
  • Mercurialis, _Gymn._, i. 310;
  • ii. 216;
  • iii. 76.
  • Mercurius, i. 136, 289.
  • Mercury (Scipio), i. 118.
  • ---- (god), ii. 279.
  • ---- (mineral), i. 68, 236, 281;
  • ii. 367.
  • ---- (planet), i. 30.
  • ---- (plant), i. 171.
  • ---- water, ii. 72.
  • Mergus, iii. 516-17.
  • ---- major, ii. 111.
  • Merlin, iii. 57, 292, 310.
  • Mermaids, ii. 253.
  • Merryweather (J.), i. xi, xiv, xvii.
  • Merula (P.), iii. 312.
  • Meseraics, i. 268.
  • Mesopotamia, ii. 302;
  • iii. 19.
  • Messahallach, ii. 177.
  • Messalina, i. xlvii.
  • Messias, i. 138, 141, 200.
  • Metals, i. 206, 207, 209.
  • Metaphors, i. 143.
  • Metaphrastes, ii. 250;
  • iii. 30.
  • Metellus, iii. 466.
  • Metempsychosis, i. xlii, 13.
  • Meteors, i. 193, 211, 273.
  • Methusaleh, i. xxx, 36, 60, 340;
  • ii. 326, 328;
  • iii. 8, 135.
  • Meton, ii. 191.
  • Metrophanes Smyrnæus, iii. 71.
  • Meursius, i. 170.
  • Mexico, iii. 308.
  • Mexico, Bay of, i. 228.
  • Mezentius, iii. 82.
  • Micah, iii. 270.
  • Michelangelo, ii. 235.
  • Michell (Elizabeth), iii. 544.
  • Michovius(Math.), ii. 1, 3, 370.
  • Microcosm, i. 103-105.
  • Microscopes, i. 302.
  • Midas, i. 268.
  • Middleton (William), iii. 408.
  • Midianites, i. 81.
  • Milan, i. 176;
  • iii. 27.
  • Milium, iii. 238.
  • ---- Solis, i. 304.
  • Milius, i. 281.
  • Milk, i. 204;
  • ii. 348;
  • iii. 378.
  • Milky Way, iii. 12.
  • Millers Thumb, iii. 538.
  • Millet, i. 288;
  • iii. 232, 248.
  • Milo, iii. 75-6.
  • Mineralogists, i. 210;
  • iii. 220.
  • Minerals, i. 202, 208, 213, 259, 262;
  • ii. 75.
  • Minerva, i. 185;
  • ii. 21, 386.
  • Minia, i. 248.
  • Minnow, iii. 537.
  • Minos, i. 158.
  • Minos (C.), i. xii.
  • Minotaur, i. 158;
  • iii. 163.
  • Mint, iii. 22.
  • Minucius, iii. 109.
  • Minutius, i. xv, xix, xxxvi, xli, xlv;
  • ii. 272.
  • Mirabolans, iii. 226.
  • Miracles, i. 42.
  • Mirandula (Pico), i. li;
  • ii. 171;
  • iii. 49.
  • Mirmello, i. xlix.
  • MISCELLANIES, iii. 427.
  • Missel-thrush, i. 294.
  • Misseltoe, i. 293, 295;
  • iii. 193.
  • Mist (27 Nov. 1674), iii. 545.
  • Mite, i. 109.
  • Mizaldus (Ant.), i. 176;
  • ii. 99.
  • Mizraim, ii. 287, 332-3;
  • iii. 141, 148.
  • Moderatus (Cæsar), i. 223.
  • Mogul, ii. 269.
  • Mohacz, iii. 376.
  • Mola, iii. 226.
  • Mole, ii. 42, 276, 282.
  • Moles on the face, ii. 268,
  • Moloch, iii. 42.
  • Molossus, iii. 327.
  • Moluccas, i. 292;
  • ii. 6, 158.
  • Moly, i. 236, 291;
  • ii. 368.
  • Monkey, i. 312;
  • ii. 148.
  • Monomotapa, ii. 145.
  • Montacutius, iii. 25, 39, 61.
  • Montague (Richard), Bp., iii. 406.
  • Montaigne, i. xviii, xix, xxii, xxv, xxvii, xxxix, lii, lv.
  • Montanus, i. 192;
  • ii. 140.
  • Month, ii. 166-7.
  • Moon, i. 133, 166, 179, 183, 186, 194, 197;
  • ii. 165, 271, 398, 399.
  • ---- Mountains of the, ii. 355.
  • ---- fish, ii. 73;
  • iii. 528.
  • Moor, Moors, ii. 369, 371, 377;
  • iii. 311.
  • Moorhen, iii. 518.
  • Mopsus, ii. 3;
  • iii. 39.
  • Moptha, ii, 4.
  • Moralist, i. 125.
  • Morality, i. 163.
  • More (Sir T.), i. xv.
  • Morgellons, iii. 376.
  • Morinus, ii. 292, 294.
  • Morison (Henry), i. liv.
  • ---- (Fines), i. liv.
  • Morn, iii. 47.
  • Morpheus, i. 106.
  • Morse, ii. 70, 74.
  • Morta, iii. 132, 376.
  • Moses, i. xxviii-xxx, xlii, 19, 21, 27, 32, 39, 45, 51-2, 70-1, 127,
  • 135-6, 179, 186, 213, 294, 319, 343;
  • ii. 2, 79, 106, 122, 227, 229, 378, etc.
  • ---- (rod), ii. 278-9.
  • Mosques, iii. 541.
  • Motes, i. 258.
  • Moths, i. 351;
  • ii. 22.
  • Mountains, i. 241-2.
  • ---- of the Moon, ii. 374.
  • Mountebanks, i. 138.
  • Mouse, Mice, i. 265;
  • ii. 135, 139.
  • Muffetus, ii. 25, 67, 99, 102, 207-8.
  • Mugil, iii. 289, 290.
  • Mulatto, ii. 379.
  • Mulberry tree, iii. 243.
  • Mule, i. 167, 343, 346.
  • Mullen, Æthiopian, i. 297.
  • Mullet, iii. 290, 530.
  • Mummia, i. 257.
  • Mummies, i. 238;
  • iii. 141.
  • Mundesley, iii. 529.
  • Munster (S.), ii. 395-6;
  • iii. 26, 53.
  • Murder, i. 130.
  • Murena, i. 174.
  • Muria, iii. 290.
  • Murrey, i. 210.
  • _Mus Araneus_, ii. 44.
  • Musa, iii. 2.
  • _Musæum Clausum_, iii. 350.
  • Musæus, ii. 321.
  • Mushroom, i. xlix.
  • Music, i. 100, 311;
  • ii. 106;
  • iii. 129.
  • ---- Church, i. 101.
  • ---- Tavern, i. 101.
  • Musk, i. 324-5;
  • ii. 88, 148.
  • Mussle, iii. 534.
  • Mussulmen, iii. 102.
  • Must, iii. 235.
  • Mustard-seed, iii. 236.
  • Mylius, i. 284.
  • Myndius, ii. 89.
  • Myrica, iii. 223.
  • Myrobolans, ii. 391.
  • Myrrh, i. 206;
  • iii. 225.
  • Myrtle, iii. 274.
  • _Myrtús Brabsutica_, ii. 391.
  • Naaman, i. 197.
  • Nabonasser, ii. 287.
  • Nails, paring, ii. 268.
  • ---- (spots in), ii. 276.
  • Napellus, i. 290.
  • Naphtha, i. 32;
  • ii. 57-8.
  • Naples, iii. 226.
  • Narcissus, i. xlvii.
  • Narses, iii. 161.
  • Narwhale, ii. 70.
  • Nassom, ii. 288.
  • Natural Philosophy, i. 163.
  • Navarre (Henry, King of), iii. 299.
  • Navel, i. liii;
  • ii. 212.
  • Navigators, iii. 220.
  • Nazarene, ii. 225.
  • Nazarite, ii. 224-5.
  • Nazianzene, ii. 266;
  • iii. 42.
  • Neanthes, ii. 174.
  • Nearchus, i. 243;
  • ii. 366.
  • Nebros, i. 188.
  • Nebuchodonosor, i. 55;
  • ii. 279;
  • iii. 148, 489, 552.
  • Necks, iii. 50.
  • Necromancy, i. 187.
  • Needle, i. 80, 265.
  • ---- (magnetic), i. 24, 68.
  • ---- fish, ii. 30;
  • iii. 531.
  • Negro-land, i. 213.
  • Negroes, ii. 367-87.
  • Negroponte, iii. 43, 46.
  • Neptune, i. 289.
  • Nereides, ii. 254.
  • Nero, i. xli, xliv, xlvii, l, li, 90, 97, 310;
  • ii. 21, 38.
  • Nerva, ii. 222.
  • Nestor, i. 340, 343;
  • ii. 121.
  • New England, iii. 344.
  • New Spain, iii. 285, 344.
  • Newington, co. Kent, iii. 432.
  • Newts, ii. 19.
  • Nicander, i. 173;
  • ii. 19, 22, 25, 26, 29, 44.
  • Nicaragua, ii. 372.
  • Nicephorus, i. xx;
  • ii. 290, 359;
  • iii. 381.
  • Nicholaus, i. 192.
  • Nicias, i. 193.
  • Nicolai Emplastrum, i. 247.
  • ---- Pulvis, i. 264.
  • Nicole (J. B. de), i. 278.
  • Nicoleta (R.), iii. 312.
  • Nictomachus, iii. 43.
  • Nierembergius (E.), i. 171, 239;
  • ii. 86.
  • Nigella, iii. 232.
  • Nigellastrum, iii. 280.
  • Niger River, ii. 353, 355, 374.
  • Nightingale, i. 166.
  • Nightmare, ii. 282.
  • Night Raven, iii. 292.
  • Nile, i. 24, 166;
  • ii. 70, 74, 185-6, 269, 349-362;
  • iii. 79.
  • Nimrod, ii. 331, 381, 383;
  • iii. 141.
  • Nine, ii. 160-1;
  • iii. 203.
  • Nine Worthies, ii. 237.
  • Nineveh, ii. 295, 331;
  • iii. 162.
  • Ninus, i. xxxiii;
  • ii. 325, 331, 334, 336.
  • Niobe, i. 158.
  • Niphus, ii. 51.
  • Nitre, i. 275.
  • Nix (Richard), Bp., iii. 398, 416, 425.
  • Noah, i. xxix. 35-6;
  • ii. 9, 78, 131, 274, 381;
  • iii. 154.
  • Noah's Ark, ii. 11;
  • iii. 148.
  • Nobility, i. 85.
  • Noctambuloes, i. 106.
  • Nonnus, ii. 44, 82, 221;
  • iii. 266.
  • Norfolk, ii. 85.
  • ---- Notes on birds and fishes, iii. 511.
  • ---- words, iii. 319.
  • Normans, iii. 313.
  • Norrold, iii. 516.
  • North Star, i. 98.
  • Northern Passage, i. 228.
  • Norway, iii. 113.
  • Norwich, iii. 107, 408, 537.
  • ---- Free School, iii. 420.
  • ---- gardens, iii. 524.
  • ---- market, iii. 523.
  • ---- Mousehold Hill, iii. 405, 424.
  • ---- thunderstorm (1665), iii. 548.
  • Norwich Cathedral, Beauchamp Chapel, iii. 418.
  • ---- chapter-house, iii. 418.
  • ---- charnel-house, iii. 420.
  • ---- cloisters, iii. 411, 417.
  • ---- combination sermons, iii. 421.
  • ---- Heydon's Chapel, iii. 419.
  • ---- organ, iii. 421.
  • ---- spire, iii. 423,
  • ---- tombs and monuments, iii. 397.
  • ---- weathercock, iii. 423.
  • Nose, i. 347;
  • ii. 385.
  • ---- (flat), ii. 377.
  • Nosegay-net, iii. 158.
  • NOTES on Birds and Fishes in Norfolk, iii. 511.
  • Notonecton, iii. 178.
  • Nova Hispania. _See_ New Spain.
  • Nova Zembla, ii. 190;
  • iii. 348.
  • Nubia, ii. 99.
  • ---- poison, i. 290.
  • Numa, ii. 180;
  • iii. 99.
  • Numatianus, ii. 397.
  • Numbers, ii. 161-2.
  • Numismatic shell, ii. 107.
  • Nuncius Inanimatus, i. 253.
  • 'Nuon' inscr., iii. 432.
  • Nuremberg, i. xxv, xxvi, liv.
  • Nutcracker, iii. 160.
  • Nutgalls, i. 301;
  • ii. 391.
  • Nuthack, iii. 520.
  • Nutmeg, i. 292.
  • Nycticorax, iii. 289, 292.
  • Nysa, ii. 3.
  • Nysus, iii. 289, 292.
  • O, iii. 126.
  • Oak, i. 116, 293, 295, 301.
  • ---- apple, i. 300.
  • ---- tree, iii. 261.
  • Oaths, iii. 499.
  • Oats, ii. 35, 102.
  • Oberon, ii. 159.
  • Obi, iii. 349.
  • Oblivion, iii. 140.
  • Observations upon Plants in Scripture, iii. 218.
  • Obstinacy, i. 39.
  • Oceanus, ii. 78.
  • Ocellus, ii. 51.
  • Ochinus, i. xxviii.
  • Ochirus, i. xli.
  • Octavius, Duke of Parma, i. 211.
  • Ocymum, i. 259.
  • Oecumenius, i. xxxi.
  • Oedipus, ii. 4;
  • iii. 66.
  • Og, iii. 62, 164.
  • Ogyges, ii. 319, 320, 329.
  • Oil, i. 204, 259.
  • ---- of Mars, i. 237.
  • Olaus. _See_ Magnus.
  • Oldcastle (Sir J.), ii. 255.
  • Oleaster, iii. 5, 20, 250.
  • _Oleúm Cyprinúm_, iii. 224.
  • Olive, iii. 117.
  • ---- leaf, iii. 235.
  • ---- oil of, i. 261.
  • ---- tree, iii. 249.
  • Olybius, ii. 57;
  • iii. 499.
  • Olympiads, iii. 454.
  • Olympus (Mt.), ii. 355.
  • Omen, i. 299.
  • Omneity, i. 52.
  • Oneirocriticism, iii. 551.
  • Onions, ii. 331, 379.
  • Onkelus, ii. 231.
  • Onuphrius, iii. 434.
  • Ὡον, i. 159.
  • Opals, i. 255;
  • iii. 105.
  • Ophir, i. 230-1.
  • Opimian Wine, iii. 116.
  • Opinion, iii. 473.
  • Opium, i. 256, 275, 334, 349;
  • iii. 24, 25, 138.
  • Opodeldoch, i. 247.
  • Oppianus, i. 174, 313, 345;
  • ii. 42, 62, 156.
  • Oracle of Apollo, iii. 333.
  • Oracles, i. xxxix, 44, 187.
  • ---- cessation of, iii. 39.
  • Orange-pills, i. 276.
  • Orbis (bird), i. 351.
  • Orchis (man), i. 288.
  • Ordure, ii. 88.
  • ---- (Human), i. 239.
  • Oregliana, ii. 354.
  • Orestes, i. 136;
  • iii. 338.
  • Organs, i. xxxv.
  • Orgasm, ii. 30.
  • Oribasius, i. 156, 171, 245, 305.
  • Origen, i. xx, xxix, 14;
  • ii. 2, 294;
  • iii. 5, 389.
  • Orion, i. 289;
  • iii. 141, 165.
  • Ormonde (T. Butler, Earl of), iii. 407.
  • Ornithologus, iii. 251.
  • Orobanche, iii. 259.
  • Oroetes, ii. 261.
  • Oromasdes, i. 198.
  • Orontes, iii. 462.
  • Orosius, ii. 290, 321.
  • Orpement, i. 277.
  • Orpheus, i. 157, 250, 309;
  • ii. 89.
  • ---- (poet), ii. 321.
  • Ortelius, ii. 352-3, 365, 369;
  • iii. 125.
  • Orthragoriscus, ii. 73.
  • Ortilius, ii. 396.
  • Orus Apollo Niliacus, i. 180;
  • ii. 32, 259.
  • Oryx, ii. 67, 187.
  • Osiris, ii. 4, 185, 332-3;
  • iii. 141.
  • Osorius, i. 311.
  • Ossifrage, ii. 2.
  • Ostorius, iii. 106.
  • Ostrich, ii. 62, 82, 370;
  • iii. 540.
  • Otter, i. 325;
  • iii. 539.
  • Ouse (Great), iii. 528.
  • Overall (John), Bp., iii. 405-6.
  • Ovid, i. xxix, xliii, 156, 160, 328;
  • ii. 7, 50, 132, 205, 254, 288;
  • iii. 67, 147, 291-2, 438.
  • Owl, ii. 80, 264;
  • iii. 292.
  • Ox, i. 154, 289;
  • ii. 80, 376, 378.
  • ---- (Indian), ii. 67.
  • ---- (Money), i. 339.
  • Oxford, ii. 189;
  • iii. 537.
  • Oxfordshire, iii. 113.
  • Oxnead, iii. 436.
  • ---- Park, iii. 430.
  • Oxycroceum, i. 255.
  • Oyster, ii. 74;
  • iii. 534.
  • Padua, ii. 57.
  • Paduanius (Fabrotius), ii. 174.
  • Paeony, ii. 379.
  • Pagans, i. 184.
  • Pagolus (J.), i. liii.
  • Painters, i. 181.
  • Palamedes, iii. 152.
  • Palephatus, i. 157.
  • Palermo, ii. 334.
  • Paliurus, iii, 3, 223.
  • Palladius, ii. 305, 344.
  • Pallas, i. xlvii;
  • ii. 279.
  • Pan, ii. 229;
  • iii. 40.
  • Panama, ii. 362.
  • Pancirollus (G.), i. 230, 255, 279;
  • ii. 21, 238, 251;
  • iii. 84.
  • Pandora, i. xxxiv.
  • Pantagruel, i. 35.
  • Pantalones, i. 60.
  • Pantarbes, i. 241.
  • Panthers, i. 36;
  • ii. 41, 74.
  • Paper, i. 276.
  • Paper (oiled), i. 214.
  • Parables, i. 134, 143.
  • Parable of the Sower, iii. 245.
  • Paracelsus, i. 46, 53, 165, 204, 208, 236, 239, 247, 266, 303;
  • ii. 7, 12, 88, 158;
  • iii. 28, 471.
  • Paradise, i. 81;
  • ii. 333;
  • iii. 148.
  • ---- Bird of, ii. 6.
  • Parasite, ii. 267.
  • Parchment, i. 276.
  • Pard, ii. 148.
  • Pareus, i. 247;
  • ii. 86.
  • Pargitaus, ii. 286.
  • Parham, co. Suffolk, i. 297.
  • Paris (myth), i. 318;
  • ii. 385;
  • iii. 3.
  • ---- Notre Dame, ii. 247.
  • ---- Pont Neuf, i. 138.
  • ---- St. Innocents, iii. 144.
  • ---- (Matthew), iii. 71.
  • Parker (Matt.), Abp., iii. 411.
  • Parkhurst (John), Bp., iii. 398, 409.
  • Parma (O., Duke of), i. 211.
  • Parmenides, i. xxi.
  • Parricides, ii. 26.
  • Parrot, ii. 123;
  • iii. 468.
  • Parsees, iii. 101.
  • Parsnips, i. 286, 290.
  • Parthenius Chius, i. 156.
  • Parthenopæus, ii. 130.
  • Parthia, ii. 332.
  • Partridges, i. 336, 341;
  • ii. 158-9, 370;
  • iii. 523.
  • Parysatis, ii. 6, 261;
  • iii. 68.
  • Pasiphæ, i. 158.
  • Passion, i. 31, 96.
  • ---- flower, iii. 184.
  • Passover, ii. 215, 223, 307.
  • Paston (Sir Robert), iii. 436.
  • ---- (Sir Will.), ii. 360;
  • iii. 106.
  • Patois, i. 98.
  • Patriarchs' names, i. 303.
  • Patrick (St.), ii. 154, 386.
  • Patroclus, i. 93, iii. 115, 122.
  • Paul (St.), i. 1, 58, 70, 76, 81, 90, 136, 146;
  • ii. 26;
  • iii. 551.
  • Paul V., i. xviii.
  • Paulina, i. xlvii.
  • Paulus Ægineta, i. 156, 245, 304, 325.
  • ---- Diaconus, iii. 65.
  • ---- Samosatenus, i. 192.
  • ---- Venetus, i. 171, 231;
  • ii. 21, 67;
  • iii. 78.
  • Pausanias, ii. 21;
  • iii. 45.
  • Peacock, ii. 91, 394.
  • ---- (white), ii. 376.
  • Pea-hens, i. 337.
  • Peach, i. 293.
  • Pearl, i. 256;
  • ii. 73.
  • Pebbles, i. 206.
  • Pegasus (constell.), ii. 193.
  • Peiresc, ii. 51;
  • iii. 160.
  • Pelagians, i. 129.
  • Peleg, ii. 331.
  • Pelican, i. 178;
  • ii. 202;
  • iii. 518.
  • Pellitory of the wall, i. 166.
  • Pelops, i. 347.
  • Pembel, i. xix.
  • Penates, i. 140.
  • Penelope, iii. 132.
  • ---- (game), i. 160.
  • Pengin, ii. 111.
  • Pennius, ii. 96.
  • Penny fish, iii. 288.
  • Pentagon, iii. 176.
  • Pentangle, i. 190.
  • Pentalithismus, iii. 160.
  • Pentateuch, i. 39.
  • Penthesilea, iii. 99.
  • People, i. 132.
  • Peplum, ii. 197.
  • Peppercorns, i. 302.
  • Pera, ii. 397.
  • Perch, ii. 14, 83.
  • Percy (Tho.), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Peregrinus (Petrus), i. 231.
  • Perer, i. xxix.
  • Periander's wife, iii. 131.
  • Periocci, ii. 301.
  • Peripatetics, i. xxiii, 99.
  • Periwinkle, iii. 538.
  • Perizol, iii. 43.
  • Perpenna, ii. 218-9.
  • Perseus, ii. 250.
  • Persia, i. 169, 321;
  • ii. 61, 83, 92, 123, 332, 339;
  • iii. 77.
  • Persian Gulf, ii. 365.
  • ---- Sea, ii. 350.
  • Persians, iii. 100.
  • Persicaria, iii. 184.
  • Persius, i. 154;
  • ii. 114, 252.
  • Peru, i. 109, 228;
  • ii. 355, 368, 372-3;
  • iii. 97, 308.
  • Perucci (F.), iii. 130.
  • Pestilence, i. 300-1.
  • Petravius (D.), ii. 185, 187, 196, 290, 292, 298, 302, 328.
  • Peter (St.), i. 19, 37, 79, 137, 141;
  • iii. 3.
  • ---- name, i. 303.
  • ---- Fish, ii. 288, 531.
  • Petrarch, ii. 24;
  • iii. 320, 382.
  • Petronius, i. ix, xxvii, l, 266;
  • ii. 118, 144.
  • Petroselmum, i. 263.
  • Petrucius, ii. 326.
  • Petrus Diaconus, i. xxxix.
  • ---- Hispanus, iii. 23.
  • Phæthon, ii. 7, 369.
  • ---- his sisters, i. 261.
  • Phalanx, iii. 162.
  • Phalaris, i. 77;
  • iii. 78.
  • Pharamond, iii. 318.
  • Pharaoh, i. xli;
  • iii. 141.
  • Pharsalia, i. xxxvii, 194.
  • Phavorinus, iii. 43, 270.
  • Pheasants, i. 320.
  • Phidias, i. 330.
  • Philadelphus, ii. 362.
  • Philarcus, i. 168.
  • Philelphus (Fr.), ii. 239.
  • Philes, i. 174;
  • ii. 259.
  • Philetas, ii. 159.
  • Philip (St.), i. 49.
  • ---- the Deacon, ii. 382.
  • ---- King, iii. 2.
  • Philip II. of Spain, i. 28, 280.
  • Philippi (Henrico), ii. 302.
  • Philippus, i. 181.
  • Philistines, i. 282.
  • Philo, i. 38;
  • ii. 161, 163-4, 288, 293, 321;
  • iii. 2.
  • Philologers, i. 118.
  • Philomela, iii. 52.
  • Philopœmen, iii. 117.
  • Philos (Valerian de), ii. 313.
  • Philosopher, i. 163.
  • Philosopher's stone, i. 58, 66;
  • ii. 12.
  • Philostratus, i. 170, 241;
  • ii. 33, 155, 158, 363, 365;
  • iii. 4, 281.
  • Philoxenus, iii. 49.
  • Philtres, i. 195, 247.
  • Phlebotomy, ii. 119, 195;
  • iii. 295.
  • Phlegm, i. 318.
  • Phlegon Trallianus, i. 170;
  • iii. 340.
  • Phocas, iii. 552.
  • Phocylides, iii. 127.
  • Phœnicia, ii. 277, 335, 364.
  • Phœnicians, i. 230;
  • ii. 81, 254, 334.
  • Phœnicopterus, ii. 12.
  • Phœnigmus, i. 318.
  • Phœnix, i. 178, 181;
  • ii. 4, 6;
  • iii. 104.
  • Phornutus, ii. 257.
  • Phosphorus, i. 282.
  • Photinus, i. 192.
  • Photius, iii. 71.
  • Phrygia, ii. 366.
  • Phut, ii. 382.
  • Physiognomists, iii. 221.
  • Physiognomy, i. 86-7;
  • iii. 474.
  • Phyllon, i. 171.
  • Phytognomy, i. 86, 286.
  • Picciolus, ii. 276.
  • Picot, iii. 376.
  • Pictorius, i. 250,
  • Pictures, i. 100;
  • ii. 202, 215, 224, 249;
  • iii. 355.
  • Picus Martius, i. 300.
  • Pierius, i. 166, 180, 317, 333;
  • ii. 19, 117, 121, 203, 210, 248, 275;
  • iii. 4, 19.
  • Pig, ii. 81.
  • Pigafetta, ii. 158.
  • Pigeon, i. 34, 317-8, 320-1;
  • ii. 65, 80.
  • Pigmies, ii. 155.
  • Pignorius, ii. 16.
  • Pike, ii. 83;
  • iii. 537.
  • Pilate, iii. 139.
  • Pilchard, iii. 532.
  • Pine, i. 261, 293.
  • ---- apple, iii. 168.
  • ---- nuts, i. 196.
  • ---- tree, iii. 168.
  • Pineda, i. 88, 230;
  • ii. 321;
  • iii. 25, 111.
  • Pinpach, iii. 534.
  • Pins, i. 265.
  • Pinto, ii. 145.
  • Pisander, i. 156.
  • Pismire, i. 262;
  • ii. 102;
  • iii. 119.
  • Piso, i. xlvii.
  • Piss, i. 143.
  • Pistol, i. 276.
  • Pitch, i. 189, 205, 265.
  • Pittacus, i. 159.
  • Pix Hispanica, i. 255.
  • Pizzle, ii. 40, 52.
  • Plagiarism, i. 155-6.
  • Plaice, iii. 533.
  • Plancius (Q.), ii. 6.
  • Plancus (C.), i. xlix.
  • Planets, ii. 280.
  • Plants, i. 99, 285, 301, 307.
  • Plants in Scripture, iii. 218.
  • Plaster _Gratia Dei_, i. 255.
  • Plate River, ii. 354.
  • Platina, iii. 61.
  • Plato, i. xxi-xxii, xxiv, xxvi, xli-xlii, 47, 99, 101, 115, 160, 173,
  • 185, 335, 347;
  • ii. 37, 82, 89, 112, 129, 142, 161, 171, 174, 179.
  • Plautus, i. 230;
  • ii. 39.
  • Play, i. 92.
  • Pleasure, iii. 466.
  • Pleiades, ii. 256, 303, 306.
  • Plempius, ii. 112, 393.
  • Pleurisy, ii. 116;
  • iii. 378.
  • PLINY, _passim_.
  • Plotinus, ii. 376.
  • Plover, iii. 519.
  • PLUTARCH, _passim_.
  • Pluto, iii. 131.
  • Podocaterus, ii. 21.
  • Poets, i. 181.
  • Pointers, i. 98.
  • Poisons, i. liii, 212, 246, 264-5, 284, 333;
  • ii. 71;
  • iii. 69.
  • Poland, iii. 247.
  • Pole (North), i. 241.
  • ---- (North and South), ii. 340.
  • Polenta, iii. 233.
  • Polibianus, i. l.
  • Politicians, i. 139.
  • Polities, i. 85.
  • Pollinctors, i. l;
  • iii. 81.
  • Pollux (Julius), ii. 118, 240;
  • iii. 43.
  • Polonus (Martin), iii. 71.
  • Polyænus, iii. 302.
  • Polybius, i. 168;
  • ii. 239.
  • Polycrates, i. xlviii;
  • ii. 261.
  • Polygamy, i. 100.
  • Polydorus, iii. 111.
  • Polyphemus, ii. 46, 49;
  • iii. 42.
  • Polypody, i. 294, 302.
  • Polypus, iii. 534.
  • Polytheism, i. 104-5.
  • Pomegranate, ii. 394.
  • ---- tree, iii. 241.
  • Pomona, iii. 3.
  • Pompeius, i. xxvii, xlix, 146, 168, 194;
  • iii. 89, 475, 489.
  • Pompeys, iii. 89.
  • Pomponius, iii. 111.
  • Pontanus, i. lv.
  • Pontus, i. 325.
  • Poole, iii. 534.
  • Popes, i. 59.
  • Poplar, i. 261.
  • Poppæa, iii. 99.
  • Poppius (Hamerus), ii. 141.
  • Poppy, iii. 24.
  • Porcacchi (T.), iii. 45.
  • Porcelain, i. 279-81.
  • Porcupine, ii. 41.
  • Porphyrius, i. 49;
  • ii. 78, 370.
  • Porpoises, i. 346;
  • ii. 88;
  • iii. 527.
  • Porret, ii. 368.
  • Porta (Bapt.), i. 176, 240, 244, 253, 274-5, 286, 298;
  • ii. 15;
  • iii. 150.
  • Porter (Edm.), iii. 399.
  • Portugal, ii. 335, 364.
  • Porus, i. 311;
  • ii. 237.
  • Porwigle, ii. 17, 215, 380.
  • Posidonius, i. xlv;
  • ii. 216.
  • Posterity, i. 111.
  • Posthumous Works, iii. 394.
  • Posthumus, iii. 433.
  • Postillers, i. 317.
  • Pot, i. 270.
  • Potosi, iii. 97.
  • Powder, i. 230.
  • ---- plot, i. 28.
  • Pox, ii. 152;
  • iii. 378.
  • Prague, i. liv.
  • Prastagus, iii. 106.
  • Prateolus, i. 144.
  • Praxiteles, i. l;
  • ii. 74;
  • iii. 227.
  • Prayers for the dead, i. 14.
  • Prester John, ii. 379.
  • Priapus, iii. 227, 271.
  • Pride, i. 98.
  • Prierius, i. xvi.
  • Priests, i. 137.
  • Primrose, Dr., i. 118.
  • Principes, iii. 161.
  • Printer, ii. 159.
  • Printing, i. xxxiii, 156, 231.
  • Priscian, i. 89;
  • iii. 304.
  • Priscillian, i. 192.
  • Probus, iii. 433.
  • Proclus, i. 335;
  • ii. 96, 145, 164.
  • Proconesus, ii. 3.
  • Procopius, ii. 334;
  • iii. 42, 65, 288, 450.
  • Procrustes, iii. 164.
  • Prodigies, i. 303.
  • Professions, i. 152.
  • Prometheus, ii. 118.
  • Prongs, i. 221.
  • Propertius, iii. 110.
  • Prophecies, iii. 493.
  • Prophecy concerning Nations, iii. 342.
  • Prosper Alpinus, iii. 227.
  • Protagoras, i. xxiii.
  • Proteus, ii. 335.
  • Provence, ii. 111;
  • iii. 242, 260, 320.
  • Proverbs, i. 29, 134, 295.
  • Prussian knife, i. 247.
  • Psammitichus, ii. 286.
  • Psellus, i. xlvi, 284.
  • PSEUDODOXIA EPIDEMICA, i. 113.
  • Pseudomelanthium, iii. 280.
  • Psylls, i. liii.
  • Ptolemæus Lagi, i. xxxii.
  • ---- Philadelphia, i. xxxii-xxxiii;
  • ii. 293.
  • Ptolemy III., ii. 5.
  • ---- (Cl.), i. 37, 162, 179, 235;
  • ii. 171, 287, 336, 351, 352, 374, 378, 382, 398-9.
  • Pubescence, ii. 359.
  • Puffin, iii. 518.
  • Pulse (food), iii. 228-9.
  • Pulvertoft (Randolph), iii. 403.
  • Pulvinaria, iii. 156.
  • Pumice, ii. 140.
  • Purchas, iii. 70, 86.
  • Purgative, i. 245;
  • ii. 195-7.
  • Purgatory, i. 71.
  • Purge, i. 305.
  • Purple, ii. 41.
  • Puteus (Cassianus), ii. 24-5.
  • Pygmaleon, ii. 78;
  • iii. 81.
  • Pyramids, ii. 360;
  • iii. 139, 249.
  • Pyres, funeral, iii. 98, _seq._
  • Pyrrhus, ii. 21.
  • Pythagoras, i. xli-xliii, 20, 55, 142, 186, 198, 252, 288, 335;
  • ii. 54, 78, 80-2, 129, 161, 177, 256;
  • iii. 115.
  • ---- (Letter), ii. 114.
  • Pythia, i. 188.
  • Pythias, i. 93.
  • Pythius, iii. 74.
  • Quacksalvers, i. 138.
  • Quadrupeds, iii. 527.
  • Quail, ii. 82;
  • iii. 70, 523.
  • Quartan Agues, iii. 378.
  • Quaternity, i. 192.
  • Quich, iii. 115.
  • Quicksilver, i. 155, 204, 207, 221, 236, 239, 275;
  • iii. 54.
  • Quince, ii. 392, 394.
  • Quincunx, iii. 150.
  • Quinsay, ii. 355.
  • Quinsies, i. 304, 318.
  • Quinqueranus, iii. 260.
  • Quintilian, iii. 153.
  • Raamah, ii. 381.
  • Rabbins, i. 131;
  • ii. 9, 33, 37.
  • Rabelais, i. 35;
  • iii. 76, 320.
  • Rabican, ii. 59.
  • Rachel, iii. 19.
  • Radzivil, iii. 225, 256, 262.
  • Rahab, ii. 228;
  • iii. 255.
  • Raia. _See_ Ray-fish.
  • Rail, iii. 518, 523.
  • Rain, ii. 360.
  • Rainbow, iii. 11.
  • ---- (lunar), i. 193.
  • Ralegh (William), Bp., iii. 141.
  • Raleigh (Sir W.), ii. 238, 321, 348, 364;
  • iii. 18.
  • Ram, ii. 158-9.
  • Ram's horn, iii. 194.
  • Ramists, i. xxiv.
  • Ramuzius, i. 280;
  • iii. 102.
  • Ranny, ii. 45.
  • _Ranunculus viridis_, ii. 17.
  • Ranzanus, ii. 333.
  • Ranzovius (H.), ii. 171.
  • Raphael Urbino, ii. 212, 222.
  • Rapunculus, iii. 237.
  • Rat, i. 265;
  • ii. 65.
  • ---- (water), ii. 44.
  • Ratisbon, i. 175.
  • Rattlesnake, iii. 179.
  • Raven, ii. 264;
  • iii. 292, 523.
  • Ray (Mr.), iii. 541.
  • Ray-fish, ii. 74;
  • iii. 533.
  • Razor-fish, iii. 534.
  • Reason, i. 31, 89, 96;
  • iii. 473.
  • Rebecca, iii. 16.
  • Red Sea, i. xx, 17, 231;
  • ii. 361, 363-7;
  • iii. 77, 242-3.
  • Redi (Francisco), ii. 32.
  • Redman (William), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Redshank, iii. 292, 519.
  • Reedham, iii. 516.
  • Reeds, iii. 275.
  • Regio-Montanus, i. xxv, 24.
  • Regulus, i. xxxvi.
  • Relics, i. 43, 44.
  • _Religio Laici_, i. xxviii.
  • Remora, i. 250;
  • ii. 107.
  • Remus, i. 339;
  • iii. 99.
  • Renatus, iii. 27.
  • Renealmus, iii. 261.
  • REPERTORIUM, iii. 397.
  • Resen, ii. 331.
  • Restharrow, iii. 279.
  • Resurrection, i. 67;
  • ii. 7.
  • Reuben, iii. 19.
  • Revenge, i. 96;
  • iii. 492.
  • Reynolds (Edward), Bp., iii. 412-13.
  • Rhabdomancy, ii. 278-9.
  • Rhadamanthus, i. 64.
  • Rhamnus, iii. 223.
  • Rhetoric, i, 134, 163.
  • Rhinoceros, i. 174;
  • ii. 67, 69.
  • Rhodes, ii. 361;
  • iii. 225.
  • Rhodians, ii. 82, 278.
  • Rhodiginus (C.), i. 203;
  • ii. 25, 62, 125, 136-7, 144, 146, 162, 165, 171, 312;
  • iii. 47.
  • Rhodius, iii. 301.
  • Rhodomanus, i. 169.
  • Rhombus, iii. 161.
  • Rhubarb, i. 165, 349;
  • ii. 197, 368.
  • Rhyntace, ii. 6, 61.
  • Rice, iii. 257.
  • Ricius, ii. 233.
  • Rickets, iii. 377-8.
  • Riding, i. 171.
  • Ridley, i. 226, 233.
  • Rigaltius, iii. 298.
  • Rimini, i. 223.
  • Ring, ii. 117, 385-6.
  • Ring-doves, i. 293.
  • Ring-finger, ii. 117.
  • Ringlestone, iii. 521.
  • Ringo, iii. 112.
  • Riolanus, i. 338;
  • ii. 63.
  • Ripa, ii. 265.
  • Ritterhusius, i. 174.
  • Rituale Græcum, iii. 127.
  • Rively (B.), iii. 413.
  • River, i. 204.
  • River-dog, i. 325.
  • Rochet (fish), iii. 530.
  • Rock, rocks, i. 241-2.
  • Rock-allum, i. 255.
  • Rod, divining, ii. 278.
  • Rodulphus, i. 282.
  • Rodulphus II., i. 241.
  • Roisold, iii. 111.
  • Rollrich, iii. 113.
  • Rollo, iii. 113.
  • Roma Soteranea, iii. 151, 431.
  • Romans, i. 90, 339.
  • Rome, i. 139, 165, 194, 226, 228, 283, 316, 332, 339;
  • ii. 6. 354;
  • iii. 76, 118.
  • ---- _Campus Martius_, ii. 252.
  • ---- Church of, i. 37, 79.
  • ---- English College, ii. 249.
  • ---- Lateran Obelisk, iii. 152.
  • ---- Mausoleum of Augustus, iii. 156.
  • ---- St. Angelo, iii. 144.
  • ---- St. Peter's, ii. 4.
  • ---- Vatican Library, i. 38.
  • Romulus, i. 339.
  • Rondelet, i. 267, 324-5;
  • ii. 74, 85-6, 100, 205;
  • iii. 182, 527-8, 530.
  • Rooks, iii. 523.
  • Ropalic Verses, iii. 304.
  • Ros-solis, i. 306.
  • Rose, i. 44.
  • ---- Under the, ii. 266.
  • ---- (Five Brethren of the), iii. 176.
  • ---- of Jericho, i. 295;
  • iii. 240.
  • Rosemary, ii. 208;
  • iii. 222.
  • Rosin, i. 255.
  • Rosse (A.), i. xi.
  • Rovigno, iii. 378.
  • Rowolfius, iii. 262.
  • Rubrius, i. xlix.
  • Rubus, iii. 223.
  • Ruby, i. 281, 285.
  • Ruck, iii. 78.
  • Ruellius, iii. 4.
  • Rueus (F.), i. 235, 241, 259, 278, 284.
  • Ruff, iii. 520, 537.
  • Ruffinus, i. 243.
  • Rugge (William), Bp., iii. 409.
  • Ruini (Carlo), i. 315.
  • Rupertus, i. 317,
  • Ruptures, i. 245, 247.
  • Rushes, i. 274.
  • Russia, Emperor of, i. 233.
  • Russians, iii. 129.
  • _Rustici auctores_, ii. 305.
  • Ruth, ii. 274.
  • Rye, i. 260, 265;
  • ii. 102;
  • iii. 232, 245, 247.
  • S, i. xlix, 89.
  • Σ, i. xlix;
  • ii. 216.
  • Sa (Emanuel de), iii. 277.
  • Sabellicus, ii. 363.
  • Sabellius, i. 192.
  • Sabtacha, ii. 381.
  • Sabtah, ii. 381.
  • Sacro Bosco (J. de), ii. 178, 398.
  • Saddles, i. 171.
  • Sadducees, i. 190.
  • Sagapenum, i. 256.
  • Sagathy, iii. 62.
  • Saguntium, iii. 258.
  • St. Denis, ii. 68;
  • iii. 350.
  • ---- John's Wort, i. 189.
  • ---- Malo, iii. 534.
  • ---- Michael islands, i. 227;
  • ii. 349, 398.
  • ---- Olave's Bridge, iii. 399.
  • Saints, i. 41, 80.
  • ---- names, i. 303.
  • Sal Ammoniac, i. 275, 277.
  • Sal-gemma, i. 255-6.
  • Sal prunellæ, i. 277.
  • Salah, ii. 294.
  • Salamander, i. 83, 178;
  • ii. 18.
  • Salian, ii. 321;
  • iii. 9.
  • Saligniaco (B. de), 379.
  • Salisbury Plain, iii. 324.
  • Sallow, i. 271, 293.
  • Sallust, ii. 218.
  • Salmanasser, ii. 149, 287.
  • Salmasius, i. 173, 203;
  • ii. 182, 216, 218, 234, 257;
  • iii. 160.
  • Salmon, iii. 536.
  • ---- (John), Bp., iii. 408, 413, 419, 420.
  • Salmuth, ii. 21.
  • Salt, i. 155, 205-7;
  • ii. 154, 265, 367.
  • Salt of steel, i. 232.
  • Salt-petre, i. 204-5, 271-2, 276-7, 318;
  • ii. 394.
  • Salthouse, iii. 419.
  • Saltimbancoes, i. 138.
  • Salvation, i. 75, 78-9, 80, 95.
  • Salvino, i. 211.
  • Samarcand, iii. 62.
  • Samaria, i. 318.
  • Samaritans, i. 39;
  • ii. 289.
  • Sammonicus, i. 167;
  • ii. 44.
  • Samos, iii. 49.
  • Samson, i. 34, 282.
  • Samuel, i. 187.
  • San Salvador, iii. 308.
  • Sanctius (F.), i. 166.
  • Sanctorius, i. 266;
  • ii. 139.
  • Sand, i. 206, 264.
  • Sandaraca, i. 255, 277.
  • Sandlin (John), iii. 397, 403-4.
  • Sandys (George), ii. 153, 351.
  • _Sanguis draconis_, i. 215, 256.
  • Sanity, ii. 106.
  • Sap, i. 302-3.
  • Sapphires, i. 213-14, 255, 268, 284-5.
  • Saracens, ii. 149.
  • Sardanapalus, iii. 77.
  • Sardinos, ii. 86.
  • Sardis, iii. 150.
  • Sardius, i. 285.
  • Sardonix, i. 285.
  • Sarenus Sammonicus, ii. 19.
  • Sargasso, iii. 192.
  • Sarmatia, iii. 112.
  • Sarsenet, i. 257.
  • Satan, i. 121, 123, 130, 143, 182.
  • Saturn, i. 59, 106, 191;
  • ii. 78, 182.
  • ---- Temple of, ii. 254.
  • Saturnus Egyptius, ii. 333.
  • Saul, i. 195;
  • iii. 241.
  • Saulterelle, iii. 293.
  • Saurus, iii. 530.
  • Savile (Sir H.), i. xlviii;
  • iii. 406.
  • Savine, i. 171.
  • Savourie, i. 307;
  • iii. 189.
  • Saxony (Duke of), iii. 541.
  • Saw-fish, iii. 528.
  • Saxo, i. 241;
  • iii. 112.
  • Saxon language, iii. 307.
  • Saxons, iii. 112.
  • Saxony, Elector of, ii. 68.
  • Scævola, i. xxxvi, 62;
  • ii. 124;
  • iii. 79.
  • Scaliger (J. C. and J. J.), _passim_.
  • Scallops, iii. 534.
  • Scamler (Edm.), Bp., iii. 399, 409.
  • Scammony, i. 275, 349;
  • ii. 197.
  • Scanderberg, iii. 437.
  • Scape-goat, i. 262.
  • Scarborough (Dr.), iii. 515.
  • Scarlet tincture, iii. 259.
  • Scepticism, i. 148.
  • Sceptics, i. 77, 99.
  • Schlusselberg, iii. 72.
  • Scholars, i. 89, 90.
  • Schoolman, i. 125.
  • Scipio, i. 297.
  • Sclavonia, ii. 396.
  • Schoneveld, iii. 173, 529, 531-2.
  • Sciatica, iii. 2.
  • Scolopax, iii. 530.
  • Scolopendræ, ii. 22, 25;
  • iii. 528.
  • Scombri, ii. 358.
  • Scorpion, i. 83, 166, 301, 305.
  • Scorpius (constellation), i. 106;
  • ii. 189.
  • ---- marinus, i. 320.
  • Scortia (Baptista), ii. 354.
  • Scotchmen, i. 90.
  • Scrape (fish), iii. 528.
  • Scribonius Largus, i. 156;
  • iii. 111, 264, 301.
  • Scythia, ii. 332, 335.
  • Scythian language, iii. 313.
  • Scythians, ii. 280, 286;
  • iii. 101, 309.
  • Sea, i. 24, 163.
  • ---- bansticle, iii. 533.
  • ---- calf, iii. 527.
  • ---- cole, i. 257.
  • ---- dug, iii. 536.
  • ---- hedgehog, iii. 535.
  • ---- horse, i. 256;
  • ii. 70, 74.
  • ---- leech, iii. 536.
  • ---- loch, iii. 531.
  • ---- louse, iii. 535.
  • ---- Miller's Thumb, iii. 531.
  • ---- serpent, ii. 74.
  • ---- stars, iii. 535.
  • ---- swallow, i. 351, 515.
  • ---- tortoises, ii. 60.
  • ---- woodcock, iii. 530.
  • ---- wolf, iii. 529.
  • Seal (animal), iii. 527.
  • ---- skin, i. 298.
  • Seasons, ii. 300, 314, 318.
  • Sebund (Raymond), i. 164.
  • Securidaca, i. 297.
  • Seed, i. 301.
  • ---- (human), i. 204.
  • Seed-time, ii. 306.
  • Selenus, i. 253.
  • Seleucus, iii. 229, 329.
  • Self-love, i. 92.
  • Selimus, ii. 354.
  • Sem, iii. 15.
  • Semenda, ii. 6.
  • Semiramis, i. 321;
  • ii. 324-5, 332, 336;
  • iii. 148.
  • Sempronius (Gygas), ii. 91.
  • Senaga, ii. 369.
  • Seneca, i. xi, xiv, xix, xliv-xlv, liv, 33, 67, 107, 174, 202, 219,
  • 274, 288, 298, 356-7, 359, 366.
  • Senesinus, iii. 538.
  • Senna, i. 165, 349;
  • ii. 197.
  • Sennertus, i. 203, 247, 278.
  • Septalius (Manfred), iii. 75.
  • Septuagint, ii. 293.
  • Serapion, i. 171, 242, 284, 304;
  • iii. 2.
  • Serapis, i. 243;
  • iii. 152.
  • Serbonis, iii. 53.
  • Sergius II., iii. 60, 61.
  • Serpent, i. xxi, 18, 33, 122-3, 129, 166, 299, 309, 314, 332, 337;
  • ii. 13, 22, 24, 81;
  • iii. 527.
  • ---- (Bibl.), ii. 209.
  • ---- (Brazen), i. 32.
  • Serpents' teeth, i. 289.
  • Serpoile, ii. 35.
  • Sertorius, ii. 218-19;
  • iii. 79.
  • Serverius (Pope), iii. 66.
  • Servius, i. 141;
  • ii. 234, 254, 306.
  • Sesamum, iii. 238.
  • Sesostris, ii. 5, 361.
  • Seth, Sethians, i. 192;
  • ii. 77, 82;
  • iii. 9, 23.
  • Seven, ii. 160-1.
  • Severinus (Aurelius), ii. 28, 35.
  • Severus, Emperor, ii. 279;
  • iii. 105, 106, 120, 468.
  • Seville, i. 175
  • Sextius, physician, ii. 19.
  • Sferra Cavallo, i. 297.
  • Sforzino (F.), iii. 300.
  • Shark, iii. 528.
  • Shearwater, iii. 516.
  • Sheba, ii. 381-2.
  • ---- Queen of, iii. 26.
  • Sheep, i. 289, 312, 341;
  • ii. 80.
  • ---- rot, i. 306
  • Sheldrake, iii. 516.
  • Shell, ii. 107-8.
  • Shepherds, i. 306
  • Sheringham, iii. 534.
  • Shew-bread, iii. 163.
  • Shilo, ii. 299.
  • Shinar, i. 37;
  • iii. 18.
  • Shittah tree, iii. 224.
  • Shoeing-horn, iii. 522.
  • Shovelards, iii. 51, 516.
  • Showers of wheat, i. 303.
  • Shrew, ii. 44.
  • Shrimp, ii. 41,
  • Siberis, ii. 375.
  • Sibyl, i. 64;
  • ii. 233.
  • _Sicilitium_, iii. 258.
  • Sicily, ii. 333, 373.
  • Sicyonians, ii. 332.
  • Sidonians, ii. 381, 383.
  • Sidonius, iii. 109, 468.
  • Sigismund, i. xxxvii;
  • ii. 395.
  • Sigma, ii. 216.
  • Signor, Grand, ii. 362.
  • Sigonius (C.), i. 332;
  • ii. 144.
  • Silence, ii. 266-7;
  • iii. 498.
  • _Siler montanum_, i. 263.
  • Silhon (de), i. xxxv.
  • Siliqua, iii. 226.
  • Silkworms, i. 58, 336;
  • ii. 11.
  • Silly-how, ii. 272.
  • Silver, i. 239, 240, 255.
  • ---- foliate, i. 257.
  • Silvester II., Pope, i. xv.
  • Simeon, ii. 82.
  • Simocrates, i. 155.
  • Simples, i. 157, 165.
  • Simplicius, i. 335;
  • ii. 287.
  • Simulation, iii. 500.
  • Sin, i. 60, 61, 77.
  • Sinai, ii. 347.
  • Sinites, ii. 383.
  • Sinon, i. 156.
  • Sion, ii. 325.
  • Sirius, ii. 183.
  • Sisyphus, i. 310.
  • Sitomagus, iii. 107.
  • Six, ii. 121.
  • Sixtus V., ii. 245.
  • Sixty-three, ii. 160.
  • Skate, i. 333;
  • ii. 75;
  • iii. 533.
  • Skerewyng (Roger), Bp., iii. 408, 410.
  • Sleep, i. 105-7, 187;
  • iii. 380.
  • Sleswick, iii. 112-13.
  • Sloe, ii. 394.
  • Slow-worm, ii. 31, 45.
  • Smallage, iii. 296.
  • Small-coal, i. 271-2, 274, 276.
  • Small-pox, iii. 378.
  • Smelt, iii. 531.
  • Smiths' cinders, i. 239.
  • Smoke, ii. 267.
  • Smyris, i. 239.
  • Snails, i. xlix, 83;
  • ii. 14-15, 19, 48, 61.
  • Snake, i. 306;
  • ii. 61, 105, 107;
  • iii. 179.
  • Sneezing, ii. 144.
  • Snellius, ii. 273.
  • Snipe, ii. 115.
  • Snow, i. 108, 163, 199, 202, 205, 211, 214.
  • Soap, i. 261.
  • Socrates, i. xxxvii, 41, 99, 185, 217;
  • iii. 127.
  • Sodom, i. xxviii, 32;
  • iii. 52, 326, 330, 372.
  • lake of, iii. 56.
  • Sogdiana, iii. 62.
  • Sole, iii. 533.
  • Solel, i. 304.
  • Solinus (J.), i. xlix, 155, 173, 203, 235, 262-3, 278, 308, 321, 328,
  • 330, 332;
  • ii. 1, 50, 67, 81, 131, 137, 155, 202, 234, 329. 363-4;
  • iii. 45.
  • Solitude, i. 104.
  • Solomon, i. 21, 24, 38, 79, 80, 99, 111, 179, 190, 230;
  • ii. 47, 345;
  • iii. 21, 77.
  • Solon, ii. 172-3;
  • iii. 48.
  • Solstice, i. 44;
  • ii. 309, 310.
  • Solyman, iii. 480.
  • Soot, ii. 388.
  • Soothsayers, i. 146.
  • Soothsaying, i. 137.
  • Sophocles, ii. 221.
  • Sorceries, i. 46.
  • Sorites, i. 30.
  • _Sortes_, ii. 279.
  • Soul of Man, i. 70.
  • Southampton, iii. 412.
  • Southcreek, iii. 106.
  • Southwell (Sir F.), iii. 400.
  • Sow, ii. 81.
  • Sow-thistles, ii. 102.
  • Sozomen, ii. 359.
  • Spadoes, i. 342.
  • Spain, i. 226, 228, 239, 280;
  • ii. 59, 149, 305, 334-5, 339, 341, 373, 397.
  • Spaniards, i. 83, 90;
  • iii. 310.
  • Spanish mares, i. 321.
  • Sparrow, i. 317, 341;
  • ii. 115.
  • ---- (Anth.), Bp., iii. 413.
  • ---- (fish), ii. 274.
  • Sparrow-camel, ii. 62.
  • Sparrow-hawk, iii. 292.
  • Spartans, i. 188;
  • ii. 80;
  • iii. 78, 338.
  • Spartianus, ii. 239, 273.
  • Speedwell, i. 304.
  • Spelman, iii. 321.
  • Spelta, iii. 232.
  • Spencer (Henry), Bp., iii. 406, 410, 425.
  • ---- (Chancellor), iii. 425.
  • ---- (Miles), iii. 397.
  • Spendlow (Mr.), iii. 403.
  • Sperma Cœti, i. 215;
  • ii. 85.
  • Sphere (Eighth), i. 160.
  • Sphinx, ii. 1.
  • Spider, i. 24, 300-1, 327;
  • ii. 46, 95, 99;
  • iii. 56.
  • ---- (Phalangium), ii. 249.
  • ---- (Retiary), ii. 255;
  • iii. 159, 177.
  • Spigelius, ii. 16, 273;
  • iii. 4.
  • _Spina_, iii. 223.
  • Spintrian, i. li, 97.
  • Spirito Santo, ii. 355.
  • ---- ---- river, ii. 374.
  • Spirits, i. 45, 200.
  • ---- (apparition), ii. 278.
  • Sponge, i. 265, 270.
  • Sprat, iii. 532.
  • Spring, i. xxix, 35;
  • ii. 300-3.
  • Spruceland, i. 247.
  • Spunk, i. 274.
  • Spurge, i. 305.
  • Squalder, iii. 532, 535-6.
  • Square, i. 162.
  • Squirrel, i. 312;
  • ii. 123, 377.
  • Stables, i. 271.
  • Stacte, iii. 225.
  • Stampalia, ii. 324.
  • Stanticle, iii. 538.
  • Stapleton (Sir R.), iii. 64.
  • Star (North), i. 166.
  • Star, Stars, i. 133, 193, 197, 230;
  • ii. 163-4.
  • Stare, iii. 70.
  • Starkatterus, iii. 112.
  • Starling, iii. 524.
  • Statira, iii. 68.
  • Statists, i. 139.
  • Statius, ii. 130.
  • Staurobates, ii. 336.
  • Stavesaker, iii. 296.
  • Steel, i. 208, 214, 219, 223, 231, 262.
  • Steganography, i. 253.
  • Stephanus, i. 169.
  • Stephens ( ), iii. 438.
  • _Sternophthalmi_, ii. 47.
  • Steuchus (A.), i. xxii;
  • ii. 210;
  • iii. 5.
  • Stews, ii. 397.
  • Stibadion, ii. 216.
  • Stibium, i. 209, 255, 269.
  • Stiffskay, iii. 534.
  • Sting-fish, iii. 531.
  • Stint, iii. 519.
  • Stirrops, ii. 238.
  • Stobæus, ii. 51;
  • iii. 150.
  • Stode, i. liv.
  • Stoics, i. xxvi, 77, 99, 186.
  • Stone (disease), i. 167, 210, 212, 261, 263-4;
  • iii. 379, 381.
  • ---- (hollow), ii. 282.
  • ---- (philosophers'), i. 230.
  • Stones, i. 206.
  • ---- (precious), i. 69;
  • iii. 220.
  • Storax, i. 206.
  • Stork, i. 337;
  • ii. 81, 92, 202;
  • iii. 70, 251, 515.
  • Stow (John), iii. 421.
  • Strabo, i. xxviii, xlviii, 78, 156, 170, 308;
  • ii. 156, 165, 236, 287, 334-5, 348, 350, 356, 364-6, 369, 375,
  • 378, 397;
  • iii. 45, 53, 55, 77.
  • Strada (Famianus), i. 252.
  • Strangers, ii. 278.
  • Strangulation, i. 304.
  • Stratiotes, iii. 167.
  • Strebæus, iii. 150.
  • Stubble, iii. 234.
  • Sturgeon, iii. 528.
  • Sturmius (J.), ii. 175.
  • Styrax Liquida, i. 255.
  • Styx, i. 298.
  • Suama, ii. 355, 374.
  • Suarez, i. xxiii, 24.
  • Sub-reformists, i. 79.
  • Succory, iii. 274.
  • Sueno, iii. 107.
  • Sueons, iii. 111-12.
  • Suetonius, i. xxxiii, l, li, 172, 310;
  • ii. 21, 180, 217, 240;
  • iii. 26, 39.
  • Suez, ii. 362, 365.
  • Suffolk, i. 297;
  • iii. 516.
  • Sugar, i. 205, 207, 270.
  • Suidas, ii. 174, 234, 254, 365-6;
  • iii. 28, 43, 65.
  • Sulphur, i. 231, 240, 255, 261, 272, 276;
  • ii. 367, 388-9.
  • ---- Vive, i. 271, 276.
  • Summer, i. xxix. 35;
  • ii. 303.
  • Sun, i. 48, 133, 162, 179, 194, 197, 258;
  • ii. 4, 7, 271, 283, 313, 372-3, 399.
  • Sun-flowers, iii. 168.
  • Sunshine, i. 79.
  • Sundevogis (Michael), i. 240.
  • Superlatives, ii. 354.
  • Superstition, i. 9, 142;
  • ii. 265.
  • Supinity, i. 140, 147.
  • Supporters (heraldic), ii. 254.
  • Surgeons, iii. 219.
  • Surius, iii. 116.
  • Surlingham Ferry, iii. 527.
  • Susanna, iii. 262.
  • Susians, ii. 332.
  • Suthfield (Walter de), Bp., iii. 410.
  • Sutton Hospital, iii. 407.
  • Swallows, i. 142, 317;
  • ii. 277.
  • ---- (sea), i. 351.
  • Swan, ii. 89, 370;
  • iii. 514.
  • Swickardus, i. 247.
  • Swift (lizard), iii. 538.
  • Swimming, ii. 134.
  • Swine, i. 313;
  • ii. 80, 324.
  • Swords, i. 44.
  • Swordfish, i. 256;
  • ii. 69;
  • iii. 528.
  • Sycomore, iii. 2, 243-5.
  • Sylla (Cornelius), iii. 99, 100, 143.
  • Syllogism, i. 134.
  • Sylvius (F.), ii. 175;
  • iii. 67.
  • Symmachus, i. 192;
  • ii. 157, 293;
  • iii. 288, 294.
  • Symmetry, ii. 386.
  • Symphorianus (C.), iii. 274.
  • Synesius, iii. 76.
  • Syrach, iii. 15.
  • Syracides, iii. 14.
  • Syracusia, iii. 77.
  • Syrens, ii. 89, 253.
  • Syrens' song, iii. 137.
  • Syria, ii. 280;
  • iii. 274.
  • Syrians, ii. 80-1, 396.
  • Syrups, i. 258.
  • T, i. xlix, 89.
  • Tables (Twelve), iii. 500.
  • Taciturnity, iii. 498.
  • Tacitus, i. xlii, xlvii, 101;
  • ii. 5, 81, 238. 348, 3971;
  • iii. 111-12.
  • ---- Emperor, iii. 433.
  • Tadpole, ii. 17, 18, 380.
  • Tainct, ii. 98.
  • Talc, Talcum, i. 255-6.
  • Taliacotius, i. 252, 347.
  • Tamarind, ii. 197.
  • Tamarisk, iii. 223.
  • Tammarice, iii. 223.
  • Tamerlane, iii. 62.
  • Tanais, ii. 332, 350.
  • Tantalus, i. 310.
  • Taprobana, i. 231.
  • Tarantula, ii. 106.
  • Tardiffe, iii. 300.
  • Targum, i. 285;
  • iii. 155.
  • Tarquinius Priscus, i. xlix, 143.
  • Tarranta (Valescus de), i. 286.
  • Tarsus, iii. 77.
  • Tartar, i. 204, 206;
  • ii. 394.
  • Tartar, oil of, i. 277.
  • ---- salt of, i. 270.
  • Tartaretus, i. 35.
  • Tartars, ii. 83, 354;
  • iii. 347.
  • Tartarus, iii. 131.
  • Tartary, ii. 21, 106, 190, 396.
  • ---- Emperor of, ii. 21.
  • Tau, iii. 151.
  • Taurus, i. 158;
  • iii. 165.
  • ---- ship, i. 339.
  • ---- (constellation), ii. 256, 303.
  • Tavern-music, i. 101.
  • Teale, iii. 517.
  • Tear-bottles, iii. 115.
  • Teazel, iii. 167.
  • Teeth, iii. 377.
  • Tekel, i. xvi.
  • Telesin, iii. 310.
  • Tempest, i. 284.
  • Tenapha, iii. 152.
  • Tenby, ii. 390.
  • Tench, iii. 537.
  • Teneriffe, ii. 355, 357.
  • Tenison (T.), iii. 217.
  • Tenth wave and egg, iii. 66-7.
  • _Terebinthus_, iii. 241.
  • Tereus, iii. 52, 291.
  • Terra Lemnia, i. 235.
  • Terrella, i. 225.
  • Tertullian, i. xix, xxxvii, 16;
  • ii. 4, 5, 8, 289, 298;
  • iii. 53.
  • Testicles, i. 142, 321-6.
  • Tetragrammaton, i. 190;
  • ii. 233.
  • Tetricus, iii. 107, 433.
  • Tetter, iii. 159.
  • Θ, iii. 138.
  • Thales, i. xx, 159, 217;
  • ii. 163.
  • Thalmudist, i. 125.
  • Thames, ii. 90;
  • iii. 514.
  • Thargum, i. 123.
  • Thebes, ii. 162, 332;
  • iii. 77.
  • Themison, ii. 201.
  • Themistocles, i. 107;
  • ii. 147;
  • iii. 480.
  • Theocritus, i. 156, 338-9;
  • ii. 146.
  • Theodoret, i. xxxi, xli;
  • ii. 295;
  • iii. 40.
  • Theodoric, iii. 120, 288.
  • Theodorus, ii. 358.
  • Theodosius, i. 180;
  • ii. 293, 359;
  • iii. 294, 320.
  • Theodotian, ii. 157.
  • Theodoius, i. 192.
  • Theon, i. 344.
  • Theophanes, ii. 290.
  • Theophilus, Antioch., ii. 290.
  • Theophrastus, i. xliii, 259. 291, 345;
  • ii. 26, 30, 59, 148;
  • iii. 153, 243, 248.
  • Theophylact, ii. 221-2.
  • Thermometer, ii. 193.
  • Thersites, ii. 385;
  • iii. 139.
  • Theseus, iii. 89.
  • Thessalians, i. 141;
  • ii. 81, 92.
  • Thetford, iii. 107, 405, 519, 520.
  • ---- Cluniacs, iii. 405.
  • Thetis, ii. 78.
  • Theudas, i. 137.
  • Thevet (A.), ii. 67;
  • iii. 53.
  • Thievery, i. 249.
  • Thieves, i. 167.
  • Thirlby (Tho.), Bp., iii. 411.
  • Tholouse, i. 164.
  • Thomas Aquinas, i. xlv, 234;
  • ii. 37.
  • ---- (St.), i. 191.
  • ---- (Will.), i. xlviii.
  • Thora, i. 290.
  • Thornbacks, i. 333;
  • ii. 75;
  • iii. 533.
  • Thorpe, iii. 108.
  • Thrace, iii. 248.
  • Throats, sore, i. 304.
  • Thrushes, i. 293-4.
  • Thuanus, i. xvi, 282;
  • iii. 300.
  • Thucydides, i. 142, 168-9;
  • ii. 321, 336;
  • iii. 45, 122.
  • Thunder, i. 273, 298.
  • Thunderstorm (Norwich, 1665), iii. 548.
  • Thunni, ii. 358.
  • Thursford, iii. 419.
  • Thyme, i. 307.
  • Thymelæa, i. 246.
  • Tiberius, i. li, 266, 298;
  • iii. 118, 137.
  • Tibullus, iii. 135.
  • Tides, iii. 47.
  • Tiffinies, ii. 389.
  • Tiger, i. 36;
  • ii. 41, 83, 107, 370.
  • Tigris, ii. 365.
  • Tiles, i. 221;
  • iii. 114.
  • Time, iii. 138.
  • Timon, i. 13.
  • Timotheus de Insulis, i. 155.
  • Tin, i. 155, 261.
  • Tinder, i. 272, 274.
  • Tiresias, ii. 34;
  • iii. 131.
  • Tithymallus, ii. 197.
  • Titius, i. 310.
  • Titus (Emperor), ii. 149.
  • Toad, i. 26, 83, 335-6;
  • ii. 13, 29, 45, 60, 95.
  • Toad-stone, ii. 13.
  • Toad-stools, i. xlix, 83;
  • ii. 102.
  • Tobacco, iii. 237.
  • Tobias, i. 189, 320.
  • Tobit, i. 197.
  • Toledo, ii. 305.
  • Toll, i. 95.
  • Tomineio, ii. 355;
  • iii. 283, 540.
  • Tongs, i. 221.
  • Tonumbeus, ii. 354.
  • Tooth (Golden), ii. 138.
  • Topaz, i. 214, 285.
  • Torpedo, i. 334, 349;
  • ii. 74, 100.
  • Tortoise, ii. 14, 20;
  • iii. 76.
  • ---- (sea), ii. 61.
  • Tortoise-shell, i. 256.
  • Tostatus, i. 166;
  • ii. 212.
  • Touchstone, i. 256.
  • Touchwood, i. 274.
  • Tournai, iii. 110.
  • Townshend (Sir Horatio), iii. 90.
  • Tragacanth, i. 205.
  • Trajan, i. 172;
  • iii. 106, 120.
  • Trallianus, i. 171.
  • Transmigration, i. 186.
  • Trapezuntius (Georgius), iii. 30.
  • Travellers, i. 338.
  • Tree of Knowledge, i. 123-5, 128.
  • Tree of Life, i. 126.
  • Trees, i. 261, 302.
  • Tremellius, i. 215, 337;
  • ii. 2, 8, 45, 157, 241, 254, 275, 347;
  • iii. 15, 265.
  • Trent, i. 11, 328;
  • ii. 63.
  • ---- River, iii. 48.
  • Triangle, i. 162.
  • Triarii, iii. 161.
  • Tribes of Israel, ii. 229-31.
  • ---- (lost), ii. 149.
  • Tribonianus, iii. 436.
  • Tribute money, iii. 287.
  • Tricarina, i. 158.
  • Tricassus, ii. 276.
  • Triclinium, i. 311;
  • ii. 218.
  • Trimley, iii. 516.
  • Trinity, i. 192.
  • _Trinum Magicum_, i. 176.
  • Trismegistus, i. 128;
  • iii. 11, 206, 468, 483.
  • Trithemius, i. 253.
  • Tritons, ii. 254.
  • Triumvirates, i. xxvii.
  • Troas, iii. 326.
  • Trogus Pompeius, i. 155;
  • ii. 321.
  • _Trophæum_, ii. 2.
  • Tropics, ii. 303.
  • Trout, iii. 537.
  • Trowse, iii. 401, 536.
  • Troy, i. 250;
  • ii. 332.
  • Tubal, ii. 334.
  • Tubal-Cain, iii. 220.
  • Tulip, ii. 368.
  • Tulip-fly, iii. 174.
  • Tulipists, iii. 95.
  • Tullia, ii. 57.
  • Tumbler, ii. 124.
  • Tunis, i. 278.
  • Tunny, ii. 187.
  • Turbot, iii. 533.
  • Turbus (William), Bp., iii. 405.
  • _Turdus sibi malum_, i. 294.
  • Turkey, ii. 92, 397.
  • Turkeys, i. 320;
  • ii. 64.
  • Turkish Hymn, iii. 302.
  • Turks, i. 37, 40;
  • ii. 6, 280.
  • Turnebus, i. 230;
  • ii. 266.
  • Turonensis. _See_ Gregorius.
  • Turpentine, i. 205, 209, 255.
  • Turpentine-tree, iii. 79, 241, 261.
  • Turquoise, i. 214.
  • Tuscans, i. 194.
  • Tuscan Sea, i. 242.
  • Twilight, ii. 301.
  • Twine (Th.), iii. 113, 325.
  • Tyre, iii. 220, 552.
  • Tzetzes (J.), i. 174, 250;
  • ii. 148, 259.
  • Typographers, i. xxxv, 39.
  • Typography, i. 230-1. _See_ Printing.
  • Ulfketel, iii. 107.
  • Ulmus, iii. 376.
  • Ulysses, i. 230, 236;
  • ii. 253, 279;
  • iii. 113, 131, 132.
  • ---- his dog, i. 343.
  • Umbra, ii. 218.
  • Uncircumcised fruit, iii. 263.
  • Unguentum Armarium, i. 253.
  • Unguinus, iii. 112.
  • _Unguis Odoratus_, iii. 225.
  • Unicorn, i. 165;
  • ii. 67, 73;
  • iii. 253.
  • ---- horn, i. 256;
  • ii. 66.
  • ---- (sea), ii. 68.
  • Universities, i. 135, 146, 151.
  • Upsala, i. 241.
  • Upupa, iii. 290.
  • _Uranoscopus_, ii. 112.
  • Urbin. _See_ Raphael.
  • Urias Bellanii, ii. 111.
  • Urinals, i. lv, 108.
  • Urine, i. 116, 209, 261, 264, 284;
  • ii. 13.
  • Urns, iii. 430-7.
  • URN-BURIAL, iii. 97.
  • Uroscopy, i. 116.
  • Ursa Major, ii, 342.
  • Urspergensis, ii. 321.
  • _Utinam_, i. 39, 184.
  • Utopia, ii. 7.
  • Utyches, i. 192.
  • Uzziah, i. 337.
  • Valens, iii. 106.
  • Valentinianus, ii. 239.
  • Valentinus, i. 191-2.
  • Valla (L.), iii. 74, 122.
  • Varro (M.), ii. 172, 180, 233, 305, 320, 344;
  • iii. 150, 153, 248, 258.
  • Vartomannus, ii. 67, 255.
  • Varus, iii. 323.
  • Vashti, iii. 149.
  • Vatablus, ii. 157.
  • Vaucluse, iii. 320.
  • Vegetables, i. 285.
  • Vegetius, ii. 240.
  • Veientes, iii. 75.
  • Veiento, ii. 222.
  • Venereal disease, ii, 378;
  • iii. 259.
  • Venetus (Georgius), iii. 20.
  • Venice, i. xviii, 11;
  • ii. 21;
  • iii. 46-7, 348.
  • ---- Doge of, i. xlviii, 77.
  • ---- glass, i. 209;
  • iii. 69.
  • ---- Piazza, i. 138.
  • Venice, St. Mark's, ii. 68.
  • Venison, i. 344.
  • Venta, iii. 107,
  • Venus, i. 247, 319;
  • ii. 267-8;
  • iii. 2, 4, 152.
  • Verdigris, ii. 392.
  • Vergil, i. xv, xviii, xxix, 156, 293, 338;
  • ii. 3, 164, 234, 240, 279, 306;
  • iii. 132, 153, 261, 292, 323.
  • ---- (Polydore), i. 311;
  • ii. 238, 251, 396;
  • iii. 378.
  • Verona, i. 172;
  • iii. 434.
  • Verstegan, iii. 310.
  • Verus (Lucius), emperor, ii. 217.
  • Vervain, iii. 282.
  • Vespasian, i. 172, 199;
  • ii. 88, 149, 222;
  • iii. 53, 105-6, 434, 552.
  • Veterinarians, i. 314.
  • Via Appia, iii. 226.
  • Vibius, i. xlix.
  • Vice, i. 60, 77, 91, 154.
  • Vicissitude, iii. 497.
  • Vicomercatus, i. 298;
  • iii. 44.
  • Victorinus Posthumius, iii. 106.
  • Victorius (Petrus), ii. 236, 238-9, 257, 267.
  • Vida, ii. 248.
  • Vienna, iii. 350.
  • ---- Library, ii. 262.
  • Viginerus, iii. 431.
  • Vincentius, ii. 24.
  • ---- Belluacensis, i. 176.
  • ---- Camerinus, ii. 28.
  • Vine, iii, 240.
  • Vinegar, i. 231, 237, 276;
  • iii. 74.
  • Viol, iii. 80.
  • Violet (white), i. 296.
  • Viper, i. 83, 174, 179, 301, 337;
  • ii. 26, 45, 105, 256.
  • Virginity, i. 138.
  • Virgo, ii. 191.
  • Virtue, i. 67, 77, 91.
  • _Virtute nil præstantius_, i. 160.
  • Viscus Arboreus, i. 293.
  • Vitello, i. 335.
  • Vitex, i. 171.
  • Vitrification, i. 72, 209.
  • Vitriol, i. 204, 206, 221, 232, 257, 392-3.
  • Vitruvius, iii. 150.
  • Vives, ii. 21.
  • Vizzanius (E.), ii. 51.
  • Volaterranus, iii. 65.
  • Volupia, iii. 466.
  • Volusianus, iii. 436.
  • Vomit, i. 305.
  • Voragine (J. de), ii. 249.
  • Vossius (I.), i. 243;
  • ii. 230, 293.
  • Vulcan, ii. 133, 138;
  • iii. 147, 158-9.
  • Vulteius, iii. 385.
  • Vulture, ii. 259.
  • Wakering (John), Bp., iii. 402.
  • Wales, boats, i. 240.
  • Wallachia, ii. 396.
  • Walnut, ii. 393.
  • Walpole (Ralph de), Bp., iii. 411.
  • Walsingham, iii. 419, 430.
  • ---- (old), iii. 104, 105.
  • Wandering Jew, iii. 71.
  • Wanton or Walton (Simon de), Bp., iii. 410.
  • War, i. 300-1.
  • Ware, co. Herts, iii. 163.
  • Wart, ii. 282.
  • Wasp, ii. 29.
  • Water, i. 306;
  • ii. 58;
  • iii. 198.
  • ---- (Holy), i. 190.
  • Water-beetle, iii. 538.
  • Water-rat, ii. 44.
  • Wave (tenth), iii. 66.
  • Waveney, iii. 536.
  • Wax, i. 255-7, 260, 276.
  • Wealth, iii. 389.
  • Weasel, i. 167.
  • Weather-cocks, i. 348.
  • Wecker, i. 247.
  • Weight, ii. 138.
  • Welts, co. Norfolk, ii. 85;
  • iii. 527.
  • Wendlerus, i. 268.
  • Wesell ling, iii. 529.
  • West, ii. 338.
  • Westhall, iii. 420.
  • Westminster Abbey, iii. 411.
  • Westphalia, iii. 298.
  • Wether, African, iii. 78.
  • Whales, i. 24, 215;
  • ii. 255.
  • ---- (Spermaceti), ii. 85;
  • iii. 183, 527.
  • Wheat, i. 260, 303;
  • ii. 102.
  • Whelks, iii. 534.
  • Whelp, ii. 94, 138, 359;
  • iii. 265.
  • Whin bird, iii. 524.
  • White, i, xx, xxii.
  • ---- (Francis), Bp., iii. 412.
  • Whitefoot (John), iii. 412.
  • White-thorn, i. 293.
  • Whitherley (Thomas), iii. 105.
  • Whiting, ii. 84;
  • iii. 532.
  • Whores, i. 171.
  • Wicklewood, iii. 409.
  • Willoughby (Francis), iii. 541.
  • Willow, i. 271, 274;
  • iii. 274.
  • Winclerus, iii. 24.
  • Wind, i. 348-9;
  • ii. 272.
  • ---- (west), ii. 59.
  • Wind-guns, i. 275.
  • Windham (Sir T.), iii. 403.
  • Windows, i. 222.
  • Windsor, ii. 70.
  • Wine, i. 146, 204, 298, 306;
  • iii. 60.
  • ---- (spirits of), i. 205, 207, 209, 257, 260.
  • Winter, ii. 303.
  • Witchcraft, ii. 265.
  • Witches, i. 45, 314.
  • Withred, iii. 321.
  • Wolf, i. 338.
  • Wolf-skin, i. 174.
  • Woman, i. 100.
  • Wood, i. 256.
  • Woodcock, ii. 115.
  • Woodpecker, i. 300;
  • iii. 520.
  • Woodsear, ii. 208.
  • Wool-comber, ii. 87.
  • Worcester Cathedral, iii. 411.
  • Worm, i. 309;
  • ii. 25, 97.
  • Wormius (Olaus), ii. 270;
  • iii. 113, 323, 531.
  • Worthies, ii. 237.
  • Wounds, i. 250.
  • Wren, ii. 355.
  • ---- (Matthew), Bp., iii. 412.
  • Wright (John), iii. 397.
  • Writing-dust, i. 239.
  • Wyvern, ii. 259.
  • X, ii. 256;
  • iii. 201-2.
  • ---- (Chi), iii. 150.
  • Xanthus river, ii. 366.
  • Xenocrates, ii. 174.
  • Xenophanes, i. 199, 217.
  • Xenophon, ii. 180, 320-1, 329;
  • iii. 149, 150.
  • Xerisanus, ii. 248.
  • Xerxes, ii. 147, 326;
  • iii. 74-5.
  • Xilander, i. 170.
  • Xiphilinus, i. 310.
  • Y, ii. 256.
  • Yarmouth, iii. 107, 432, 515, 527-9, 535, 544.
  • ---- St. Nicholas, iii. 405.
  • Yarwhelp, iii. 522.
  • Yaxley, iii, 404.
  • Year, ii. 160-83, 359.
  • ---- (commencement), ii. 181-2.
  • Yew, i. 306;
  • iii. 129.
  • Youth, i. 246;
  • iii. 487.
  • Zacheus, iii. 2, 79, 244-5.
  • Zaire, ii. 355, 374.
  • Zamberius (P.), ii. 262.
  • Zanzibar, ii. 374.
  • Zeboim, iii. 326.
  • Zeilan, i. 246, 292.
  • Zemerites, ii. 383.
  • Zeno (Sidonius?), i. xlv, 62, 149;
  • iii. 78, 393, 453.
  • Zerah, ii. 382.
  • Zerubabel, ii. 149.
  • Zibavius, ii. 59.
  • Zibeta Occidentalis, i. 239.
  • Zizania, iii. 276-9.
  • Zodiack, ii. 283, 300, 398.
  • Zoilism, iii. 467.
  • Zonaras, iii. 65.
  • Zone (Torrid), i. 160.
  • Zoroaster, i. xxxiii, 38, 198;
  • iii. 148.
  • Zur, ii. 382.
  • Zwingli, i. xix.
  • Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty
  • at the Edinburgh University Press
  • Transcriber's Notes:
  • Marginal notes are used for multiple purposes in this edition, and
  • somewhat differently in each of Browne's works. Generally speaking,
  • those notes which serve as paragraph descriptions, at or near the
  • head of a paragraph, precede that paragraph. Those which serve to
  • annotate specific points are inserted parenthetically as [SN:
  • notes].
  • Pseudodoxia Epidemica: Footnotes and section headers were both
  • printed in the margins. For this text version, numbered marginal
  • footnotes have been moved to the end of their paragraphs. The
  • headers have been moved to appear on a separate line at the
  • beginning of each section. Redundant sidenotes merely indicating
  • Part and Section numbers have been removed.
  • Hydriotaphia: Both lettered and numbered sidenotes are presented,
  • at the end of each chapter as traditional footnotes.
  • Garden of Cyrus: Nearly all marginal notes are numbered, and are
  • move to the end of each chapter. Any remaining notes are inserted
  • as [SN: notes].
  • Certain Miscellany Tracts: There are both numbered and unnumbered
  • marginal notes. Since several of the tracts are lengthy, numbered
  • notes have been moved only to the end of the paragraph where they
  • appear. Notes appearing at the head of a numbered section are
  • retained on a separate line as [Sidenote: Topic]. Mid-paragraph
  • notes are inserted parenthetically as [SN: notes].
  • Christian Morals: The marginal entries are either section numbers
  • or footnotes. The latter have been moved to the end of each
  • section.
  • Spelling varies considerably, and the text as printed is nearly
  • always retained.
  • The table below summarizes any changes that were made, as well as
  • any variants which have not been changed, but are particularly
  • problematic.
  • The yogh-like character following a final q in many Latin words is
  • a scribal abbreviation for 'ue', "quinq;"; and was frequently
  • printed as a semicolon (;) In the script that appears as a caption
  • to the "quincunce" preceding p. 147, the character appears as ȝ.
  • For this text version, the semicolon is used.
  • Trivial inconsistencies in punctuation, particularly in
  • abbreviations appearing in footnotes or sidenotes, as well as the
  • Index, have been silently resolved. Index entries reference
  • all three volumes, using 'i', 'ii', 'iii'. Any volume references
  • which are redundant have been removed.
  • In the text of FOUND IN NORWALK, punctuation and capitalization
  • seems haphazard, and has been left as printed.
  • The following entries indicate where minor printer's errors were
  • made. With few exceptions, Latin passages are allowed to stand as
  • printed, except where noted below.
  • p. 99 not in Cæs. Comme[n]tar. |added 'n'
  • |
  • p. 101 The Ægy[p]tians were afraid of fire |added 'p'
  • |
  • p. 139 we compute o[u]r felicities |added 'u'.
  • |
  • p. 153 poss[ess]ions of his father |added 'ess'
  • |
  • p. 164 Greec[e] |added 'e'
  • |
  • p. 258 note Psal. 120. 4. |marginal note number
  • | added to match
  • | anchor
  • |
  • p. 279 De Horti[-]cultura. |hyphen missing, joined
  • |
  • p. 291 Note 1: _[S]ee Vulg. Err.... |added 'S'
  • |
  • p. 333 στρα[τ]εύηται |added 'τ'
  • |
  • p. 411 [h/H]e is said to have begun |changed to uppercase 'H'
  • |
  • p. 423 holden _June 4. 1633_[./,] it was |
  • agreed |changed to . to ,
  • |
  • p. 538 and a cod[./,] a very good dish |'.' corrected to ','
  • |
  • p. 573 Ear-wig, [296./ii. 96.] |'ii. 96' rather than
  • |'296'.
  • |
  • p. 573 Electrical bodies, [i.] 254. |added missing volume
  • |
  • p. 574 Eve ... iii. [v./5-6, 10.] |corrected roman number
  • | and added actual Vol.
  • | III references
  • |
  • p. 576 Gnat-net, [iii.] 158. |added missing volume
  • | reference
  • |
  • p. 590 Pigeon, i. 34, 317-8, 320-[11/1]; |remove extraneous '1'
  • |
  • p. 590 ---- tree, [iii.] 198 |added missing volume
  • | reference
  • |
  • p. 592 Purchas, [iii/ii.] 70, 86. |wrong volume reference
  • |
  • p. 593 Saligniaco (B. de), [379/iii. 79.] |corrected volume
  • | reference
  • |
  • p. 595 Silhon ([]de), i. xxxv. |removed leading blanks
  • |
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